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THE 


WORKS 


MOST  REVEREND  FATHER  IN  GOD, 


WILLIAM    LAUD,    D.D. 


SOMETIME  LORD  ARCHBISHOP  OF  CANTERBURY. 


VOL.  VI.— PART  I. 
MISCELLANEOUS   PAPERS.— LETTERS. 


OXFORD : 

JOHN    HENRY    PARKER, 

M  DCCCLVII. 


PEERAGE. 


THE  contents  of  the  two  parts  of  this  Volume  which  now 
appear  are  of  a  miscellaneous  character.  They  are  classed, 
however,  under  three  general  heads,  on  each  of  which  a  few 
words  must  here  be  said. 

I.  The  Miscellaneous  Papers,  which  are  placed  first,  consist 
almost  entirely  of  documents  which  have  been  already  pub 
lished.  One  of  them,  the  Speech  at  the  censure  of  Bastwick, 
Burton,  and  Prynne,  was  first  printed  in  1637,  by  Laud's 
own  authority,  and  was  subsequently  included  in  the  volume 
of  his  Remains,  published  in  1700.  The  first  of  the  papers 
against  Lord  Say  and  Sele  was  printed  from  Laud's  MSS., 
by  Henry  Wharton,  at  the  end  of  the  History  of  his  Troubles 
and  Trial ;  and  the  second  of  them  by  Wharton's  father,  in 
the  volume  of  the  Remains  mentioned  just  above.  Of  the 
remaining  papers  several  were  printed  in  Prynne's  "  Hidden 
Works  of  Darkness,"  and  "  Canterbury's  Doom,"  in  Rush- 
worth's  Collections,  and  the  State  Trials. 

The  unpublished  part  of  this  portion  of  the  volume 
consists  only  of  the  Paper  on  Sutton's  Hospital,  and  of  the 
Speech  against  Prynne  and  Sparkes. 


VI  PREFACE. 

II.  The  series  of  Letters  iu  the  first  two  parts  of  the 
sixth  volume  consists  :  (i.)  Of  all  the  Letters  of  Archbishop 
Laud  which  had  already  been  published,  but  which  hitherto 
were  dispersed  in  various  different  works.  The  English 
Letters  comprise  those  printed  by  Prynne,  in  his  "  Hidden 
Works,"  and  " Canterbury's  Doom ;"  in  the  "Cabala;"  by 
Rushworth,  in  his  "Collections;"  by  Parr,  in  his  "Life  of 
Usher;"  in  Wilkins'  "Concilia;"  by  Knowler,  in  the 
Strafforde  Letters  and  Dispatches  ;  and  in  the  Rawdon 
Papers,  edited  by  Barwick.  The  Latin  Letters  are  taken 
(with  but  two  exceptions)  from  the  correspondence  of 
G.  J.  Vossius,  printed  at  London,  1690,  and  in  the  "Prse- 
stantium  ac  eruditorum  Virorum  Epistolse."  These  Letters, 
together  with  all  those  hitherto  unpublished,  (except  two 
which  were  obtained  after  the  volume  had  been  so  far 
printed,)  are  now  brought  together  in  chronological  order. 

(ii.)  The  Letters,  which  now  appear  for  the  first  time, 
include  all  that  could  be  found  in  the  British  Museum,  the 
Lambeth  MSS.,  and  the  Tanner  MSS.  in  the  Bodleian 
Library,  and  a  few  others  which  the  Editor  has  succeeded 
in  obtaining  from  private  sources. a 

This  portion  of  the  series,  including  the  Letters  from 
Bishops  Bedell  and  Williams,  amount  in  number  to  fifty- 
eight.  The  correspondence  with  Bishop  Williams  is  noted 
as  of  special  interest. 

The  source,  whether  printed  or  MS.,  from  which  each 
Letter  is  taken,  is  noticed  at  its  commencement. 

a  Among  others  who  have  kindly  Edwin  II.  Lawrence,  Esq.,  the  present 

allowed  unpublished  letters  in  their  possessor    of   the    Letter    numbered 

possession     to     be    transcribed,    the  cxcviii.  in  this  Collection. 
Editor  wishes  especially  to  mention 


PREFACE.  Vll 

The  number  of  Letters  which  have  been  found,  printed 
and  unprinted,  have  already  swelled  the  volume  so  much 
as  to  require  its  division  into  two  parts.  It  was  hoped  that 
the  whole  of  Archbishop  Laud's  Letters  would  have  been 
included  in  them.  But,  when  they  were  almost  ready  for 
publication,  researches  which  have  been  recently  made  at 
the  State  Paper  Office  brought  to  light  a  large  amount 
of  additional  matter,  hitherto  unpublished,  such  as  will 
necessitate  the  publication  of  a  third  part,  which  will  be 
sent  out  with  the  least  possible  delay. 

A  "  Calendar/'  or  Chronological  Arrangement  of  all  the 
Letters,  will  be  appended  at  the  end  of  the  volume,  which 
will  in  some  measure  compensate  for  the  inconvenience 
which  results  from  their  appearing  in  two  distinct  series. 

III.  Notes  on  the  Controversies  of  Cardinal  Bellarmine. 
The  source  from  whence  these  are  derived,  and  the  assistance 
which  has  been  furnished  to  the  Editor,  both  in  their 
transcription  and  in  carrying  them  through  the  press,  are 
fully  stated  in  the  notice  which  is  prefixed  to  them.  It 
is  sufficient  here  to  say  that  they  are  obtained  from  the 
Library  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  and  have  had  the 
advantage  of  passing  under  the  eye  of  Dr.  Todd. 


JAMES  BLISS, 


OGBOURNE  ST.  ANDREW, 
March  13.  1857. 


CONTENTS, 


Page 

I.    Miscellaneous  Papers. 

1.  Reasons  for  not  dissolving  Button's  Hospital  .          1 

2.  The  Memorables  of  King  James          .  .         5 

3.  Answer  to  the  Remonstrance  of  the  House  of 

Commons     ....... 

4.  Answer  to  the  Order  made  by  the  Lower  House 

of  Parliament       ....  .11 

5.  Speech  against  Henry  Sherfield  .       13 

6.  Paper  concerning  the  Dutch  Churches         .  .       22 

7.  Speech  at  the  Censure  of  Sir  James  Bagg  .  .       29 

8.  Speech  against  Bast  wick, 'Burton,  and  Prynne  .       35 

9.  Speech  at  the  Trial  of  Bishop  Williams       .  .       71 

10.  Answer   to     Lord   Say's    Speech    touching    the 

Liturgy        ...  .83 

11.  Answer  to  Lord  Say's  Speech  against  the  Bishops     147 

12.  Speech  against  Prynne  and  Sparkes    .         .         .     234 

II.    Letters  I—  CC.  .  .  238 

III.    Notes  on  the  Controversies  of  Cardinal  Bellarmine        .  '  607 


MISCELLANEOUS   WOEKS. 


WHETHER  SUTTON'S  HOSPITAL  MAY  BE  DISSOLVED,  AND  THE 
LANDS,  OR  THE  USE  OF  THEM,  CONVERTED  TOWARDS  THE 
MAINTENANCE  OF  AN  ARMY  OF  10,000  OR  12,000  MEN,  TO  BE 
ALWAYS  ON  FOOT  AND  IN  PAY,  TO  SEND  INTO  IRELAND, 
OR  UPON  ANY  OTHER  NECESSARY  SERVICE a. 


[Lamb.  MSS.  Numb.  943,  fol.  119  b.] 


1.  IT  may  be  lawful  for  a  State,  in  point  of  necessity,  for 
public  defence,  to  dissolve  a  society,  alms-house,  &c.,  this  or 
any  other,  one  or  more,  and  convert  the  means  to  public 
service  (excepting  that  which  is  consecrated  to  the  immediate 
service  of  God). 

Because  all  such  foundations  are  but  for  the  maintenance 
of  some  few  members  of  the  commonwealth.  And  therefore, 
in  the  very  law  of  nature,  their  ordinances  must  be  submitted 
to  the  preservation  of  the  whole,  in  and  by  which  they  stand, 
and  in  whose  ruin  (should  it  so  happen)  they  must  also  be 
raked  up. 

And  the  will  of  the  Founder  dead  must  be  interpreted  by 
the  regular  and  ordinary  will  of  the  same  Founder  living. 

a  [Sutton' s  Hospital  is  better  known  copies,   excepting  one  passage  men- 

under   its  more   usual  title  of  '  The  tioned  in  the  notes. 
Charter  House.'     See  an  account  of         In  the  margin  of  the  first  copy  is 

this  Foundation  and  the  life  of  the  the  following  note  by  Laud : — 'Sathur- 

Founder,  in  Dr.  Bearcroft's  'Historical  daye,  25  of  Septemb.  1624.   I  delivered 

Account.']  in  this  answear  Wensdaye,  Octob.  13, 

b  [There  are  two  copies  of  this  paper  1624;'  to  which  is  added,  in  Henry 

in  Lamb.  MSS.  The  transcript  is  made  Wharton's  hand,  '  See  the   Diary  on 

from  the  second  and  fairest  of  the  two  those  dayes.'] 

LAUD. VOL.    VI. 


«  REASONS  FOR  NOT  DISSOLVING 

Which  must  be  that  his  means,  gotten  in  the  commonwealth, 
and  given  for  the  benefit  of  it,  should  not  be  so  tied  to  main 
tain  any  few  members  of  the  State,  as  that  therewhile  it 
should  suffer  the  whole  State  to  perish  or  be  hazarded. 

2.  I  do  not  think  this  lawful  (for  aught  I  can  yet  see),  but 
only  in  case  of  necessity.     Neither  is  it  honourable  for  a 
State  to  dissolve  works  of  charity  upon  any  other  pretence. 

3.  If  the  case  of  necessity  cease,  I  shall  ever  doubt,  whether 
the  State  be  not  bound  to  restore  the  Society  to  the  use 
appointed  by  the  Founder,  and  the  means  to  maintain  it  in 
that  use,  if  the  means  be  not  wholly  spent  and  wasted  upon 
that  necessary  service,  whatever  that  be. 

Obj.  Yea,  but  this  Hospital  is  abused. 

Ans.  But  the  argument  from  the  abuse  of  it,  therefore  to 
convert  it  to  other  use  than  the  Founder  appointed  by  will,  is 
no  good  argument  in  either  reason  or  conscience.  Unless, 
perhaps,  where  it  can  and  doth  appear,  that  there  neither  is, 
nor  can  be,  other  means  to  cure  that  abuse;  and  that  the 
abuse  be  such  as  is  not  sufferable  in  a  Christian  State,  which 
I  presume  is  not  here. 

Obj.  Yea,  but  the  Founder  himself  appointed  this  Hospital 
to  maintain  old  and  decayed  soldiers ;  therefore,  to  convert  it 
to  maintain  soldiers  in  present  pay,  and  for  necessary  use  of 
the  State,  is  as  little  alteration  of  his  will  as  may  be. 

Ans.  1.  But  this  foundation  consists  of  a  school,  and 
other  maintenance  of  youth,  as  well  as  of  decayed  soldiers. 

2.  Besides,  the  case  of  conscience  proposed  is  not  how  near 
this  project  comes  to  the  will  of  the  Founder,  but  whether 
there  be  such  a  necessity  now  upon  this  State,  that  such  a 
foundation  should  be  dissolved?  Without  which  necessity 
I  yet  see  not  how  the  act  can  be  lawful  or  expedient. 

FURTHER  CONSIDERATIONS   UPON  THE  PARTICULAR,   WHICH   I 
HUMBLY   SUBMIT  TO   BETTER  JUDGMENT. 

1.  Will  it  not  be  an  ill  example  to  other  times  that  may 
mean  worse  to  such  foundations  than  I  hope  the  present 
doth? 

2.  It  is  the  greatest  work  that  hath  been  done  since  the 
Reformation  of  religion.     Will  not,  therefore,  the  dissolving 


BUTTON'S  HOSPITAL.  3 

of  it  be  a  great  scandal  to  this  State  and  Church,  and  give 
the  Roman  party  just  occasion  to  triumph  ? 

3.  Will  it  not  be  a  great  disheartening  to  all  charitable 
men,  to  see  such  works  dissolved  in  the  very  age  that  brought 
them  forth  ? 

4.  Since  the  House  stuck  hard  at  the  consent  of  passing 
York  House c,  which  was  a  case  of  far  less  moment,  and  by 
way  of  valuable  exchange,  which  is  lawful  where  dissolution 
is  not,  is  it  not  probable  they  will  deny  this  ?     And  if  it  be 
proposed,  and  either  House  cast  it  out,  will  not  dishonour 
follow  the  attempt  ?     And  will  not  they  which  oppose  it  get 
the  reputation  ? 

5.  Then,  will  it  be  thought  fit  for  the  State  to  keep  and 
maintain  at  all  times  such  an  army  on  foot  ? 

(1.)  If  it  be  thought  fit,  since  the  revenue  of  this 
Hospital  falls  so  much  short  of  maintaining  the  aforesaid 
army  of  10,000  or  12,000  men,  that  it  will  scarce  keep 
1,000  a  year,  were  it  not  better  to  supply  all  by  other 
good  means,  than  to  dispute  honour,  and  for  that  which 
can  afford  scarce  one-tenth  part  to  the  work? 

(2.)  If  it  be  not  thought  fit  to  continue  this  army 
still,  will  not  then,  upon  the  ceasing  of  it,  the  former 
doubt  arise,  of  restoration  of  the  land  and  hospital  to 
its  former  use  ? 

6.  Can  it  be  fit  to  have  such  an  army  on  foot  at  all  times  ? 
May  it  not  be  thought  the  commander  of  them,  if  he  get  the 
love  of  the  soldiers,  will  command  the  State  too  ?     The  Ro 
mans  had  neither  their  old  emperors  secure,  nor  the  elections 
of  new  free,  while  their  armies  were  on  foot  at  or  near  home. 

7.  Will  it  not  be  thought  a  waste  of  such  expense  as  will 
be  necessary  indeed  if  a  war  follow  these  troubles  ? 

8.  Is  it  not  impossible  for  this  State  to  maintain  such  an 
army  in  pay,  and  that  only  out  of  expectation  or  fear  of 
danger;  the  yearly  charge  whereof  will  hardly  be  defrayed 
for  120,000/.  ? 

9.  Is  it  fit  at  this  time  to  set  up  such  an  armyd;  (since  you 
cannot  forget  the  Spanish  villany  intended  against  you ;)  or 
but  to  propose  it  ?     May  not  the  King  reflect,  and  think  it  is 

c  [See  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  152.]  copied  from  the  first  of  the  two  Lamb. 

d  [The  remainder  of  this  paper  is      MSS.] 

B   2 


ETC. 

for  other  ends  than  are  pretended  ?     And  God  forbid  such 
a  jealousy  should  possess  him  ! 

10.  If  it  be  thought  fit  at  this  time  to  have  so  many  men 
in  readiness,  and  to  continue  them  so  for  a  time,  is  it  not 
better  to  take  this  course:  that  so  many  soldiers  in  divers 
parts  should  be  trained,  and  be  with  their  arms  at  an  hour's 
warning  in  readiness,  for  any  service  at  home  or  abroad  ? 
Especially  since  in  this  way  there  is  no  more  charge  than  the 
maintenance  of  captains  to  train  them,  a  little  powder  while 
they  are  trained,  (both  which  lie  upon  the  county,  and  not 
upon  the  King,)  and  the  loss  of  their  day's  work  so  oft  as 
they  train,  which  may  with  no  great  burden  be  supplied,  if  it 
be  thought  needful.  Whereas,  the  other  course,  to  keep 
them  in  continual  pay,  is  too  great  a  charge  for  any  prince, 
and  will  but  maintain  them  in  idleness  and  riot. 

GUIL.  MENEVEN. 


THE    MEMORABLES 

OP 

OUR  LATE  DEAR  AND  DREAD  SOVEREIGN, 

KING    JAMES, 

OP   FAMOUS   MEMORY. 


[Prynne's  Breviate,   p.  5.] 


1.  HE  was  a  king  almost  from  his  birth. 

2.  His  great  clemency,  that  he  should  reign  so  long  and 
so  moderately,  that  knew  nothing  else  but  to  reign. 

3.  The  difficult  times  in  Scotland  during  his  minority,  as 
much  perplexed  with  Church  as  State  factions. 

4.  His  admirable  patience  in  those  younger  times,  and  his 
wisdom  to  go  by  those  many  and  great  difficulties,  till  God 
opened  him  the  ways  to  his  just  inheritance  of  this  crown. 

5.  His  peaceable  entry  into  this  kingdom,  contrary  to  the 
fears  at  home  and  the  hopes  abroad,  and  withal  God's  great 
blessing  both  on  him  and  us. 

6.  His  ability,  as  strong  in  grace  as  nature,  to  forgive  some 
occurrences. 

7.  The  continuance  of  full  twenty-two  years'  reign  all  in 
peace,  without  war  from  foreign  enemy  or  rebellion  at  home. 

8.  The  infinite  advantage  which  people  of  all  sorts  might 
have  brought  to  themselves,  and  the  enriching  of  the  State, 
if  they  would  have  used  such  a  government  with  answerable 
care,  and  not  made  the  worst  use  of  peace. 

9.  God's  great  mercy  over  him  in  many  deliverances  from 
private  conspirators,  and  above  the  rest,  that  which  would 
have  blown  up  his  posterity  and  the  State  by  gunpowder. 


6  MEMORABLES  OF  KING  JAMES. 

10.  That  in  all  this  time  of  the  reign  of  England  he  took 
away  the  life  of  no  one  nobleman,  but  restored  many. 

11.  That  the  sweetness  of  his  nature  was  scarce   to  be 
paralleled  by  any  other. 

12.  It  is  little  less  than  a  miracle,  that  so  much  sweetness 
should  be  found  in  so  great  a  heart,  as,  besides  other  things, 
sickness  and  death  itself  showed  to  be  in  him. 

13.  Clemency,  mercy,  justice,  and  holding  the  State  in 
peace,  have  ever  been  accounted  the  great  virtues  of  kings, 
and  they  were  all  eminent  in  him. 

14.  He  was  not  only  a  preserver  of  peace  at  home,  but  the 
great  peacemaker  abroad ;  to  settle  Christendom  against  the 
common  enemy,  the  Turk,  which  might  have  been  a  glorious 
work,  if  others  had  been  as  true  to  him  as  he  was  to  the 
common  good. 

15.  He  was  in  private  to  his  servants  the  best  master  that 
ever  was,  and  the  most  free. 

16.  He  was  the  justest  man  that  could  sit  between  parties, 
and  as  patient  to  hear. 

17.  He  was  bountiful  to  the  highest  pitch  of  a  king. 

18.  He  was  the  greatest  patron  to  the  Church  which  hath 
been  in  many  ages. 

19.  The  most  learned  prince  that  this  kingdom  hath  ever 
known  for  matters  of  religion. 

20.  His  integrity  and  soundness  of  religion,  to  write  and 
speak,  believe  and  do,  live  and  die,  one  and  the  same,  and  all 
orthodox. 

21.  His  tender  love  to  the  King  his  son,  our  most  gracious 
Sovereign  that  now  is,  and  his  constant  reverence  in  perform 
ance  of  all  duties  to  his  father,  the  greatest  blessing  and 
greatest  example  of  this  and  many  ages. 

22.  The  education  of  his  Majesty  whom  we  now  enjoy 
(and  I  hope  and  pray  we  may  long  and  in  Tiappiness  enjoy), 
to  be  an  able  king,  as  Christendom  hath  any,  the  very  first 
day  of   his   reign;    the   benefit  whereof  is  ours,   and   the 
honour  his. 

23.  His  sickness  at  the  beginning  more  grievous  than  it 
seemed;    a  sharp  melancholy  humour  set  on   fire,  though 
ushered  in  by  an  ordinary  tertian  ague. 

24.  He  was  from  the  beginning  of  his  sickness  scarce  out 


MEMORABLES  OP  KING  JAMES.  7 

of  an  opinion  that  he  should  die ;  and  therefore  did  not  suffer 
the  great  affairs  of  Christendom  to  move  him  more  than  was 
fit,  for  he  thought  of  his  end. 

25.  His  devout  receiving  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament. 

26.  His  regal  censure  of  the  moderate  reformation  of  the 
Church  of  England,  and  particularly  for  the  care  of  retaining 
of  Absolution,  the  comfort  of  distressed  souls a. 

27.  His  continual  calling  for  prayers,  with  an  assured 
confidence  in  Christ. 

28.  His  death  as  full  of  patience  as  could  be  found  in  so 
strong  a  death. 

29.  His  rest,  no  question,  is  in  Abraham's  bosom,  and  his 
crown  changed  into  a  crown  of  glory. 

a  [See  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  158,  note  J.] 


ANSWER 


REMONSTRANCE  OF  THE   HOUSE  OF  COMMONS. 


[Prynne's  Hidden  Works,  pp.  93,  94  ».] 


ALTHOUGH  we  are  not  bound  to  give  an  account  of  our 
actions  to  any  but  to  God  only :  yet  out  of  the  honour  and 
integrity  of  our  grace,  the  love  and  care  of  our  people,  the 
great  and  hearty  desire  we  have  to  take  off  all  fears  and 
jealousies  from  our  loyal  and  loving  subjects,  we  have  thought 
fit  to  declare  these  reasons  following,  why  we  have  called  in 
this  Remonstrance,  which  yet  we  presume  and  constantly 
believe  was  framed  and  delivered  up  unto  us  with  good 
intentions,  though  by  a  misguided  zeal. 

For  first,  that  Remonstrance  begins  at  religion,  and  fears 
innovation  of  it  by  Popery.  But  we  would  have  our  subjects 
of  all  sorts  to  call  to  mind  what  difficulties  and  dangers  we 
endured,  not  many  years  since,  for  religion's  sake;  that  we 
are  the  same  still,  and  our  holy  religion  is  as  precious  to  us 
as  it  is  or  can  be  to  any  of  them,  and  we  will  no  more  admit 
innovation  therein,  than  they  that  think  they  have  done  well 
in  fearing  it  so  much. 

'Tis  true  that  all  effects  expected  have  not  followed  upon 
the  petition  delivered  at  Oxford ;  but  we  are  in  least  fault, 
for  that  supply  being  not  afforded  us,  disenabled  us  to  execute 
all  that  was  desired,  and  caused  the  stay  of  those  legal  pro 
ceedings  which  have  helped  to  swell  up  this  Remonstrance : 

B    [This  paper  was  found  in  the  vol.  iv.  p.  360,)  it  is  here  reprinted. 

Archbishop's  study,  written  with  his  The  Eemonstrance   to  which  it  is  a 

own  hand.    It  is  written,  as  is  obvious,  reply  may  be  found  in  Prynne's  Hid- 

in  the  name  of  K.  Charles.     But,  as  den  Works,    pp.  90    seq.,  and  Eush- 

thc  Archbishop  acknowledged  on  his  worth's    Collections,  vol.  i.    pp.   619 

Trial  that  he  was  the  author,  (Works,  seq.] 


ANSWER  TO   THE  REMONSTRANCE.  9 

yet  let  all  the  counties  of  England  be  examined,  and  London 
and  the  suburbs  with  them,  neither  is  there  such  a  noted 
increase  of  Papists,  nor  such  cause  of  fear  as  is  made,  nor 
hath  any  amounted  to  such  an  odious  tolerating  as  is  charged 
upon  it/nor  near  any  such. 

For  that  Commission  so  much  complained  of,  both  the 
matter  and  intent  of  it  are  utterly  mistaken ;  for  it  doth  not 
dispense  with  any  penalty,  or  any  course  to  be  taken  with 
any  Papists  for  the  exercise  of  their  religion ;  no,  nor  with 
the  pecuniary  mulct,  for  not-conformity  to  ours.  It  was 
advised  for  the  increase  of  our  profit,  and  the  returning  of 
that  into  our  purse,  which  abuse,  or  connivance  of  inferior 
ministers  might,  perhaps,  divert  another  way ;  if  that,  or  any 
other,  shall  be  abused  in  the  execution,  we  will  be  ready  to 
punish  upon  any  just  complaint. 

The  next  fear  is  the  daily  growth  and  spreading  of  the 
Arminian  faction,  called  a  cunning  way  to  bring  in  Popery ; 
but  we  hold  this  charge  as  great  a  wrong  to  ourself  and  our 
government  as  the  former ;  for  our  people  must  not  be  taught 
by  a  Parliament  Remonstrance,  or  any  other  way,  that  we  are 
so  ignorant  of  truth,  or  so  careless  of  the  possession  of  it, 
that  any  opinion,  or  faction,  or  whatsoever  it  be  called,  should 
thrust  itself  so  far,  and  so  fast  into  our  kingdoms,  without 
our  knowledge  of  it.  This  is  a  mere  dream  of  them  that 
wake,  and  would  make  our  loyal  and  loving  people  think  we 
sleep  the  while. 

In  this  charge  there  is  a  great  wrong  done  to  two  eminent 
prelates  that  attend  our  personb;  for  they  are  accused  without 
producing  any  the  least  show  or  shadow  of  proof  against 
them  ;  and  should  they,  or  any  other,  attempt  any  innovation 
of  religion,  either  by  that  open  or  any  cunning  way,  we 
should  quickly  take  other  order  with  them,  and  not  stay  for 
your  Remonstrance. 

To  help  on  this,  our  people  are  made  believe  there  is  a 
restraint  of  books  orthodoxal ;  but  we  are  sure,  since  the  last 
Parliament  began,  some,  whom  the  Remonstrance  calls  ortho 
dox,  have  assumed  to  themselves  an  unsufferable  liberty  in 
printing.  Our  Proclamation  commanded  a  restraint  on  both 
sides,  till  the  passions  of  men  might  subside  and  calm.  And 
*  [Neile  and  Laud.] 


10  ANSWER  TO  THE  REMONSTRANCE. 

had  this  been  obeyed,,  as  it  ought,  we  had  not  now  been  tossed 
in  this  tempest ;  and  for  any  distressing  or  discountenancing 
of  good  preachers,  we  know  there  is  none,  if  they  be  (as  they 
are  called)  good ;  but  our  good  people  shall  never  want  that 
spiritual  comfort  which  is  due  unto  them.  And  for  the  pre 
ferments  which  we  bestow,  we  have  ever  made  it  our  great 
care  to  give  them  as  rewards  of  desert  and  pains  :  but  as  the 
preferments  are  ours,  so  will  we  be  judge  of  the  desert  our  self, 
and  not  be  taught  by  a  Remonstrance. 

For  Ireland,  we  think,  in  case  of  religion,  it  is  not  worse 
than  Queen  Elizabeth  left  it :  and  for  other  affairs,  it  is  as 
good  as  we  found  it,  nay,  perhaps  better :  and  we  take  it  for 
a  great  disparagement  of  our  government,  that  it  should  be 
voiced,  that  new  monasteries,  nunneries,  and  other  super 
stitious  houses,  are  erected  and  replenished  in  Dublin  and 
other  great  towns  of  that  our  kingdom ;  for  we  assure  ourself, 
our  Deputy  and  Council  there  will  not  suffer  God  and  our 
government  so  to  be  dishonoured,  but  we  should  have  had 
some  account  of  it  from  them ;  and  we  may  not  endure  to 
have  our  good  people  thus  misled  with  shows. 

There  is  likewise  somewhat  considerable  in  the  time  when 
these  practices  to  undermine  true  religion  in  our  kingdom 
are  set  on  foot.  The  Remonstrance  tells  us  it  is  now,  when 
religion  is  opposed  by  open  force  in  all  other  parts :  but  we 
must  tell  our  people,  there  are  no  undermining  practices  at 
home  against  it,  if  they  practise  not  against  it  that  seem  most 
to  labour  for  it.  For  while  religion  seems  to  be  contended 
for  in  such  a  factious  way  (which  cannot  be  God's  way),  the 
heat  of  that  doth  often  melt  away  that  which  it  labours  earn 
estly  (but  perhaps  not  wisely)  to  preserve.  And,  for  God's 
judgments,  which  we  and  our  people  have  felt,  and  have  cause 
to  fear,  we  shall  prevent  them  best  by  a  true  and  religious 
remonstrance  of  the  amendment  of  our  lives,  etc. 


AN    ANSWER 

TO   THE 

ORDER  MADE  BY  THE  LOWER  HOUSE  OF  PARLIAMENT, 

THE  28iH  OF  JANUARY,  162|a. 


[Prynne's  Cant.  Doom,  pp.  163,  164.] 


1.  THE  public  Acts  of  the  Church  in  matters  of  doctrine 
are  Canons  and  Acts  of  Councils,  as  well  for  expounding  as 
determining ;  the  Acts  of  the  High- Commission  are  not  in 
this  sense  public  Acts  of  the  Church,  nor  the  meeting  of  few  or 
more  bishops  extra  concilium,  unless  they  be  by  lawful  autho 
rity  called  to  that  work,  and  their  decision  approved  by  the 
Church. 

2.  The  current  exposition  of  writers  is  a  strong  probable 
argument  de  sensu  Canonis  Ecclesia,  vel  Articuli,  yet  but 
probable.     The  current  exposition  of  the  Fathers  themselves 
hath  sometimes  missed  sensum  Ecclesice. 

3.  Will  ye  reject  all  sense  of  Jesuit  or  Arminian?     May 
not  some  be  true  ?  May  not  some  be  agreeable  to  our  writers, 
and  yet  in  a  way  stronger  than  ours  to  confirm  the  Article  ? 

4.  Is  there  by  this  Act  any  interpretation  made  or  declared 
of  the  Articles,  or  not  ?     If  none,  to  what  end  the  Act  ?     If 
a  sense  or  interpretation  be  declared,  what  authority  have 
laymen  to  make  it  ?    For  interpretation  of  an  Article  belongs 
to  them  only  that  have  power  to  make  it. 

*  [The  order  made  by  the  House  of  Acts  of  the  Church  of  England,  and 

Commons  is  as  follows  :   "  We,  the  the  general  and  current  exposition  of 

Commons  now  assembled  in  Parlia-  the  writers  of  our  Church,  have  been 

ment,  do  claim,  profess,  and  avow  for  delivered  unto  us ;  and  we  reject  the 

truth,  the   sense  of  the  Articles  of  sense  of  the  Jesuits,  Arminians,  and 

Religion,  which  were  established  in  all    others,  wherein    they  do    differ 

Parliament    the    thirteenth    year  of  from  us."] 
Queen  Elizabeth ;  which,  by  the  public 


12  ANSWER  TO  THE  HOUSE   OF  COMMONS. 

5.  "Tis  manifest  there  is  a  sense  declared  by  the  House 
of  Commons ;  the  Act  says  it :  We  avow  the  Article,  and  in 
that  sense  ;  and  all  other  that  agree  not  with  us  in  the  afore 
said  sense  we  reject.     These  and  these  go  about  misinterpre 
tations  of  a  sense  :  ergo,  there  is  a  declaration  of  sense.     Yea, 
but  it  is  not  a  new  sense,  declared  by  them,  but  they  avow 
the  old  sense  declared  by  the  Church,  '  the  public  authentic 
Acts  of  the  Church/     Yea,  but  if  there  be  no  such  public 
authentic  Acts  of  the  Church,  then  here  's  a  sense  of  their 
own  declared  under  pretence  of  it. 

6.  It  seems   against  the  King's  Declaration.      (1.)  That 
says,  we  shall  take  the  general  meaning  of  the  Articles.    This 
Act  restrains  them  to  consent  of  writers.     (2.)   That  says, 
the  Article  shall  not  be  drawn  aside  any  way ;  but  that  we 
shall  take  it  in  the  literal  and  grammatical  sense.     This  Act 
ties  to  consent  of  writers,  which  may,  and  perhaps  do,  go 
against  the  literal  sense ;  for  here  's  no  exception ;  so  we  shall 
be  perplexed,  and  our  consent  required  to  things  contrary. 

7.  All  consent,  in  all  ages,  as  far  as  I  have  observed,  to  an 
Article  or  Canon,  is  to  itself,  as  it  is  laid  down  in  the  body  of 
it ;  and  if  it  bear  more  senses  than  one,  it  is  lawful  for  any 
man  to  choose  what  sense  his  judgment  directs  him  to,  so 
that  it  be  a  sense  secundum  analogiam  fidei ;  and  that  he  hold 
it  peaceably,  without  distracting  the  Church;  and  this  till 
the  Church,  which  made  the  Article,  determine  a  sense.  And 
the  wisdom  of  the  Church  hath  been  in  all  ages,  or  the  most, 
to  require  consent  to  Articles  in  general,  as  much  as  may  be, 
because  that  is  the  way  of  unity ;  and  the  Church  in  high 
points  requiring  assent  to  particulars,  hath  been  rent.     As 
de  transubstantiatione. 


SPEECH  IN  THE  STAR-CHAMBER, 

AT   THE 

CENSURE   OF   HENRY  SHERFIELD,   ESQ. 

RECORDER   OF  SALISBURY, 

JFOR  BREAKING  A  PAINTED  GLASS  WINDOW  IN  THE  CHURCH 
OP  ST.  EDMUND  IN  THE  SAID  CITY, 

FEB.  STH,  1632. 


[Hargrave's  State  Trials,  vol.  i.  coll.  412—414.] 


IF  there  be  defensio  facti  or  confessio  facti,  or  else  two 
witnesses,  I  think  any  one  of  these  three  will  be  a  sufficient 
proof  to  convict  a  man  of  an  offence ;  and  I  have  observed 
there  are  all  these  together  in  this  cause  against  Mr.  Sher- 
field.  He  confesseth  that  he  broke  the  windows,  and  setteth 
forth  his  justification  in  his  Answer  to  Mr.  Attorney's  in 
formation;  and  this  was  done  by  him  with  his  pike-staff, 
as  is  testified  by  two  witnesses,  such  as  they  were ;  yet 
they  were  eye-witnesses,  which  is  the  strongest  testimony. 
I  am  persuaded,  as  I  am  a  private  man,  that  at  least  he 
heard  of  the  Bishop's  inhibition ;  I  do  not  say  but  ignorantia 
facti  may  excuse  a  man  in  such  a  case,  at  least  a  tanto, 
though  not  a  toto  perchance ;  but  ignorantia  juris  never 
doth  excuse8;  yet,  because  it  is  not  directly  proved  that  he 
had  notice  of  the  Act  of  Inhibition  made  by  my  Lord  Bishop, 
I  shall  forbear  to  give  my  sentence  touching  this  particular, 
the  rather  because  he  hath  cleared  himself  of  it  by  his  oath ; 
and  yet  I  have  met  with  as  strange  an  equivocation  in  some 
of  late  as  almost  hath  been  heard  of,  I  have  not  read  the  like ; 
but  seeing  there  is  not  plain  proof,  I  must  not  judge  him 
other  than  an  honest  man. 

I  •  [Digest,  lib.  xxii.  tit.  vi.  '  De  juris  et  facti  ignorantia.'] 


14  SPEECH  AT  THE   CENSURE 

Mr.  Herbert b  hath  defended  this  as  well  as  ever  any  did  a 
cause  to  my  knowledge.  As  for  Vestries,  which  were  made 
and  suffered  first  by  negligence  doubtless,  yet  being  of  con 
tinuance,  we  cannot  so  easily  restrain  the  power  which  they 
use.  I  have  had  experience  of  what  I  speak  therein ;  in  a 
parish  church  within  my  diocese,  St.  Lawrence  by  name, 
there  is  a  Vestry.  It  fell  out  once  that  they  could  not  agree 
upon  some  election.  I  interposed  as  Ordinary;  I  had  no 
sooner  done  this  but  I  was  inhibited  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury ;  afterward,  by  his  Grace's  means,  it  was  referred 
to  me  to  end,  which  I  endeavoured ;  but  then  a  prohibition 
at  the  common  law  was  sent  me  :  so  that  it  is  not  an  easy 
matter  to  restrain  a  custom. 

But  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  a  Vestry  to  remove  or  displace 
anything  in  the  church  that  is  doubtful ;  and  though  they  made 
an  order  in  this  case,  for  the  taking  down  of  the  window6,  yet 
it  was  Mr.  Sherfield's  fault  to  go  disorderly  to  work ;  his 
violent  and  riotous  breaking  into  the  church,  and  upon  a  con 
secrated  thing,  is  criminal  in  him. 

Whereas  divers  things  touching  his  conformity  have  been 
proved,  I  am  confident  upon  good  information  that  had  the 
cause  been  followed  as  well  as  defended  (but  it  was  ill  fol 
lowed  by  them  that  prosecuted,  and  unworthy  their  places), 
many  more  things  might  have  been  proved  against  him ;  and 
that  it  would  have  appeared,  he  had  done  more  harm  under 
hand  in  his  place,  than  good  otherwise.  But  for  his  trouble 
of  conscience,  which  should  impel  to  this  action,  it  troubled 
not  much,  for  he  kept  it  in,  and  nourished  it,  till  it  grew,  as 
you  see,  to  a  great  head,  so  that  at  last  it  hath  brought  him 
hither,  even  to  the  sentence  of  this  court. 

My  conscience  being  laid  at  stake,  I  am  not  of  opinion  that 
images  and  pictures  were  not  in  the  Church  till  the  time  of 
Gregory  the  Great ;  nor  am  I  of  opinion  that  the  first  trouble 
about  them  was  at  the  second  Council  of  Nice.  St.  Gregory, 

b    [Afterwards    Sir  Edward    Her-  new  make  the  same  window  with  white 

bert.]  glass ;  for  that  the  said  window  is  some- 

c  [The  order  of  the  Vestry  passed  what  decayed  and  broken,  and  is  very 

Jan.   162|,   was  as  follows :    "  It  is  darksome,  whereby  such  as  sit  near 

ordered  that  Mr.  Recorder  may,  if  it  the  same  cannot  see  to  read  in  their 

please  him,  take   down  the  window  books." — Vestry-book  of  S.  Edmund's, 

wherein    God  is    painted    in    many  quoted  in  Hatcher's  History  of  Salis- 

places  as  if  He  were  there  creating  bury,  p.  371.] 
the  world,  so  as  he  do  instead  thereof 


OP  HENRY  SHEKFDELD.  15 

who  was  600  years  after  Christ,  in  his  9th  Book  and  9th  Epistle 
written  to  [Serenus],  saith  of  images,  Vetustas  admisit^. 
But,  200  years  before  this,  we  find  that  Gregory,  surnamed 
the  Divine,  otherwise  called  Gregory  Nazianzen,  when  the 
Emperor  laid  siege  to  the  city  of  which  he  was  bishop,  in  his 
oration  to  the  said  Emperor,  to  move  him  to  pity,  saith  that 
the  citizens,  above  all  their  losses,  spoiling  of  the  city  walls, 
ruining  of  their  houses  and  temples,  took  to  heart  the  pulling 
down  of  their  statues.  Et  hoc  acerbum,  saith  he e.  Nay,  we 
find  them  in  the  Church  200  years  after  Christ ;  they  were 
upon  the  chalice,  and  that  is  ever  upon  the  altar. 

In  Tertullian' s  time,  (who  was  one  of  the  ancientest  Fa 
thers,)  there  was  painted  upon  the  chalice  the  picture  of  the 
shepherd  bringing  home  the  lost  sheep  upon  his  shoulders f ; 
and  this  was  objected  against  Tertullian  himself,  who  in  his 
latter  time  fell  into  the  opinion  and  error  of  the  Montanists, 
who  are  against  second  marriage  and  repentance  after  bap 
tism,  affirming  that  no  repentance  is  left  to  him  that  sinneth 
after  baptism;  against  which  error  the  Church  used  this  symbol 
of  the  shepherd  bringing  home  the  lost  sheep. 

Again,  in  the  time  of  that  ancient  Father,  Irenseus,  who  is 
held  to  be  the  scholar  of  St.  John,  they  had  the  picture  of 
Jesus  Christ ;  and  they  had  it  from  the  Gnostics,  who  had 
adorations  with  it  and  sacrifices  ;  and  therefore  the  holy 
Father  condemned  that  picture,  because  (saith  he)  the 
Gnostics  did  that  to  this  picture  which  the  heathen  did  to 
their  idol  gods^.  But  it  hath  been  a  distasteful  thing  to 

d  ["  Frangi  vero  non  debuit  quod  (Tertullian,   Oxf.  Translation,  vol.  i. 

non  ad  adorandum  in  Ecclesiis,  sed  p.  112,  note  b.] 

ad    instruendas    solummodo    mentes          f  ["  A  parabolis  licebit  incipias,  ubi 

nescientium  fuit  collocatum.    Et  quia  est  ovis  perdita  a  Domino  requisita, 

in  locis  venerabilibus  sanctorum  de-  et  humeris  ejus  revecta.      Procedant 

pingi  historias  non   sine  ratione  ve-  ipsse  picturae  calicum  vestrorum."— 

tustas  admisit,  etc." — S.  Greg.  Mag.  Tert.  de  Pudicit.  cap.  vii.  Op.,  p.  379. 

lib.  xi.  Ind.iv.  Ep.  xiii.  Op.,  torn.  ii.  "Si  forte  patrocinabitur  pastor,  quern 

col.  1100.]  in  calice   depingis."  —  Ibid.   cap.  x. 

e  [He  refers  to  the  following  pas-  p.  392.] 

sage  in  the  letter  of  S.  Greg.  ISTaz.  to         *  ["  Et  imagines  quasdam  depictas, 

the  Prefect   Olympius  : — Ou5e  jap  d  quasdam  autem  et  de  reliqua  materia 

ai/Sptaj/res  KaTei>ex#TJ<T'oi/Tai,  TOVTO  Set-  fabricatas   habent,   dicentes    formam 

vov,  ct  ital  aAAws  Seivdv  ^TjSe  irepl  TOV-  Christi  factarn  a  Pilato,  illo  in  tem- 

TUV  vo/j.ia"r]s  fi/jur  eTi/cu  T&V  \6yov,  oTs  pore  quo  fuit  Jesus  cum  hominibus. 

irepl  ra  Kpf'iTTova  ^  0Trou8?j. — S.  Greg.  Et  has  coronant  et  proponunt  eas  cum 

Naz.  Epist.  xlix.   Op.,  torn.  i.  p.  810.  imaginibus  mundi  philosophorum."— 

C.  D.     This  passage  refers,  however,  S.  Iren.  contr.   omn.   Hasret.  lib.  i. 

to  statues  on  the  buildings  of  the  city,  cap.  xxv.  §  6.  Op.,  p.  105.] 
and  not  to  images  in  churches.     (See 


16  SPEECH  AT  THE  CENSURE 

remove  pictures  and  images.  We  read  that  the  Bishop  of 
Cyrene  broke  the  pictures  in  the  churches,  which  his  people 
took  so  ill,  that  they  rose  against  him,  and  were  hardly 
appeased. 

And  of  late  times  we  have  had  experience  of  like  mischiefs 
in  France  and  the  Low  Countries  about  this  matter.  And 
we  know  what  rebellions  were  raised  in  the  beginning  of  the 
Reformation,  in  this  kingdom  and  in  Germany  :  when  Carlo- 
stadius  and  his  company  went  about  to  pull  down  and  deface 
the  images  in  the  churches,  what  a  stir  was  there  !  If  Luther 
himself  had  not  come  back,  and  appeased  the  multitude  by  his 
timely  advice,  that  the  work  of  reformation  was  to  be  left  to 
the  supreme  magistrates,  (which  was  well  done  of  him,  and  a 
thing  wherein  he  showed  his  wisdom,)  much  more  mischief 
would  have  ensued11.  I  do  not  say  these  things  to  any  such 
purposes  as  that  images  should  have  any  part  of  divine 
adoration. 

When  these  were  brought  into  the  churches,  as  one  side 
fell  to  worshipping  them,  so  the  other  side  fell  to  breaking 
and  defacing  them,  which  bred  many  broils;  and  amongst 
the  rest  one  very  sharp  contention,  by  reason  of  the  prevail 
ing  of  worshippers  of  images,  was  stirred  in  the  time  of  Con- 
stantine  the  Great1;  for  I  read  the  Empress  gave  her  voice 
against  her  son  Constantine  to  put  him  off  from  the  empire  ; 
because  of  his  defacing  of  the  images  which  they  had  in  their 
churches.  But  for  that  gross  Council  of  Nice,  (pardon  me 
this  gross  term,  but  they  deserve  it  in  my  opinion,)  they 
decree  the  same  honour  was  to  be  done  to  the  image  as  to  the 
life,  whether  it  were  the  picture  of  man,  or  of  God,  or  of 
Christ.  And  then  another  decree  in  that  Council  was,  that  a 
man  must  rather  endure  penury  than  do  violence  to  a  picture  ; 
and  their  absurd  distinction  of  latria  and  doulia,  &c.k  Yet 
this  I  say,  there  is  a  great  deal  of  difference  between  an  image 
and  an  idol  ;  but  then,  if  men  give  worship  to  them  as  to  the 
other,  it  is  unlawful. 


h  [See  Cochlaeus,  in  Yita  Lutheri,  Kal    TUVTO.IS   aa-iraa-^    teal 

an.  1522.]  -npovKvvriaiv  airovt/^fiv  ov  /u.rjv  Tr\v  Hard 

1  [There  seems  to  be  some  inaccu-  TT'HTTIV  f)/j.<2v  a\T\Qivr)v  \arpeiav,  $?  TrpeTret 

racy  in  this  statement.]  novy  rfj  Qdif,  Qvcrft  .  .  .  f)  yap  rijs  eiKovos 

k  ['Op/fb/xe*'  .  .  .  irapatr\'t}(T'uas  T<p  TVTTW  TIJJ.T)    firl    TO    trpurorvTrov    Si.al3a.ivei.  — 

ToG  TL/J.IOV  Kai  fyoiroiov  <TTavpov  avwri-  Cone.  Nic.  ii.  Act.  vii.  —  Cone.  torn.  vii. 

TO.S  ffeirras  Kal  ayias  etwJfas  .  .  .  col.  555.  C  —  E.] 


OF   HENRY   SHEE FIELD.  17 


18  SPEECH  AT  THE   CENSURE 

not  pulled  down,  till  Josiah  the  king  did  it,  and  this  he  doth 
by  his  supreme  power ;  and  the  king  did  this  by  the  priests 
of  the  first  and  second  order.  Both  these  appear  in  their; 
stories  in  the  Fourth  Book  of  Kings,  the  18th  and  23dj 
chapters. 

As  for  the  second  commandment,  '  Thou  shalt  not  make: 
any  graven  image,'  or  picture,  fto  thyself/  No,  take  heed,i 
worship  it  not,  howsoever  it  be  :  if  thou  dost  make  an  image,! 
yet  thou  shalt  not  worship  it.  But  there  is  no  command  orj 
example  for  breaking  of  images  (when  they  are  made)  with-! 
out  public  authority.  You  shall  see  this  plainly  in  that  altar 
set  up  by  the  Reubenites  and  Gadites  at  Jordan :  this  was 
conceived  by  some  of  the  people  to  be  an  idolatrous  thing,  at 
least  an  intention  in  them  to  set  up  another  manner  of  wor 
ship,  and  Jerusalem  was  the  place  of  worship  only.  There 
was  an  embassage  sent  unto  them,  and  Phineas  and  other 
princes  were  employed  on  it.  They  did  not  presently  fall 
upon  them,  and  break  down  the  altar,  though  they  hadi 
special  and  strict  command  to  overthrow  and  break  down  allji 
idolatrous  and  heathen  altars,  groves,  places  of  idolatry,  andji 
images ;  but  this  they  were  not  to  do  presently, — they  were! 
to  tarry  till  the  land  was  theirs,  in  their  own  power,  as  youi 
may  see  in  the  7th  and  12th  chapters  of  Deut.  But  you  will!' 
say,  these  were  for  the  Jews,  but  not  for  us  in  the  times  of  1 
the  Gospel.  In  St.  Augustin's  time,  the  people  committed) 
idolatry  with  their  images,  and  many  there  were  that  would] 
have  pulled  down  the  images  (the  causes  of  this  idolatry). 
St.  Augustin  adviseth — No,  first  preach  them  out  of  men's 
hearts ;  and  he  called  upon  the  ministers  so  to  do ;  but  you 
shall  not  pull  them  down  (saith  he)  till  the  supreme  power 
doth  it,  or  power  were  given  them m.  Thus,  if  it  were 
Jupiter's  picture,  Mr.  Sherfield  or  any  others  are  not  to  pull 
it  down  till  power  be  given  them.  And  Gerardus  the  Lutheran 
is  of  the  same  opinion. 

The  Homily  against  Idolatry  (so  much  magnified11)  plainly 
shows  it  to  belopg  to  the  supreme  magistrate,  and  has  refer 
ence  to  such  pictures  as  are  upon  walls;  but  stories  upon 

m  [See  S.  Aug.  Serm.  Ixii.    (al.   de  xxxiv.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  238.] 

Verb.  Dom.  vi.)  §  17.  Op.,  torn.  v.  col.  n  [Urged    by   Sherfield   in  his  de- 

520.  D.     The   passage  is   quoted   in  fence.] 
History  of  Troubles  and  Trial,  chap. 


OF  HENRY  STIERFIELD.  19 

glass  windows  were  not  here  meant.  And  as  for  my  Lord 
Bishop  of  Salisbury  his  book  of  worthy  Lectures0  at  Cam 
bridge,  upon  the  fourth  chapter  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Col- 
lossians,  upon  these  words,  '  Walk  wisely  towards  them  that 
are  without/  what  saith  he  ?  Why,  the  very  same  that  St. 
Austin  did  before,  that  a  private  man  hath  neither  vocationem 
nor  potestatem  to  do  it :  thus,  if  he  had  read  a  little  further  P, 
he  should  have  found  direction  to  have  walked  wisely.  And, 
indeed,  those  that  are  out  of  the  Church  must  be  dealt  wisely 
withal.  When  you  see  these  things,  you  cannot,  as  the 
Israelites  did  not,  deface  them,  for  they  belong  only  to  the 
supreme  power.  And  you  shall  see  St.  Paul's  practice,  in  the 
17th  chapter  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  ;  he  saw  they  had  set 
up  an  altar  to  the  unknown  God,  yet  he  went  not  to  pull  it 
down,  but  to  teach  them  that  God  which  they  knew  not,  even 
as  St.  Austin  afterwards  advised. 

So  I  come  to  this,  which  is  the  work  of  the  day  :  this  is  a 
violent,  riotous,  and  profane  entering  into  the  church  by  him, 
to  break  this  window  down  with  his  pike- staff :  and  as  the 
matter  standeth  proved  to  me,  it  seemeth  there  are  these 
circumstances  of  aggravation  of  his  fault : — 

1.  The  first  circumstance  of  aggravation  is,  that  when  he 
went  about  the  taking  down  of  this  window,  he  went  not  unto 
the  Bishop,  but  chose  another  way. 

2.  He  was  twenty  years  offended  at  it ;  and  in  all  this 
time,  we  think,  some  good  spirit  might  have  suggested  unto 
him  better  advice,  if  he  would  have  followed  it. 

3.  By  his  office  and  authority,  his  fault  is  the  greater  and 
more  scandalous. 

4.  By  his  age,  being  grown  grey,  he  should  have  learned 
wisdom. 

5.  That  when  he  went  to  do  this,  he  went  in  private,  which 
some  have  said  to  be  well  done ;  but  I  am  not  of  that  opinion. 
True,  if  it  had  been  a  work  of  necessity  in  him  to  take  it 
down,  he  might  have  done  it ;  but  then  he  must  follow  his 
order,  and  he  should  then  have  taken  a  glazier  with  him  to 
have  taken  it  down,  and  not  break  it  down  with  his  staff. 

0  [Davenant  on  the  Colossians,  cap.  to  a  certain  book  of  the  now  Bishop 
iv.  5.  p.  490.  Cant.  1627.]  of  Sarum  (Dr.  John  Davenant),  written 

">  [Sherfield  in  his  defence  referred      on  one  of  S.  Paul's  Epistles.] 

c  2 


20  SPEECH   AT   THE   CENSURE 

6.  His  offence  is  the  greater  by  his  office  of  justice  of  peace ; 
certainly  herein  he  was  not  conservator  pacis,  for  besides  the 
force  and  violence,,  there  might  have  been  much  discord  and 
bloodshed  about  it,  as  was  well  observed  by  Mr.  Attorney. 

7.  By   the   doing  of  this  act  contrary  to  his  conformity, 
there  have  been  the  like  insolences  done  in  the  same  church, 
for  which  I  think  there  is  a  cause  against  some  of  them  de 
pending  in  the  High-Commission  Court.     There  was  a  tomb 
of  a  dead  bishop  there  :  his  bones  taken  up,  his  skull  made  a 
mazer  in  an  apothecary's  shop  (as  I  am  informed),  his  dust 
thrown  about,  and  all  to  bury  a  tanner's  wifeq. 

8.  In  regard  of  his  tenderness  of  conscience,  which  he  al 
leged  for  himself;  my  reason  is,  for  that,  if  he  were  of  tender 
conscience  indeed ;  yet  in  this  thing  I  shall  sentence  him,  for 
not  going  to  the  Bishop  to  reveal  it  to  him ;  if  it  were  but  a 
show  of  tenderness,  then  surely  there  was  the  more  wilful- 
ness  in  his  offence,  and  this  can  be  no  excuse. 

9.  His  fault  is  aggravated  from  his  profession.     It  is  an 
honourable  profession ;  and  as  it  is  a  great  offence  in  a  divine 
to  infringe  the  law  of  the  kingdom  wherein  he  is  born  and 
bred  up,  so  it  is  also  a  great  offence  if  those  of  the  profession 
of  the  law  vilify  the  poor  laws  of  the  Church.     Thus  much 
let  me  say  to  Mr.  Sherfield,  and  such  of  his  profession  as 
slight  the  ecclesiastical  laws  and  persons,  that  there  was  a 
time  when  Churchmen  were  as  great  in  this  kingdom  as  you- 
are  now ;  and  let  me  be  bold  to  prophesy,  there  will  be  a  time 
when  you  will  be  as  low  as  the  Church  is  now,  if  you  go  011 
thus  to  contemn  the  Church. 

To  proceed,  he  went  into  the  church.  It  pleased  God  to 
give  him  a  fall  upon  the  place,  and  if  it  had  not  been  God's 
mercy,  he  had  broken  his  back  upon  the  edge  of  the  pew. 
Yet  all  this  while  these  things  have  not  wrought  him  to  any 
confession  that  he  hath  done  amiss ;  nay,  he  saith  he  was  per 
secuted  for  God's  cause  (as  I  am  informed),  but  I  think  he 
persecuted  the  poor  sexton  of  the  church ;  they  put  him  in 
prison,  and  there  kept  him,  and  would  have  kept  him,  if  my 
Lord  Bishop  had  not  sent  bail ;  and  if  it  had  not  been  for 
the  Bishop,  they  would  have  turned  him  out  of  his  place. 

i  ["This  assertion  appears  to  have  — Hatcher's  History  of  Salisbury,  p. 
Leon  made  on  erroneous  information."  373.] 


OF   HENRY   SHEFFIELD.  21 

And  then,  just  upon  the  fact  committed,  cometh  a  new  Lec 
turer  to  town,  and  he  pitcheth  upon  the  text,  Psalm  cxix. 
ver.  121  :  '  I  have  executed  judgment  and  justice  ;  leave  me 
not  to  mine  oppressors/ 

I  have  been  the  willinger  to  render  this  account  at  this 
time,  because  some  are  ready  to  slander  us  as  maintainers  of 
Popish  superstition,  and  I  know  not  what. 

As  for  my  sentence,  I  agree  with  my  Lord  Cottington  r. 

r  [The  recorded  sentence   of    the  make  an  acknowledgment  of  his  of- 

court  was,  that   Sherfield  should   be  fence  and  contempt,  before  such  per- 

committed  to  the  Fleet,  fined  5001.,  sons  as  the   Bishop  would  call   unto 

and   ordered   to  repair  to   the    Lord  him.] 
Bishop    of    his    Diocese,   and    there 


CONCERNING 


THE  DUTCH  AND   FRENCH  CHURCHES 

IN     ENGLAND. 


[Prynne,  Cant.  Doom,  pp.  398—402.] 


WHEREAS  I  was  commanded  by  your  Lordships,  upon  Friday, 
March  22,  1632,  first,  to  represent  to  his  gracious  Majesty 
the  great  and  honourable  care  you  had  to  preserve  the  unity 
and  government  of  the  Church  of  England,  as  it  stands  now 
established  by  law,  which  care  was  very  great  and  pious  ;  and 
according  to  my  duty,  in  the  name  of  the  Church,  I  humbly 
thank  your  Lordships  for  it ;  and  have,  in  pursuance  of  your 
commands,  faithfully  acquainted  his  Majesty  with  as  many 
particulars  as  I  could  carry  away  safe  in  my  memory. 

Secondly,  I  was  commanded  by  your  Lordships  to  take 
into  further  consideration  such  heads  as  might  best  conduce 
to  the  rectifying  of  such  his  Majesty 's  subjects  as  reside  at 
Hamborough,  or  elsewhere  beyond  the  seas,  but  especially 
in  the  Low  Countries,  either  in  merchandise,  or 'in  use  and 
exercise  of  arms  under  the  colonels  there  :  as  also  what  might 
be  thought  fit  to  be  done  concerning  the  French  and  Dutch 
Churches,  as  they  now  stand,  and  are  used  at  this  present 
within  this  realm ;  but  at  such  time  as  your  Lordships  in  your 
wisdom  shall  best  approve. 

Concerning  the  first  of  these,  viz.  the  English  living  in  Foreign 
Parts,  I  humbly  recommend  to  your  Lordships3  wisdom,  as 
followeth  : — 

1.  Whether  it  be  not  fit  (I  had  almost  said  necessary)  that 
the  several  colonels  in  the  Low  Countries  should  entertain  no 


CONCERNING  THE  DUTCH  AND  FRENCH  CHURCHES.  23 

minister  as  preacher  to  their  regiments,  but  such  as  shall  con 
form  in  all  things  to  the  Church  of  England  established,  and 
be  commended  unto  them  from  your  Lordships  by  advice  of 
the  Lords  Archbishops  of  Canterbury  or  York  for  the  time 
being. 

2.  That  the  company  of  merchants  residing  there,  or  in 
other  foreign  parts,  shall  admit  no  minister  as  preacher  to 
them,   but  such  as   are  so  qualified  and  so  commended  as 
aforesaid. 

3.  That  if  any  minister,  having  by  feigned  carriage  gotten 
to  be  so  recommended,  either  to  any  of  the  several  colonels, 
or  to  the  deputy-governor  and  body  of  the  merchants  there, 
shall  after  be  found  unconformablc,  and  will  not  mend  upon 
warning  given  him  by  the  colonel  or  deputy-governor  of  the 
merchants,  [he]  shall,  within  three  months  after  such  warning 
given  and  refused,  be  dismissed  from  his  service,  that  a  more 
orderly  and  peaceable  man  may  be  sent  unto  them. 

4.  That  every  minister  or  preacher,  with  any  regiment  of 
soldiers  that  are  his  Majesty's  born  subjects,  or  with  the  com 
pany  of  merchants  there  or  elsewhere,  shall  read  Divine  ser 
vice,  christen  children,  administer  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's 
Supper,  marry,  instruct  the  younger  or  more  ignorant  sort  in 
the  Catechism,  visit  the  sick,  bury  the  dead,  and  do  all  other 
duties  according  as  they  are  prescribed  in  the  Book  of  Com 
mon  Prayer  maintained  in  the  Church  of  England,  and  not 
otherwise.    And  that  he  which  will  not  conform  himself  so  to 
do,  shall  not  continue  preacher,  either  to  any  regiment  of 
English,  or  Scottish,  or  to  the  merchants. 

5.  That  if  any  minister  or  preacher,  being  the  King's  sub 
ject,  shall  with  any  bitter  words  or  writings,  in  print  or 
otherwise,  defame  the  government  of  the  Church  of  England 
established,  his  Majesty's  ambassador  or  agent  in  those  parts 
for  the  time  being  is  to  be  informed  of  it ;  and  upon  notice 
given  from  him  to  the  State,  he  or  they  so  offending  shall  be 
commanded  over  by  Privy  Seal,  or  otherwise,  to  answer  their 
offence  or  offences  here. 

6.  That  no  colonel  of  any  several  regiment,  or  deputy- 
governor  of  the  merchants,  shall  give  way  that  their  minister 
or  preacher  shall  bring  any  other  minister  to  preach  for  him 
in  time  of  his  sickness,  absence,  or  other  necessary  employ- 


24  CONCERNING   THE   DUTCH 

ment,  but  such  as  for  whose  conformity  to  the  Church  and 
Government  here  he  will  be  answerable. 

7.  That  if  any  minister  being  a  subject  of  the  King,  in  the 
Low  Countries,  or  any  other  place  beyond  the  seas,  shall  in 
any  other  auditory,  as  well  as  before  the  regiments  or  the 
merchants,  preach  or  publish,  or  in  any  other  way  by  public 
speech,  writing,  or  printing,  divulge  anything  derogatory  to 
the   doctrine   or   discipline    established    in   the    Church   of 
England,  or  otherwise  prejudicial  to  the  temporal  state  and 
government,  his  Majesty's  agent   there  shall  use  the  best 
means  he  can  to  discover  him  or  them  so  offending,  and 
having  found  them,  shall  presently  certify  the  State  here, 
that  so  they  may  be  recalled  by  Privy  Seal  to  answer  it.    And 
if  they  then  refuse  to  come,  that  the  law  in  that  case  pass 
upon  them. 

8.  That  no  man  shall  be  chosen  or  sent  over  by  the  mer 
chants   here,  either  to   Delf,   or   any   other   place   of  their 
residence  beyond  the  seas,  (whensoever  such  place  or  places 
shall  become  void,)  but  such  a  man  as  is  conformable  to  the 
Church  of  England  both  in  doctrine  and  discipline,  and  such 
as  will  be  careful  to  see  that  they  which  are  under  his  govern 
ment  shall  observe  all  such  Church  duties  as  are  expressed  and 
required  in  any  the  former  Articles.     And  that  some  of  the 
chief  merchant-adventurers  here  be  sent  for  to  the  Board,  and 
be  made  acquainted  with  this  Article.     And  further,  that  at 
every  time  and  times  that  they  send  a  new  deputy- governor  to 
any  place  of  their  residence,  they  present  the  said  deputy  to  the 
Lords,  and  give  them  assurance  of  his  fitness  and  sufficiency 
for  that  charge ;  at  which  time  the  said  deputy  may  have 
such  directions  given  him  by  their  Lordships  as  the  present 
times  and  occasions  require.     And  that  there  be  like  care 
taken  for  other  good  officers  there,  as  for  the  deputy-governor 
himself. 

9.  That  whensoever  the  merchant-adventurers  shall  become 
suitors  to  his  Majesty  to  renew  or  confirm  their  patent,  (as 
in  most  Kings'  times  it  is  usual  so  to  do,)  that  then  there 
be  a  clause  inserted  into  their  patent,  to  bind  them  to  the 
observance  of  all  or  so  much  of  these  Instructions  as  shall  be 
thought  fit  by  his  Majesty  and  the  Lords. 

10.  That  the  present  agent,  as  also  all  others  that  shall 


AND  TRENCH   CHURCHES.  25 

succeed  in  that  employment,  have  these  Instructions  given 
them  in  charge ;  and  that  once  a-year  they  be  required  to 
give  the  Board  an  account  what  the  proceed  of  the  business 
is.  That  so  his  Majesty' s  subjects,  as  well  abroad  as  at  home, 
may  be  kept  in  orderly  obedience,  to  the  honour  of  his 
Majesty's  government,  and  the  better  uniting  of  the  hearts 
of  his  people  to  God,  his  Majesty,  and  one  to  another,  in 
which  will  consist  the  strength  as  well  as  the  honour  of  the 
kingdom. 

11.  I  conceive  it  no  way  fit,  that  the  ministers  which  are 
his  Majesty's  subjects  in  Holland,  should  have  any  classical 
meetings  allowed  them  (as  it  seems  they  pretend  some  grant 
since  the  year  162.2),  especially  that  they  be  not  suffered  to 
assume  power  of  ordination ;  for  then  it  will  be  a  perpetual 
seminary  to  breed  and  transplant  men  ill  affected  to  the 
Government  into  this  kingdom. 

It  is  to  be  observed  that  the  French  and  High  German 
congregations  in  the  Low  Countries  do  all  observe  the  Liturgy 
of  their  own  mother  Churches  ;  only  the  English  observe 
neither  their  own,  nor  any  other  uniformity. 

Concerning  the  second ;  that  is,  the  French  and  Dutch  Churches, 
as  they  now  stand  in  many  parts  of  this  Kingdom,  I  as  hum 
bly  represent,  first  the  danger,  then  the  probable  remedy. 

For  the  dangers  I  humbly  submit,  but  conceive  as  fol- 
lowetli : — 

1.  It  was  honour  and  piety  in  this  State,  when  at  the  first 
way  was  given  for  those  Churches,  both  in  London  and  some 
other  parts   of  this  kingdom  ;    because   at  that  time  there 
was  persecution  upon  them  in  their  own  countries,  and  the 
peace  with  which  God  then  blessed  this  kingdom  was  their 
safety. 

2.  I  conceive  it  was  never  the  meaning  and  purpose  of  this 
State,  then  or  at  any  other  time,  that  they  living  and  continu 
ing  here,  marrying,  and  having  wives  and  children,  and  many 
of  them  plentiful  fortunes,  and  lands  ;  and  their  children  and 
children's  children  being  now  natives,  and  his  Majesty's  born 
subjects,  should  live  like  an  absolute  divided  body  from  the 
Church  of  England  established,  which  must  needs  work  upon 
their  affections,  and  alienate  them  from  the  State,  or  at  least 


26  CONCERNING  THE  DUTCH 

make  them  ready  for  any  innovation  that  may  sort  better 
with  their  humour. 

3.  It  is  likewise  considerable  what  an  entire  and  divided 
body  they  keep  themselves.    For  few,  or  none  of  them,  marry 
with  any  of  us,  but  only  one  with  another.     Upon  which  it 
must  needs  follow,  that  as  they  increase  and  multiply,  they 
which   are  now  a  Church   within   a   Church,  will  in   time 
grow  to  be  a  kind  of  another  commonwealth  within  this, 
and  so  ready  for  that  which  I  hold  not  fit  to  express  any 
further. 

4.  It  is  likewise  of  great   consequence,  that  these  men 
living  with  their  entire  families,   divided  from  the  present 
government  of  Church  and  Commonwealth,  are  many,  and 
have  got  their  residence  and  settlement  in  all  or  most  of  the 
haven  towns,  especially  such   as  lie  fittest  for  France  and 
the  Low  Countries.     And  were  occasion  offered,  God  knows 
what  advantage  they  may  take  to  themselves,  or  make  for 
others. 

5.  Their  example  is  of  ill  consequence  (in  Church  affairs 
especially)  to  the  subjects  of  England.     For  many  are  con 
firmed  in  their  stubborn  ways  of  disobedience  to  the  Church- 
government,  seeing  them  so  freely  suffered  in  this  great  and 
populous  city. 

6.  Last  of  all,  I  think  it  very  just  not  to  suffer  French  or 
Dutch  Churches,  differing  from  us  in  discipline,  to  be  other 
wise  or  longer  tolerated  in  any  part  of  this  realm,  than  the 
doctrine   and  discipline   of   the  Church   of  England   shall, 
among  the   subjects    of  this  crown,   be  tolerated  in  those 
several  parts  beyond  the  seas,  whither  they  have  cause  to 
resort  and  abide. 

For  the  remedies  likewise  I  humbly  submit,  but  conceive 
they  may  be  these  : — 

1 .  I  think  it  fit  their  number  in  all  places  of  this  kingdom 
be  made  known  as  fully  as  may  be;  that  your  Lordships 
may  the  better  judge  both  of  them,  and  the  way  to  reduce 
them  into  one  body  with  this  kingdom,  in  which  they  are 
born  subjects. 

2.  I  conceive  the  best  way  to  know  their  number  is  by  a 
command  from  the  State  itself,  and  to  have  it  avowedly  taken 


AND   FRENCH   CHURCHES.  27 

in  all  places  where  they  reside ;  with  a  certificate,  either 
presently,  or  when  your  Lordships  shall  think  fit,  which  are 
the  men  of  credit  and  wealth  among  them.  And  this  may 
be  done  really  for  their  good,  and  so  sweetened,  as  that  they 
may  apprehend  it  for  a  benefit,  as  indeed  it  is. 

3.  It  is  fit,  if  they  will  continue  as  a  divided  body  from 
both  State  and  Church,  that  they  be  used  as  strangers,  and 
not  as  natives.    That  is,  that  they  may  pay  all  double  duties, 
as  strangers  use  to  do,  and  have  no  more  immunities  than 
strangers  have,  till  they  will  live  and  converse  as  other  sub 
jects  do.     And  this   matter  of  loss  or  gain  is  as  likely  to 
work  upon  them,  especially  the  merchants  and  richer  men, 
as  any  other  thing,  and  perhaps  more. 

4.  When  it  shall  be  thought  fit  actually  to  reduce  them  to 
live  as  other  subjects  do,  both  in  relation  to  Church  and 
State,  the  way  I  conceive  may  be,  to  have  them  fairly  warned 
in  an  ecclesiastical  way,  for  every  man  with  his  household 
(if  he  be  not  a  new  comer,  but  a  born  subject)  to  repair 
to  his  parish  church  here,  to  conform  himself  to  prayers, 
sacraments,    &c.     And    if    any   receive    not    according    to 
canon   and   law,   then   to   excommunicate    him   and   them. 
And  by  that  time  the  writ  de  excommunicato  capiendo  hath 
been  served  upon  some  few,  it  may  be  the  rest  will  yield 
themselves. 

5.  If  this  do  not  prevail,  then  I  conceive,  under  favour,  it 
will  be  hard  to  remedy,  unless  the  State  will  publicly  declare, 
That  if  they  will  be  as  natives,  and  take  the  benefit  of  sub 
jects,  they  must   conform   themselves   to   the   laws  of  the 
kingdom,  as  well  ecclesiastical  as  temporal.     Which  declara 
tion,  when  it  shall  once  be  made  public,  I  think  they  will  be 
well  advised  before  they  will  resist  or  refuse  it. 


28        INJUNCTIONS  TO  THE  DUTCH  AND  WALLOON  CHURCHES. 


INJUNCTIONS  TO  THE  DUTCH  AND  WALLOON  CHURCHES, 

A.D.  1634,  1635. 


[Prynne's  Cant.  Doom,  p.  402.] 


1.  THAT  all  the  natives  of  the  Dutch  and  Walloon  congre 
gations  in  his  Grace's  diocese,  are  to  repair  to  their  several 
parish  churches,  of  those  several  parishes  where  they  inhabit, 
to  hear  Divine  service  and  sermons,  and  perform  all  duties 
and  payments  required  in  that  behalf. 

2.  That  the  ministers,   and  all  others   of  the  Dutch  and 
Walloon  congregations,  which  are  not  natives  and  born  sub 
jects  to  the  King's  Majesty,  or  any  other  strangers  that  shall 
come  over  to  them,  while  they  remain  strangers,  may  have 
and  use  their  own  discipline,  as  formerly  they  have  done; 
yet  it  is  thought  fit,  that  the  English  Liturgy  should  be 
translated  into  French  and  Dutch,  for  the  better  settling  of 
their  children  to  the  English  government. 


NOTES  OF  SPEECH 

AT   THE 

CENSURE  OF  SIR  JAMES  BAGG  AND  OTHERS, 

Nov.  10,  1635  a. 


[Rushworth's  Collections,  vol.  ii.  pp.  310—313.] 


My  Lords, 

THIS  is  a  cause  of  great  danger,  I  shall  be  as  short  as 
I  can ;  before  I  speak  of  the  defendant,  I  shall  speak  of  the 
great  minister  of  state.  If  the  court  think  fit  to  leave  it 
to  my  Lord  of  Portland15  to  vindicate  his  father's  honour, 
I  shall  do  so  too.  I  do  remember  what  both  my  Lord  Chief 
Justices  c  have  said,  whether  this  charge  can  be  severed  from 
the  scandal,  or  not  ?  Whether  a  necessity  to  name  the  Lord 
Treasurer,  or  not  ?  I  do  conceive  it  to  be  unavoidable.  If  a 
necessity  in  using  his  name,  then  what  fault  in  Sir  Anthony 
Pell  ?  If  no  necessity,  I  must  condemn  Bagg  for  being  in  a 
far  greater  fault,  that  by  his  open  mouth  so  much  vilified  the 
honour  of  the  name  of  my  Lord  Treasurer.  I  descend  to  the 
delivery  of  my  judgment  clearly,  and  am  of  opinion  that  my 
Lord  Treasurer's  honour  standeth  right  in  this  court,  there 
being  nothing  by  way  of  proof  or  aspersion  that  can  fasten 
upon  him.  If  anything,  it  must  arise  from  the  plaintiff,  or 
from  the  defendants.  And  I  shall  be  as  ready  as  any  man  to 
protect  the  honour  of  that  great  lord,  be  it  against  Pell,  or 
Bagg,  or  whom  else  soever.  But,  my  Lords,  if  it  be  a  fault 
in  Sir  Anthony  Pell,  for  the  spreading  of  this,  the  fault  must 

a  [This  was  an  action  by  Sir  Anth.  Pell  some  claims  he  had  on  the  Trea- 

Pell  against  Sir  James  Bagg,  for  dc-  eury. — See    Eushworth's    Collections, 

frauding    him    of    sundry    sums    of  vol.  ii.  pp.  302,  303.] 

money,  under  pretence  of  paying  them  b  [Jerome  Weston,  second   Earl   of 

as  a  bribe  to  the  Earl  of  Portland,  the  Portland.] 

Lord  Treasurer,  in  order  to  secure  for  r  [Finch  and  Bramston.] 


30  SPEECH    AT   THE 

light  upon  Sir  James  Bagg,  for  he  gave  the  occasion  of  all 
these  reports. 
My  Lords, 

Having,  as  far  as  lieth  in  me,  done  the  duty  I  owe  to 
the  dead,  whom  I  hold  to  be  clear  in  all,  I  shall  fall  upon 
the  particulars.  First,  for  the  examiner.  I  never  knew  so 
many  gross  abuses  in  any  cause,  by  an  examiner,  as  in  this. 
If  this  course  be  held,  any  cause  of  the  King's  may  be  over 
thrown.  Since  I  had  the  honour  to  sit  in  this  court,  never 
such  gross  abuses  were  committed  by  an  examiner.  That 
order  may  be  taken  with  this  base  examiner,  I  hold  him  to 
be  the  most  unworthy  fellow,  and  a  cut-throat  of  any  man's 
cause. 

For  Sir  Richard  Tichburne,  I  hold  him  innocent  from  any 
aspersion ;  but  I  can  give  him  no  reparation.  What  if  five  or 
six  defendants,  and  only  proof  be  brought  against  them,  one 
or  two,  shall  this  fall  foul  upon  the  plaintiff  for  want  of  proof? 

For  the  plaintiff's  debt,  I  shall  not  say  anything,  nor 
think  it  a  crime  that  Pell  was  delayed  in  the  payment  of  his 
money ;  for  the  King  hath  a  great  many  very  great  public 
and  important  occasions,  that  he  cannot  pay  all  upon  de 
mand.  And  withal  considering  that  the  original  debt  was 
but  7,000?.,  and  it  suddenly  grew  to  above  13,000/.,  therefore 
the  Lord  Treasurer  had  need  to  look  about  him.  God  forbid, 
that  upon  main  occasions,  when  the  King  promiseth  a  suit 
(perhaps  directly)  of  so  much  money,  and  is  not  presently 
paid,  that  the  King  must  pay  interest  for  this ;  this  is  no  fair 
usage  of  the  King. 

The  thing  that  troubleth  me  is  this,  of  the  attendants  on  the 
Lord  Treasurer.  If  the  Lord  Treasurer  have  a  near  kinsman, 
or  secretary,  or  any  other  employed  for  him,  if  those  men 
shall  be  corrupt,  or  do  those  acts  which  shall  make  the  world 
believe  it  is  so,  it  shall  be  as  much  as  if  they  were  really 
guilty.  For  by  this  means  the  people  will  run  on  with  an 
opinion  of  bribery  and  corruption.  They  cannot  have  it  out 
of  this  great  man's  hand,  but  they  must  go  that  way  of 
bribery  to  the  secretary  for  it.  It  shall  not  only  bring  great 
men  into  despite,  who  perhaps  never  heard  of  it ;  but  men 
when  they  cannot  have  their  money  without  going  this  way, 
care  not  what  thev  do. 


CENSURE   OF   SIR   JAMES   BAGG.  31 

Because  lie  nameth  the  great  officer  in  the  bill,  is  it  a 
scandal  ?  Must  this  be  a  terror  to  any  man  for  doing  the 
King's  service  ?  Oh,  but  there  is  meddling  with  the  King's 
revenue.  What  hath  Sir  Anthony  Pell  to  do  with  it?  If 
there  be  but  a  possibility  of  fraud,  shall  the  King  have  no 
court  of  justice  to  do  him  right  ?  If  it  come  to  this  pass, 
that  no  abuse  concerning  the  revenue  must  be  questioned, 
the  King  shall  never  know  what  the  escheat  is. 

Here  are  four  defendants  : — 

For  Sir  Richard  Tichburne,  the  Lord  Treasurer  had  no 
dishonour  by  him ;  a  gentleman  of  an  ancient  family,  and 
very  worthy  as  any  man ;  therefore  I  shall  concur,  that  the 
sentence  may  be  drawn  up  with  a  fair  mention  of  his  manifest 
innocency  throughout  the  cause. 

For  the  second  defendant,  Mr.  Gibbins,  I  do  clear  him. 

For  the  third  defendant,  his  secretary,  Mr.  Lake,  I  am 
very  sorry  to  meet  him  here  upon  this  occasion,  not  that 
I  shall  censure  him,  but  yet  somewhat  sticketh  with  me,  and 
that  is  his  letter  to  Mr.  Bond,  that  upon  his  faith  and  credit 
he  had  assignments  of  6,000/.  in  keeping  for  the  plaintiff. 
Should  he  be  so  adventurous  as  to  write  so  without  his  lord's 
privity  ?  It  troubleth  me  the  more,  partly  for  the  proof  of  it, 
because  there  are  six  days  between  Sir  James  Bagg's  ad 
vancement  of  2,000/.,  and  Mr.  Lake's  letter  to  Bond  to  help 
Sir  Anthony  to  3,000/.,  therefore  a  fraud  is  contrived  in  some 
kind.  Yet  I  shall  acquit  Mr.  Lake,  though  I  cannot  think 
so  well  of  him  as  I  have  done. 
My  Lords, 

Now  as  for  Sir  James  Bagg,  I  do  not  stand  upon  it, 
whether  Sir  Anthony  Pell  is  damnified  in  this  business,  yea 
or  no  ?  The  question  is,  what  fraudulent  practices  are  here 
by  Sir  James  Bagg  ?  And  if  there  be  but  an  intention  to  do 
the  same,  I  hold  him  as  guilty  as  if  he  had  done  it.  Join 
this  together  with  his  using  of  my  Lord  Treasurer's  name  to 
lend  these  monies,  that  so  he  might  be  enticed  by  that  merely 
to  get  the  assignments ;  I  do  hold  this  practice  to  be  criminal 
in  this  court. 

The  proof  is,  That  he  had  experience  in  businesses  of  this 
nature;  he  was  to  have  but  seven  hundred  pounds  for  his 
pains.  He  must  to  Wallingford  House;  though  in  answer 


32  SPEECH   AT   THE 

to  this  it  was  wittily  observed  by  Sir  James  Bagg's  Counsel,, 
this  construction,  (sensu  diviso,  sensu  composite,)  that  he  must 
pay  the  money,  and  then  presently  to  Wallingford  House, 
and  pay  the  money  there. 

If  two  witnesses  not  concurring  in  time  and  place,  yet  if 
they  shall  concur  in  proving  the  crime,  they  are  of  force  to  me, 
they  all  come  home  to  this  plot  and  practice.  I  should  be  of 
opinion  with  my  Lord  of  London,  if  these  things  were  several. 

But  consider  the  shoehorn  they  draw  on  by  the  name  of 
the  Lord  Treasurer,  and  the  plot  will  appear. 

I  find  this  money  pretended  to  be  for  my  Lord  Treasurer, 
though  it  was  never  paid  back  again,  nor  ever  tendered ;  and 
yet  what  a  glorious  defence  at  bar  was  offered,  that  Bagg 
would  not  pay  it  till  the  bill  came  in.  For  why?  Because 
that  the  world  should  not  take  notice,  that  he  was  afraid  of 
the  bill.  This  is  but  a  gloss  and  weakening  of  himself.  All 
the  world  may  see,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  bill,  Sir  Anthony 
Pell  should  never  have  had  his  money.  It  is  even  as  if  one 
fall  upon  another  in  the  highway,  and  they  rob  him,  and 
make  him  enter  into  bond,  that  he  will  not  question  him 
hereafter ;  and  then  others  come  and  see  them,  then  he  that 
robbed  him  answers,  Here  is  your  money,  I  did  but  borrow 
it.  I  conceive  the  getting  of  the  money  by  Bagg  from  Pell 
as  bad,  as  if  he  had  gone  away  with  the  two  thousand  and 
five  hundred  pounds. 

I  agree  in  .one  thing  with  my  Lord  Finch,  that  Bagg  was 
a  most  unnatural  man,  that  had  drawn  two  thousand  five 
hundred  pounds  for  the  use  of  himself  and  his  friends,  from 
the  plaintiff.  And  whereas  Sir  Anthony  was  in  a  strait  how 
to  advance  three  thousand  pounds,  that  he  should  be  so  hard 
hearted  (that  two  thousand  five  hundred  pounds  being  in  his 
hands)  as  not  to  help  him  at  such  a  time,  I  would  have 
sentenced  him  for  this  unnatural  part  alone.  Poor  Sir 
Anthony  must  suffer  all  this,  while  it  is  likely  Bagg  would 
never  have  been  gulled  in  a  business.  He  was  an  ingenious 
man,  Sir  Anthony  was  a  single  plain  man. 

If  Bagg  had  put  this  bill  in,  I  should  have  conceived  the 
worst  of  it ;  but  I  shall  never  believe  poor  Sir  Anthony  had 
in  him  that  malice,  as  if  Bagg  had  put  it  in.  For  his 
Counsel  to  take  exceptions  against  witnesses  at  the  hearing, 


CENSURE   OF  SIR  JAMES  BAGG.  33 

is  of  dangerous  consequence ;  any  cause  of  the  King's  may 
be  so  spoiled.  They  say  one  of  Sir  Anthony's  witnesses  was 
but  seventeen  years  of  age ;  if  it  were  so,  yet  he  was  of  age 
enough  to  tell  and  receive  money.  They  except  against 
them  because  they  are  Sir  Anthony's  servants.  Who  are  so 
proper  to  be  witnesses  as  his  men  ?  Why  is  here  no  exception 
taken  to  Sir  James  Bagg's  witnesses  ?  for  he  had  two  sworn 
as  well  as  Sir  Anthony. 

For  Mr.  Escourt,  they  say  he  was  then  present,  and  heard 
no  such  words  as  Marsh  sweareth.  That  might  be  true,  and 
he  not  hear;  for  they  might  be  spoke,  and  not  in  his  hearing. 
What  if  Pell  did  fail  in  the  proof  of  his  bill,  not  only  in  the 
matter,  but  in  the  manner  ? 

I  will  not  look  upon  Pell,  but  upon  the  public ;  but  I  hold 
this  proved  both  in  matter  and  manner;  for  it  would  not 
have  been  sufficient  for  Pell  to  have  proved  he  was  cozened 
thus  much,  but  in  this  manner.  That  which  is  worst  of  all, 
and  is  so  foul,  that  his  Counsel  offered  no  defence,  and  that 
was  Bagg's  own  answer ;  where  he  sweareth,  that  he  never  did 
deserve  any  such  kindness  of  Sir  Anthony  Pell  for  to  do  so 
great  courtesy,  as  to  lend  him  these  monies.  Look  but  upon, 
and  see  the  many  letters  he  writ ;  '  James  Bagg,  your  most 
real  friend ;  your  business  will  be  better  done,  if  you  leave  it 
to  your  friend  James  Bagg/  Here  is  his  hand  against  his 
oath,  and  his  oath  against  his  hand.  He  was  a  most  base 
fellow  to  say,  'Your  most  real  friend/  and  to  serve  Sir 
Anthony  as  he  did.  I  have  now  done  with  that  bottomless 
Bagg,  and  my  censure.  I  leave  my  Lord  of  Portland  to  do 
what  he  thinketh  fit  against  him.  I  hold  it  as  dangerous  a 
practice  of  him  as  ever  was  in  this  kind.  I  fine  him  at 
5,000/.,  and  imprisonment  during  the  King's  pleasure ;  only 
pray,  that  a  man  whose  hand  and  oath  cannot  be  taken,  may 
not  be  in  trust,  especially  in  places  concerning  his  Majesty. 
The  plaintiff  hath  a  loss  personal  and  real,  and  engaged  him 
self  in  many  thousand  pounds  for  the  obtaining  of  money; 
therefore  I  fine  Bagg  500/.  damages  to  Sir  Anthony  Pell. 


LAUD. — VOL.  VI. 


A    SPEECH 

DELIVERED    IN    THE 

STARR-CHAMBER, 
ON    WEDNESDAY,    THE 

Xiv.   of  JUNE   MDCXXXVII. 

AT     THE     CENSURE, 

(lohn  Baftwick, 
Of  -j  Henry  Burton,  & 
\William  Prinn ; 

Concerning  pretended  Innovations 
In  the  CHURCH. 


By  the  most  Reverend  Father  in  GOD, 

WILLIAM, 

L.  Arch  Bishop   of  Canterbury   his   Grace. 


LONDON : 

Printed  by  RICHARD  BADGER. 
MDCXXXVII. 


D   2 


[This  Speech  has  been  collated  with  the  original  edition,  the  pages  of 
which  are  inserted  in  the  text  in  brackets.  The  figures  in  the 
margin  mark  the  pages  of  the  second  volume  of  Laud's  Works, 
Lond.  1700,  in  which  it  was  reprinted.'] 


TO    HIS   MOST    SACRED   MAJESTY, 

CHAELES, 

BY  THE  GRACE  OF  GOD,  KING  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN,  FRANCE, 
AND  IRELAND,  DEFENDER  OF  THE  FAITH,  &c. 


Most  Gracious  and  Dread  Sovereign, 

I  HAD  no  purpose  to  come  in  print,  but  your  Majesty 
commands  it,  and  I  obey.  Most  sorry  I  am  for  the  occasion 
that  induced  me  to  speak,  and  that  since  hath  moved  you  to 
command  me  to  print.  Nor  am  I  ignorant  that  many  things, 
while  they  are  spoken  and  pass  by  the  ear  but  once,  give 
great  content;  which  when  they  come  to  the  eyes  of  men, 
and  their  often  scanning,  may  lie  open  to  some  exceptions. 
This  may  fall  to  my  lot  in  this  particular,  and  very  easily, 
considering  my  many  diversions,  and  the  little  time  I  could 
snatch  from  other  employment  to  attend  this.  Yet  choose 
I  rather  to  obey  your  Majesty,  than  to  sacrifice  to  mine  own 
privacy  and  content. 

Since  then  this  Speech  uttered  in  public  in  the  Star- 
Chamber  must  now  come  to  be  more  public  in  print ;  I  humbly 
desire  your  sacred  Majesty  to  protect  me  and  it  from  the 
undeserved  calumny  of  those  men,  '  whose  mouths  are  spears 
and  arrows,  and  their  tongues  a  sharp  sword,'  Psal.  Ivii.  4. 
Though,  as  the  wise  man  speaks,  '  their  foolish  mouths  have 
already  called  for  their  own  stripes,  and  their  lips'  (and  pens) 
e  been  a  snare  for  their  souls/  Prov.  xviii.  6,  7. 

The  occasion  which  led  me  to  this  speech  is  known. X  There 

have  of  late  been  divers  libels  spread  against  the  prelates  of 

this  Church,  t  And  they  have  not  been  more  bitter,  which  is 

the  shame  of  these  '  raging  waves  a,'  than  they  are  utterly  false, 

a  Jude,  ver.  13. 


38  DEDICATION. 

which  is  our  happiness.  v  But  I  must  humbly  beseech  your 
Majesty  to  consider,  that  His  not  we  only,  that  is,  the  Bishops, 
that  are  struck  at,  but,  through  our  sides,  your  Majesty, 
your  honour,  your  safety,  your  religion,  is  impeached.**  For 
what  safety  can  you  expect,  if  you  lose  the  hearts  of  your 
people  ?  And  how  can  you  retain  their  hearts,  if  you  change 
their  religion  into  superstition  ?  And  what  honour  can  you 
hope  for,  either  present,  or  derivative  to  posterity,  if  you 
attend  your  government  no  better  than  to  suffer  your  prelates 
to  put  this  change  upon  you  ?  And  what  majesty  can  any 
prince  retain,  if  he  lose  his  honour  and  his  people  ? 
K  God  be  thanked  His  in  all  points  otherwise  with  you :  for 
God  hath  blessed  you  with  a  religious  heart,  and  not  subject 
to  change^  And  he  hath  filled  you  with  honour  in  the  eyes 
of  your  people :  and  by  their  love  and  dutifulness  he  hath 
made  you  safe.  **So  that  your  Majesty  is  upheld,  and  your 
crown  flourishing  in  the  eyes  of  Christendom  >  And  God 
forbid  any  libellous  blast  at  home  from  the  tongues  or  pens 
of  a  few,  should  shrivel  up  any  growth  of  these. 

We  have  received,  and  daily  do  receive  from  God,  many 
and  great  blessings  by  you  :  and  I  hope  they  are  not  many 
that  are  unthankful  to  you,  or  to  God  for  you.  And  that 
there  should  be  none  in  a  populous  nation,  even  enemies  to 
their  own  happiness,  cannot  be  expected.  xYet  I  shall  desire 
even  these  to  call  themselves  to  an  account,  and  to  remember 
that  blasphemy  against  God,  and  '  slandering  the  footsteps 
of  His  anointed/  are  joined  together,  Psal.  lxxxix.b  For  he 
that  blasphemes  God  will  never  stick  at  the  slander  of  his 
prince ;  and  he  that  gives  himself  the  liberty  to  slander  his 
prince,  will  quickly  ascend  to  the  next  highest,  and  blaspheme 
God.* 

But  then,  as  I  desire  them  to  remember,  so  I  do  most 
humbly  beseech  your  Majesty  to  account  with  yourself  too  : 
and  not  to  measure  your  people's  love  by  the  unworthiness 
of  those  few.  For  a  loyal  and  obedient  people  you  have,  and 
such  as  will  spare  nor  livelihood,  nor  life,  to  do  you  service ; 
and  are  joyed  at  the  heart  to  see  the  moderation  of  your 

b    Psal.  Ixxxix.   50.     "  Wherewith      and  slandered  the  footsteps  of  thine 
thine  enemies  have  blasphemed  Thee,      anointed." 


DEDICATION.  39 

government,  and  your  constancy  to  maintain  religion,   and 
your  piety  in  exampling  it. 

And  as  I  thus  beseech  you  for  your  people  in  general,  so 
do  I  particularly  for  the  three  professions  which  have  a  little 
suffered  in  these  three  most  notorious  libellers'  persons. 

And  first  for  my  own  profession,  I  humbly  beg  of  your 
Majesty  to  think  Mr.  Burton  hath  not  in  this  many  followers, 
and  am  heartily  sorry  he  would  needs  lead.  The  best  is, 
your  Majesty  knows  what  made  his  rancour  swell0 ;  I'll  say 
no  more. 

*  And  for  the  law,  I  truly  honour  it  with  my  heart,  and 
believe  Mr.  Prynn  may  seek  all  the  Inns  of  Court,  (and  with 
a  candle  too  if  he  will,)  and  scarce  find  such  a  malevolent 
as  himself  against  State  and  Church.  And  because  he  hath 
so  frequently  thrust  mistaken  law  into  these  pamphlets,  to 
wrong  the  governors  of  the  Church,  and  abuse  your  good  and 
well-minded  people,  and  makes  Burton  and  Bastwick  utter 
law  which,  God  knows,  they  understand  not  (for  I  doubt  his 
pen  is  in  all  the  pamphlets),  I  do  humbly,  in  the  Church's 
name,  desire  of  your  Majesty,  that  it  may  be  resolved  by  all 
the  reverend  Judges  of  England,  and  then  published  by  your 
Majesty,  that  our  keeping  courts,  and  issuing  process  in  our 
own  names,  and  the  like  exceptions  formerly  taken,  and  now 
renewed,  are  not  against  the  laws  of  the  realm  (as  'tis  most 
certain  they  are  not),  that  so  the  church-governors  may  go 
on  cheerfully  in  their  duty,  and  the  people's  minds  be  quieted 
by  this  assurance,  that  neither  the  law,  nor  their  liberty  as 
subjects,  is  thereby  infringed d. 

And  for  physic,  the  profession  is  honourable  and  safe ;  and 
I  know  the  professors  of  it  will  remember  that  corpus  huma- 
num,  man's  body,  is  that,  about  which  their  art  is  conversant, 
not  corpus  ecclesiasticum,  or  politicwn,  the  body  of  the  Church, 
State  or  Commonwealth.  Bastwick  only  hath  been  bold  that 
way.  But  the  proverb  in  the  Gospel,  in  the  fourth  of  St. 
Luke,  is  all  I'll  say  to  him  :  Medice,  cur  a  teipsum  ;  '  Physician, 
heal  thyself6.'  And  yet  let  me  tell  your  Majesty,  I  believe 

c  [He  had  been  Clerk  of  the  Closet  d  [Such  a  Proclamation  was  subse- 

to   the    King,  when  Prince,  and  ex-  quently  issued.      See  Wilkins'  Cone, 

pected  to  have  been  continued  in  the  torn.  iv.  p.  536.] 

same  office   on  his  accession  to  the  e  St.  Luke  iv.  23. 
crown.] 


40  DEDICATION. 

he  hatli  gained  more  by  making  the  Church  a  patient,  than 
by  all  the  patients  he  ever  had  beside. 

Sir,  both  myself  and  my  brethren  have  been  very  coarsely 
used  by  the  tongues  and  pens  of  these  men,  yet  shall  I  never 
give  your  Majesty  any  sour  counsel;  I  shall  rather  magnify 
your  clemency,  that  proceeded  with  these  offenders  in  a 
court  of  mercy  as  well  as  justice :  since  (as  the  reverend 
Judges  then  declared)  you  might  have  justly  called  the 
offenders  into  another  court,  and  put  them  to  it  in  a  way 
that  might  have  exacted  their  lives,  for  their  stirring  (as  6 
much  as  in  them  lay)  of  mutiny  and  sedition. 

Yet  this  I  shall  be  bold  to  say,  and  your  Majesty  may 
consider  of  it  in  your  wisdom,  that  "one  way  of  government 
is  not  always  either  fit  or  safe,  when  the  humours  of  the 
people  are  in  a  continual  change  :  especially,  when  such  men 
as  these  shall  work  upon  your  people,  and  labour  to  infuse 
into  them  such  malignant  principles,  to  introduce  a  parity  in 
the  Church  or  commonwealth.  Et  si  non  satis  sua  sponte 
insaniant,  instigare  f;  and  to  spur  on  such  among  them  as  are 
too  sharply  set  already :  and  by  this  means  make  and  prepare 
all  advantages  for  the  Roman  party  to  scorn  us,  and  pervert 
them. 

I  pray  God  bless  your  Majesty,  your  royal  consort,  and 
your  hopeful  posterity,  that  you  may  live  in  happiness; 
govern  with  wisdom;  support  your  people  by  justice;  relieve 
them  by  mercy ;  defend  them  by  power  and  success ;  and 
guide  them  in  the  true  religion  by  your  laws  and  most  reli 
gious  example,  all  the  long  and  lasting  days  of  your  life  : 
which  are  and  shall  be  the  daily  prayers  of 

Your  sacred  Majesty's  most  loyal  Subject,  and 

Most  dutiful  Servant,  as  most  bound, 

W.  CANT. 

f  [Tcrcnt.  And.  iv.  2.  9.] 


SPEECH  AT  THE  CENSURE,  ETC.  41 


(1)  MY  LORDS, 

I  SHALL  not  need  to  speak  of  the  infamous  course  of  libel 
ling  in  any  kind  :  nor  of  the  punishment  of  it,  which  in  some 
cases  was  capital  by  the  imperial  laws ;  as  appears,  Cod.  lib. 
ix.  t.  xxxvi.  s :  nor  how  patiently  some  great  men,  very  great 
men  indeed,  have  borne  animo  civili  (that's  Sueton.  his  wordh) 
laceratam  existimationem,  the  tearing  and  rending  of  their 
credit  and  repu(2)tation,  with  a  gentle,  nay,  a  generous  mind. 
V  But  of  all  libels,  they  are  most  odious  which  pretend  reli 
gion  :  as  if  that  of  all  things  did  desire  to  be  defended  by 
'a  mouth  that  is  like  an  open  sepulchre/  or  by  a  pen  that  is 
made  of  a  sick  and  a  loathsome  quill.  * 

There  were  times  when  persecutions  were  great  in  the 
Church,  even  to  exceed  barbarity  itself :  did  any  martyr  or 
confessor,  in  those  times,  libel  the  governors  ?  Surely  no ; 
not  one  of  them  to  my  best  remembrance  :  yet  these  com 
plain  of  persecution  without  all  show  of  cause ;  and  in  the 
meantime  libel  and  rail  without  all  measure.  So  little  of  kin 
are  they  to  those  which  '  suffer  for  Christ/  or  the  least  part 
of  Christian  religion. 

My  Lords,  it  is  not  every  man's  (3)  spirit  to  hold  up  against 
the  venom  which  libellers  spit.  For  S.  Ambrose,  who  was  a 
stout  and  a  worthy  prelate,  tells  us,  not  that  himself,  but  that 
a  far  greater  man  than  he,  that  '&  King  David,  had  found  out 
(so  it  seems  in  his  judgment  'twas  no  matter  of  ordinary 
ability)  grande  inventum,  a  great  and  mighty  invention,  how 
to  swallow  and  put  off  those  bitter  contumelies  of  the 
tongue i :  and  those  of  the  pen  are  no  whit  less,  and  spread 
further.  And  it  was  a  great  one  indeed,  and  well  beseemed 
the  greatness  of  David.  But  I  think  it  will  be  far  better  for 
me  to  look  upward,  and  practise  it,  than  to  look  downward, 
and  discourse  upon  it. 

*  [Col.  852.  Col.  Allob.  1624.]  !  In  Apol.  i.  David,  c.  vi.  [§  31.  Op., 

hInJul.c.75.[p.88.Lugd.Bat.l672.J      torn.  i.  col.  685.] 


42  SPEECH  AT  THE   CENSURE 

In  the  meantime  I  shall  remember  what  an  ancient,  under  6: 
the  name  of  S.Hierom,  tells  me,  Indignum  est  et  prceposterum*-, 
'Tis  unworthy  in  itself,  and  pre  (4)  poster ous  in  demeanour, 
for  a  man  to  be  ashamed  for  doing  good,  because  other  men 
glory  in  speaking  ill. 

And  I  can  say  it  clearly  and  truly,  as  in  the  presence  of 
God,  I  have  done  nothing,  as  a  prelate,  to  the  uttermost  of 
what  I  am  conscious,  but  with  a  single  heart,  and  with  a 
sincere  intention  for  the  good  government  and  honour  of  the 
Church,  and  the  maintenance  of  the  orthodox  truth  and 
religion  of  Christ,  professed,  established,  and  maintained  in 
this  Church  of  England. 

S<  For  my  care  of  this  Church,  the  reducing  of  it  into  order, 
the  upholding  of  the  external  worship  of  God  in  it,  and  the 
settling  of  it  to  the  rules  of  its  first  reformation,  are  the 
causes  (and  the  sole  causes,  whatever  are  pretended)  of  all 
this  malicious  storm,  which  hath  lowered  so  black  upon  me, 
and  some  (5)  of  my  brethren. v  And  in  the  meantime,  they 
which  are  the  only,  or  the  chief  innovators  of  the  Christian 
world,  having  nothing  to  say,  accuse  us  of  innovation ;  they 
themselves  and  their  complices  in  the  meantime  being  the 
greatest  innovators  that  the  Christian  world  hath  almost  ever 
known.  I  deny  not  but  others  have  spread  more  dangerous 
errors  in  the  Church  of  Christ ;  but  no  men,  in  any  age  of  it, 
have  been  more  guilty  of  innovation  than  they,  while  them 
selves  cry  out  against  it.  Quis  tulerit  Gracchos  ? 

And  I  said  well,  Quis  tulerit  Gracchos?  For  'tis  most 
apparent  to  any  man  that  will  not  wink,  that  the  intention 
of  these  men,  and  their  abettors,  was  and  is  to  raise  a  sedition, 
being  as  great  incendiaries  in  the  State  (where  they  get 
power)  as  they  have  ever  been  in  the  (6)  Church ;  Novatian 
himself  hardly  greater. 

>,Our  main  crime  is  (would  they  all  speak  out,  as  some  of 
them  do),  that  we  are  bishops  ^  were  we  not  so,  some  of  us 
might  be  as  passable  as  other  men. 

k  ["  O  quam    indignum  est  atque          '    Burton's  Apol.  [of   an  Appeal,] 

praeposterum,  ut  justi  confundantur  in  p.  110.  [Lond.  1636.     The  passage  is 

bonis,    et    peccatores    glorientur    in  in  the  '  Summe  of  two  Sermons,'  enti- 

malis."J — Ad  Ocean.de  Ferend.  Op-  tied,   'For   God  and  the   King,'  ap- 

prob.  [S.  Hieron.  Op.,  torn.  xi.  col.  366.  pended  to  the  Apology.] 
D.  inter  Opera  spuria.] 


OP  BASTWICK,  BURTON,  AND  PRYNNE.          43 

a  great  trouble  'tis  to  them,  that  we  maintain  that 
our  calling  of  bishops  is  jure  divino,  by  divine  right :  of  this 
I  have  said  enough,  and  in  this  place,  in  Leighton's  case,  nor 
will  I  repeat.  Only  this  I  will  say,  and  abide  by  it,  that  the 
calling  of  bishops  is  jure  divino,  by  divine  right,  though  not 
all  adjuncts  to  their  calling.  And  this  I  say  in  as  direct  oppo 
sition  to  the  Church  of  Rome,  as  to  the  Puritan  humour. 
*  And  I  say  further,  that  from  the  Apostles'  times,  in  all 
ages,  in  all  places,  the  Church  of  Christ  was  governed  by 
bishops  :  and  lay-elders  never  heard  (7)  of,  till  Calvin's  new 
fangled  device  at  Geneva.  ^ 

Now  this  is  made  by  these  men,  as  if  it  were  contra  Regem, 
against  the  King,  in  right  or  in  power. 

But  that 's  a  mere  ignorant  shift ;  for  our  being  bishops 
jure  divino,  by  divine  right,  takes  nothing  from  the  King's 
right  or  power  over  us.  For  though  our  office  be  from  God 
and  Christ  immediately,  yet  may  we  not  exercise  that  power, 
either  of  order  or  jurisdiction,  but  as  God  hath  appointed  us, 
that  is,  not  in  his  Majesty's  or  any  Christian  king's  kingdoms, 
but  by  and  under  the  power  of  the  King  given  us  so  to  do.^ 

And  were  this  a  good  argument  against  us,  as  bishops, 
it  must  needs  be  good  against  priests  and  ministers  too ;  for 
9  themselves  grant  that  (8)  their  calling  is  jure  divino,  by  divine 
right ;  and  yet  I  hope  they  will  not  say,  that  to  be  priests 
and  ministers  is  against  the  King,  or  any  his  royal  prero 
gatives. 

*Next,  suppose  our  calling,  as  bishops,  could  not  be  made 
good  jure  divino,  by  divine  right,  yet  jure  ecclesiastico,  by 
ecclesiastical  right,  it  cannot  be  denied.  And  here  in  England 
the  bishops  are  confirmed,  both  in  their  power  and  means,  by 
Act  of  Parliament.  So  that  here  we  stand  in  as  good  case 
as  the  present  laws  of  the  realm  can  make  us.  And  so  we 
must  stand  till  the  laws  shall  be  repealed  by  the  same  power 
that  made  them.  * 

*  Now  then,  suppose  we  had  no  other  string  to  hold  by,  (I 
say  suppose  this,  but  I  grant  it  not,)  yet  no  man  (9)  can  libel 
against  our  calling,  (as  these  men  do,)  be  it  in  pulpit,  print, 
or  otherwise,  but  he  libels  against  the  King  and  the  State, 
by  whose  laws  we  are  established.  Therefore,  all  these  libels, 
so  far  forth  as  they  are  against  our  calling,  are  against  the 


44  SPEECH  AT  THE   CENSURE 

King  and  the  law,  and  can  have  no  other  purpose  than  to 
stir  up  sedition  among  the  people.  ** 

If  these  men  had  any  other  intention,  or  if  they  had  any 
Christian  or  charitable  desire  to  reform  anything  amiss,  why 
did  they  not  modestly  petition  his  Majesty  about  it,  that  in 
his  princely  wisdom  he  might  set  all  things  right,  in  a  just 
and  orderly  manner  ?  But  this  was  neither  their  intention 
nor  way.  For  one  clamours  out  of  his  pulpit,  and  all  of  them 
from  the  press,  and  in  a  most  viru(10)lent  and  unchristian 
manner  set  themselves  to  make  a  heat  among  the  people; 
and  so  by  mutiny  to  effect  that  which  by  law  they  cannot ; 
and  by  most  false  and  unjust  calumnies  to  defame  both  our 
callings  and  persons.  But  for  my  part,  as  I  pity  their  rage, 
so  I  heartily  pray  God  to  forgive  their  malice. 

No  nation  hath  ever  appeared  more  jealous  of  religion 
than  the  people  of  England  have  ever  been.  And  their  zeal 
to  God's  glory  hath  been,  and  at  this  day  is  a  great  honour 
to  them.  But  this  zeal  of  theirs  hath  not  been  at  all  times 
and  in  all  persons  alike  guided  by  knowledge.  Now  zeal,  as 
it  is  of  excellent  use,  where  it  sees  its  way,  so  it  is  very 
dangerous  company  where  it  goes  on  in  the  (11)  darkm :  and 
these  men,  knowing  the  disposition  of  the  people,  have 
laboured  nothing  more  than  to  misinform  their  knowledge, 
and  misguide  their  zeal,  and  so  to  fire  that  into  a  sedition,  in 
hope  that  they  whom  they  causelessly  hate  might  miscarry  in  it. 

For  the  main  scope  of  these  libels  is  to  kindle  a  jealousy  in 
men's  minds  that  there  are  some  great  plots  in  hand,  dan 
gerous  plots,  (so  says  Mr.  Burton  expressly",)  to  change  the 
orthodox  religion  established  in  England,  and  to  bring  in,  I 
know  not  what,  Romish  superstition  in  the  room  of  it.  As 
if  the  external  decent  worship  of  God  could  not  be  upheld  in 
this  kingdom,  with  (12)  out  bringing  in  of  Popery. 

Now,  by  this  art  of  theirs,  give  me  leave  to  tell  you  that 
the  King  is  most  desperately  abused  and  wounded  in  the 
minds  of  his  people,  and  the  prelates  shamefully. 

m  You  may  see  it  in  the  example  of  ings  against  the  disciples,  Acts  ix.  1. 

S.  Paul  himself,  whose  very  zeal  in  the  So  true  is  that  of  Saint  Greg.  Naz.  Orat. 

darkness  of  his  understanding,  which  xxi. :  Zelus  iracundiam  acuil :  All  zeal 

he   then  had,  made   him    persecute  puts  an  edge  to  anger  itself :  and  that 

Christ  and  his  Church,  Acts  xxii.  3, 4.  must  needs  be  dangerous  in  the  dark. 

And  he  was  very  dangerous  company  n  [Burton's  Humble  Appeal,]  page  5. 

then;  for  he  breathed  out  threaten-  [Lond.  1636.] 


OF  BASTWTCK,  BURTON,  AND  PRY.NNE.  45 

The  King  most  desperately  :  for  there  is  not  a  more  cunning 
trick  in  the  world,  to  withdraw  the  people's  hearts  from  their 
sovereign,  than  to  persuade  them  that  he  is  changing  true 
religion,  and  about  to  bring  in  gross  superstition  upon  them. 

And  the  prelates  shamefully:  for  they  are  charged  to 
seduce,  and  lay  the  plot,  and  be  the  instruments. 

For  his  Majesty  first.  This  I  know,  and  upon  this  occasion 
take  it  my  duty  to  speak :  there  is  no  prince  in  Christendom 
more  sincere  in  his  religion,  nor  more  constant  to  it,  than  the 
(13)  King.  And  he  gave  such  a  testimony  of  this  at  his  being 
in  Spain,  as  I  much  doubt  whether  the  best  of  that  faction 
durst  have  done  half  so  much  as  his  Majesty  did,  in  the 
face  of  that  kingdom.  And  this  you,  my  Lord,  the  Earl  of 
Holland,  and  other  persons  of  honour,  were  eye  and  ear 
witnesses  of,  having  the  happiness  to  attend  him  there.  And 
at  this  day,  as  his  Majesty  (by  God's  great  blessing  both 
on  him  and  us)  knows  more,  so  is  he  more  settled  and  more 
confirmed,  both  in  the  truth  of  the  religion  here  established, 
and  in  resolution  to  maintain  it. 

.  And  for  the  prelates ;  I  assure  myself  they  cannot  be  so 
base,  as  to  live  prelates  in  the  Church  of  England,  and  labour 
to  bring  in  the  superstitions  of  the  Church  of  Rome  upon 
themselves  and  it.  And  if  any  should  be  so  foul,  I  (14)  do  riot 
only  leave  him  to  God's  judgment,  but  (if  these  libellers,  or 
any  other,  can  discover  that  his  base  and  irreligious  falsehood) 
to  shame  also,  and  severe  punishment  from  the  State  :  and  in 
any  just  way,  no  man's  hand  shall  be  more  or  sooner  against 
him,  than  mine  shall  be. 

And  for  myself,  to  pass  by  all  the  scandalous  reproaches 
which  they  have  most  injuriously  cast  upon  me,  I  shall  say 
this  only  : 

First,  I  know  of  no  plot  nor  purpose  of  altering  the  religion 
established. 

Secondly,  I  have  ever  been  far  from  attempting  anything 
that  may  truly  be  said  to  tend  that  way  in  the  least  degree  : 
and  to  these  two  I  here  offer  my  oath. 

Thirdly,  if  the  King  had  a  mind  to  change  religion,  (which 
I  know  he  (15)  hath  not,  and  God  forbid  he  should  ever 
have,)  he  must  seek  for  other  instruments.  For  as  basely  as 
these  men  conceive  of  me,  yet  I  thank  God,  I  know  my  duty 


46  SPEECH  AT  THE  CENSURE 

well,  both  to  God  and  the  King :  and  I  know  that  all  the 
duty  I  owe  to  the  King  is  under  God.  And  my  great  happi 
ness  it  is  (though  not  mine  alone,  but  your  Lordships'  and 
all  his  subjects'  with  me),  that  we  live  under  a  gracious  and 
a  religious  King,  that  will  ever  give  us  leave  to  serve  God 
first,  and  him  next.  But  were  the  days  otherwise,  I  thank 
Christ  for  it,  I  yet  know  not  how  to  serve  any  man  against 
the  truth  of  God,  and  I  hope  I  shall  never  learn  it. 

But  to  return  to  the  business ;  what  is  their  art  to  make 
the  world  believe  a  change  of  religion  is  endeavoured? 
What  ?  Why  forsooth,  they  say,  (16)  there  are  great  inno 
vations  brought  in  by  the  prelates,  and  such  as  tend  to  the 
advancing  of  Popery. 

Now,  that  the  vanity  and  falsehood  of  this  may  appear,  I 
shall  humbly  desire  your  Lordships  to  give  me  leave  to  recite 
briefly  all  the  innovations  charged  upon  us,  be  they  of  less  or 
greater  moment,  and  as  briefly  to  answer  them.  And  then  7 
you  shall  clearly  see,  whether  any  cause  hath  been  given  of 
these  unsavoury  libels,  and  withal,  whether  there  be  any  show 
of  cause  to  fear  a  change  of  religion.  And  I  will  take  these 
great  pretended  innovations  in  order,  as  I  meet  with  them. 

First,  I  begin  with  the  ( News  from  Ipswich  °/ 

Where  the  FIRST  INNOVATION  is,  '  that  the  last  year's  fast 
was  enjoined  to  be  (17)  without  sermons  in  London,  the 
suburbs,  and  other  infected  places,  contrary  to  the  orders  for 
other  fasts  in  former  times :  whereas  sermons  are  the  only 
means  to  humble  menp/  &c. 

To  this  I  say,  first,  that  an  after-age  may,  without  offence, 
learn  to  avoid  any  visible  inconvenience  observed  in  the 
former.  And  there  was  visible  inconvenience  observed  in 
men's  former  flocking  to  sermons  in  infected  places. 

Secondly,  this  was  no  particular  act  of  prelates ;  but  the 
business  was  debated  at  the  Council-table,  being  a  matter  of 
State  as  well  as  of  religion.  And  it  was  concluded  for  no 
sermons  in  those  infected  places,  upon  this  reason,  that 
infected  persons  or  families,  known  in  their  own  parishes, 
might  not  take  occasion  upon  those  (18)  by-days  to  run  to 

0  [This  book  was  written  by  Prynne,      proceedings  of  Bishop  Wren.] 
under  the  name  of  Matthew  White,          P  Page  2. 
and  was  specially  directed  against  the 


OP  BASTWICK,  BURTON,  AND  PRTNNE.  47 

other  churches  where  they  were  not  known,  as  many  use  to 
do,  to  hear  some  humorous  men  preach ;  for  on  the  Sundays, 
when  they  better  kept  their  own  churches,  the  danger  is  not 
so  great  altogether. 

Nor,  thirdly,  is  that  true,  that  sermons  are  the  only  means 
to  humble  men.  For  though  the  preaching  of  God's  word, 
where  it  is  performed  according  to  His  ordinance,  be  a  great 
means  of  many  good  effects  in  the  souls  of  men,  yet  no 
sermons  are  the  only  means  to  humble  men.  And  some  of 
their  sermons  are  fitter  a  great  deal  for  other  operations: 
namely,  to  stir  up  sedition,  as  you  may  see  by  Mr.  Burton's ;  for 
this  his  printed  libel  was  a  sermon  first,  and  a  libel  too.  And 
'tis  the  best  part  of  a  fast  to  abstain  from  such  sermons. 

(19)  2.  The  SECOND  INNOVATION  is,  '  that  Wednesday  was 
appointed  for  the  fast-day,  and  that  this  was  done  with  this 
intention,  by  the  example  of  this  fast  without  preaching,  to 
suppress  all  the  Wednesday  lectures  in  London  V 

To  this  I  answer,  first,  that  the  appointing  of  Wednesday 
for  the  fast-day  was  no  innovation.  For  it  was  the  day  in 
the  last  fast  before  this  :  and  I  myself  remember  it  so,  above 
forty  years  since,  more  than  once. 

Secondly,  if  there  be  any  innovation  in  it,  the  prelates 
named  not  the  day ;  my  Lord  Keeper,  I  must  appeal  to  your 
Lordship  :  the  day  was  first  named  by  your  Lordship,  as  the 
usual  and  fittest  day.  And  yet  I  dare  say,  and  swear  too, 
that  your  Lordship  had  no  aim  to  bring  in  Popery ;  nor  to 
suppress  all  or  any  the  Wednesday  lectures  (20)  in  London. 
Besides,  these  men  live  to  see  the  fast  ended,  and  no  one 
Wednesday  lecture  suppressed. 

3.  The  THIRD  INNOVATION  is,  '  that  the  prayer  for  seasonable 
weather  was  purged  out  of  this  last  fast-book,  which  was,'  say 
they,  '  one  cause  of  shipwrecks  and  tempestuous  weather  V 

To  this  I  say,  first  in  the  general ;  this  fast-book,  and  all 
that  have  formerly  been  made,  have  been  both  made  and 
published  by  the  command  of  the  King,  in  whose  sole  power 
it  is  to  call  a  fast.  And  the  archbishop  and  bishops  to  whom 
the  ordering  of  the  book  is  committed,  have  power  under  the 
King  to  put  in  or  leave  out  whatsoever  they  think  fit  for  the 
i  Page  3.  r  Page  3. 


48  SPEECH  AT  THE  CENSURE 

present  occasion ;  as  their  predecessors  have  ever  done  before 
them.  (21)  Provided  that  nothing  be  in  contrary  to  the 
doctrine  or  discipline  of  the  Church  of  England. 

And  this  may  serve  in  the  general  for  all  alterations,  in 
that  or  any  other  fast-book,  or  books  of  devotion  upon  any 
particular  occasions,  which  may  and  ought  to  vary  with 
several  times ;  and  we  may,  and  do,  and  will  justify,  under 
his  Majesty's  power,  all  such  alterations  made  therein. 

Secondly,  for  the  particular.  When  this  last  book  was  set 
out,  the  weather  was  very  seasonable.  And  it  is  not  the 
custom  of  the  Church,  nor  fit  in  itself,  to  pray  for  seasonable 
weather  when  we  have  it,  but  when  we  want  it.  When  the 
former  book  was  set  out,  the  weather  was  extreme  ill,  and 
the  harvest  in  danger ;  now  (22)  the  harvest  was  in,  and  the 
weather  good. 

Thirdly,  'tis  most  inconsequent  to  say,  that  the  leaving 
that  prayer  out  of  the  book  of  devotions  caused  the  ship 
wrecks  and  the  tempests  which  followed.  And  as  bold  they 
are  with  God  Almighty,  in  saying  it  was  the  cause  :  for  sure 
I  am,  God  never  told  them  that  was  the  cause.  And  if  God 
never  revealed  it,  they  cannot  come  to  know  it ;  yet  had  the 
bishops  been  prophets,  and  foreseen  these  accidents,  they 
would  certainly  have  prayed  against  them. 

Fourthly,  had  any  minister  found  it  necessary  to  use  this 
prayer  at  any  one  time  during  the  fast,  he  might  with  ease 
and  without  danger  have  supplied  that  want,  by  using  that 
prayer  to  the  same  purpose  which  is  in  the  ordinary  Liturgy. 

(23)  Fifthly,  I  humbly  desire  your  Lordships  to  weigh  well 
the  consequence  of  this  great  and  dangerous  innovation.  The 
prayer  for  fair  weather  was  left  out  of  the  book  for  the  fast ; 
therefore  the  prelates  intend  to  bring  in  Popery.  An  excel 
lent  consequence,  were  there  any  show  of  reason  in  it. 

4.  The  FOURTH  INNOVATION  is,  '  that  there  is  one  very  useful 
collect  left  out,  and  a  clause  omitted  in  another8/ 

To  this  I  answer,  first,  as  before ;  it  was  lawful  for  us  to 
alter  what  we  thought  fit. 

And  secondly,  since  that  collect  made  mention  of  preaching, 
and  the  Act  of  State  forbad  sermons  on  the  fast-days  in 

•  Page  3 . 


OF  BASTWTCK,  BURTON,  AND  PRYNNE.  49 

infected  places,  we  thought  it  fit,  in  pursuance  of  that  order, 
to  leave  out  that  collect. 

(24)  And  thirdly,  for  the  branch  in  the  other,  which  is  the 
first  collect,  though  God  did  deliver  our  forefathers  out  of 
'Romish  superstition/  yet  (God  be  blessed  for  it)  we  were 
never  in.  And  therefore  that  clause  being  unfittingly  ex 
pressed,  we  thought  fit  to  pass  it  over4. 

5.  The  FIFTH  INNOVATION  is,  <  that  in  the  sixth  order  for 
the  fast,  there  is  a  passage  left  out  concerning  the  abuse  of 
fasting  in  relation  to  rneritu.' 

To  this  I  answer,  that  he  to  whom  the  ordering  of  that 
book  to  the  press  was  committed,  did  therefore  leave  it  out, 
because  in  this  age  and  kingdom  there  is  little  opinion  of 
meriting  by  fasting. 

Nay,  on  the  contrary,  the  contempt  and  scorn  of  all 
fasting  (save  what  humorous  men  call  for  of  themselves)  is 
(25)  so  rank,  that  it  would  grieve  any  Christian  man  to  see 
the  necessary  orders  of  the  Church  concerning  fasting,  both 
in  Lent  and  at  other  set  times,  so  vilified  as  they  are. 

6.  The  SIXTH  INNOVATION  is,  '  that  the  Lady  Elizabeth  and 
her  princely  children  are  dashed  '  (that  's  their  phrase)  c  out 
of  the  new  collect,  whereas  they  were  in  the  collect  of  the 
former  book*/ 

For  this  first,  the  author  of  the  '  News '  knows  full  well 
that  they  are  left  out  of  the  collect  in  the  latter  editions  of 
the  Common  Prayer-book,  as  well  as  in  the  book  for  the  fast. 
And  this  was  done  according  to  the  course  of  the  Church, 
which  ordinarily  names  none  in  the  prayer  but  the  right  line 
descending.  Yet  this  was  not  done  till  the  King  himself 
commanded  it ;  as  I  have  (26)  to  show  under  his  Majesty's 
hand. 

Secondly,  I  beseech  your  Lordships  to  consider,  what  must 
be  the  consequence  here :  The  Queen  of  Bohemia  and  her 
children  are  left  out  of  the  collect;  therefore  the  prelates 
intend  to  bring  in  Popery ;  for  '  that,'  you  know,  they  say, 
'  is  the  end  of  all  these  innovations/  Now,  if  this  be  the  end 
and  the  consequence,  truly  the  libellers  have  done  very  duti- 

t  [The  passage  is  quoted  in  Prynne's      in  Prynne's  Cant.  Doom,  p.  250.] 
Cant.  Doom,  p  249.]  x  Page  3. 

u  Page  3.     [The  passage  is  quoted 
LAUD.— VOL.  vi.  E 


50  SPEECH  AT  THE   CENSURE 

fully  to  the  King,  to  poison  his  people  with  this  conceit ;  that 
the  Lady  Elizabeth  and  her  children  would  keep  Popery  out 
of  this  kingdom,  but  the  King  and  his  children  will  riot. 
And  many  as  good  offices  as  these  have  they  done  the  King 
quite  through  these  libels,  and  quite  through  his  kingdoms; 
For  my  part,  I  honour  the  Queen  of  Bohemia  and  her  line  as 
much  as  any  man  whatsoever,  and  shall  be  as  ready  (27)  to 
serve  them ;  but  I  know  not  how  to  depart  from  my  alle 
giance,  as  I  doubt  these  men  have  done. 

7.  The  SEVENTH  INNOVATION  is,  ' that  these  words,  'who 
art  the  Father  of  Thine  elect  and  of  their  seed/  are  changed 
in  the  preface  of  that  collect  which  is  for  the  Prince  and  the 
King's  children.?.'  And  with  a  most  spiteful  inference,  '  that 
this  was  done  by  the  prelates  to  exclude  the  King's  children 
out  of  the  number  of  God's  elect/  And  they  call  it  fan 
intolerable  impiety  and  horrid  treason.' 

To  this  I  answer,  first,  that  this  alteration  was  made  in  my 
predecessor's  time,  before  I  had  any  authority  to  meddle  with 
these  things,  further  than  I  was  called  upon  by  him. 

Secondly,  this  is  not  therefore  to  lay  any  aspersion  upon 
my  predecessor,  for  (28)  he  did  in  that  but  his  duty :  for  his 
Majesty  acknowledges  it  was  done  by  his  special  direction,  as 
having  then  no  children  to  pray  for. 

And  thirdly,  this  collect  could  not  be  very  old,  for  it  had 
no  being  in  the  Common  Prayer-book  all  Queen  Elizabeth's 
time,  she  having  no  issue. 

The  truth  is,  it  was  made  at  the  coming  in  of  King  James, 
and  must  of  necessity  be  changed  over  and  over  again,  pro 
ratione  temporum,  as  times  and  persons  vary.  And  this  is 
the  '  intolerable  impiety  and  horrid  treason '  they  charge 
upon  us. 

In  this  method  the  innovations  are  set  down  in  the  '  News 
from  Ipswich.'  But  then  in  Mr.  Burton's  News  from  Friday- 
street  (called  his  ' Apology2')  they  are  in  another  order,  and 
more  are  added.  Therefore,  with  your  Lord  (29)  ships'  leave, 
I  will  not  repeat  any  of  these,  but  go  on  to  the  rest,  which 
Mr.  Burton  adds. 

y  Page  3.  There  is  not  a  second  title,   '  X 

a  [Burton's 'Apology of  an  Appeal.'      from  Friday-street.'] 


Or  BiSTWICK,  BURTON,  AND  PRTNNE.          51 

8.  The  EIGHTH  INNOVATION  is,  '  that  in  the  Epistle  the 
Sunday  before  Easter,  we  have  put  out  '  in,'  and  made  it  '  at 
the  name  of  Jesus  every  knee  shall  bow /  which  alteration/ 
he  saith,  '  is  directly  against  the  Act  of  Parliament  a/ 

Here  give  me  leave  to  tell  you,  'tis  '  at  the  name  of  Jesus,' 
in  the  late  learned  translation  made  in  King  James  his  time. 
About  which  many  learned  men  of  best  note  in  the  kingdom 
were  employed,  besides  some  prelates. 

But  to  this  I  answer,  first,  'tis  true  the  Common  Prayer- 
book  was  confirmed  by  Act  of  Parliament,  and  so  all  things 
contained  in  it  at  the  passing  of  that  Act.  But  I  hope  if 
anything  were  false-(30)  printed  then,  the  Parliament  did 
not  intend  to  pass  those  slips  for  current. 

Secondly,  I  am  not  of  opinion,  that  if  one  word  be  put  in 
for  another,  so  they  bear  both  the  same  sense,  that  there  is 
any  great  matter  done  against  the  Act  of  Parliament. 

Thirdly,  this  can  make  no  innovation.  For  '  in  the  name/ 
and  '  at  the  name  of  Jesus/  can  make  no  essential  difference 
here.  And  Mr.  Pryn  (whose  darling  business  it  hath  long 
been  to  cry  down  the  honour  due  to  the  Son  of  God,  at  the 
mention  of  His  saving  name  Jesus)  knows  the  grammar  rule 
well,  '  In  a  place,  or  at  a  place/  &c. 

Fourthly,  if  there  were  any  error  in  the  change  of  '  in ' 
into  '  at/  I  do  here  solemnly  protest  to  you  I  know  not  how 
it  came  :  for  authority  from  the  pre(31)lates  the  printers  had 
none,  and  such  a  word  is  easily  changed  in  such  a  negligent 
press  as  we  have  in  England.  Or  if  any  altered  it  purposely, 
for  aught  I  know,  they  did  it  to  gratify  the  preciser  sort.  For 
therein  they  followed  the  Geneva  translation,  and  printed  at 
Geneva,  1557 b,  where  the  words  are,  '  at  the  name  of  Jesus/ 
And  that  is  ninety-four  years  ago,  and  therefore  no  innova 
tion  made  by  us. 

Fifthly,  this  I  find  in  the  Queen's  Injunctions,  without 
either  word  '  in '  or  '  at/  (  Whensoever  the  name  of  Jesus 
shall  be  in  any  lesson,  sermon,  or  otherwise,  pronounced  in 
the  church/  'tis  enjoined,  '  that  due  reverence  be  made  of  all 
persons,  young  and  old,  with  lowliness  of  courtesy,  and  un 
covering  of  the  heads  of  the  men-kind,  as  thereunto  doth 

n  Burton's  Apology,  pag.  2.  b  In  octavo. 


52  SPEECH  AT  THE  CENSUHE 

necessarily  belong,  and  heretofore  hath  been  accustomed0/ 
(32)  So  here  is  necessity  laid  upon  it,  and  custom  for  it,  and 
both  expressed  by  authority  in  the  very  beginning  of  the 
Information,  and  is  therefore  no  innovation  now. 

9.  The  NINTH  INNOVATION  isd,  '  that  two  places  are  changed  7 
in  the  prayers  set  forth  for  the  fifth  of  November :  and 
ordered  to  be  read/  they  say,  (  by  Act  of  Parliament.  The 
first  place  is  changed  thus :  from,  l  Boot  out  that  Baby 
lonish  and  aiitichristian  sect  which  say  of  Jerusalem/  &c., 
into  this  form  of  words,  '  Root  out  that  Babylonish  and 
antichristian  sect  (of  them)  which  say/  &c.  The  second 
place  went  thus  in  the  old :  '  Cut  off  these  workers  of  ini 
quity,  whose  religion  is  rebellion  /  but  in  the  book  printed 
1635,  'tis  thus  altered :  '  Cut  off  those  workers  of  iniquity, 
who  turn  religion  into  rebellion/  '  &c. 

(33)  To  this  I  say,  first,  'tis  a  notorious  untruth  that  this 
book  was  e  ordered  to  be  read  by  Act  of  Parliament/  The 
Act  of  Parliament,  indeed,  is  printed  before  it ;  and  therein 
is  a  command  for  prayers  and  thanksgivings  every  fifth  of 
November,  but  riot  one  word  or  syllable  for  the  form  of 
prayer:  that's  left  to  the  Church.  Therefore,  here's  no 
innovation  against  that  Act  of  Parliament. 

Secondly,  the  alteration  first  mentioned,  that  is,  '  that 
sect/  or  (  sect  of  them/  is  of  so  small  consequence  as  'tis 
not  worth  the  speaking  of;  besides,  if  there  be  anything  of 
moment  in  it,  'tis  answered  in  the  next. 

Thirdly,  both  for  that  and  the  second  place,  which  seems 
of  more  moment;  and  so  for  the  rest,  not  only  in  that  book, 
but  that  other  also  for  his  Majesty's  coronation,  his  Majesty 
expressly  (34)  commanded  me  to  make  the  alterations,  and 
see  them  printed.  And  here  are  both  the  books,  with  his 
Majesty's  warrant  to  each  of  them.  So  that  herein  I  con 
ceive  I  did  not  offend,  unless  it  were  that  I  gave  not  these 
men  notice  of  it,  or  asked  them  leave  to  obey  the  King. 

Against  this  there  can  be  but  two  objections,  should  malice 
itself  go  to  work.  The  one  is,  that  I  moved  his  Majesty  to 
command  the  change;  and  the  other,  that  now,  when  I  saw 

c  Injunction  Hi.  [Wilkins'  Cone.  toin.  iv.  p.  188.]  d  IVge  3. 


OF  BASTWICK,  BURTON,  AND  PB^NNE.  53 

myself  challenged  for  it,  I  procured  his  Majesty's  hand  for 
my  security. 

To  these  I  answer  clearly,  first,,  that  I  did  not  move  the 
King,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  make  this  change. 

And,  secondly,  that  I  had  his  Majesty's  hand  to  the  book, 
not  now,  but  then,  and  before  ever  I  caused  them  (35)  to  be 
printed  as  now  they  are.  And  that  both  these  are  true,  I 
here  again  freely  offer  myself  to  my  oath. 

And  yet,  fourthly,  that  you  may  see  his  gracious  Majesty 
used  not  his  power  only  in  commanding  this  change,  but  his 
wisdom  also,  I  shall  adventure  to  give  you  my  reasons,  such 
as  they  are,  why  this  alteration  was  most  fit,  if  not  necessary. 

My  first  reason  is,  in  the  Litany  in  Henry  VIII.  his  time6, 
and  also  under  Edward  VLf,  there  was  this  clause :  '  From 
the  tyranny  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  and  all  his  detestable 
enormities,  from  all  false  doctrine,  &c.,  Good  Lord,  deliver 
us/  But  in  the  Litany  in  Queen  Elizabeth's  time,  this 
clause  about  the  Pope  was  left  out,  and  it  seems  of  purpose, 
for  avoiding  of  scandal :  and  yet  the  prelates  for  (36)  that 
not  accounted  innovators,  or  introducers  of  Popery.  Now 
'tis  a  far  greater  scandal  to  call  their  religion  ( rebellion' 
than  'tis  to  call  their  chief  bishop  '  tyrant.' 

And  this  reason  is  drawn  from  scandal,  which  must  ever 
be  avoided  as  much  as  it  may. 

My  second  reason  is,  that  the  learned  make  but  three 
religions  to  have  been  of  old  in  the  world,  Paganism,  Juda 
ism,  and  Christianity;  and  now  they  have  added  a  fourth, 
which  is  Turcism,  and  is  an  absurd  mixture  of  the  other 
three.  Now,  if  this  ground  of  theirs  be  true,  (as  'tis  gene 
rally  received,)  perhaps  it  will  be  of  dangerous  consequence 
sadly  to  avow  that  the  Popish  religion  is  rebellion.  That 
some  opinions  of  theirs  teach  rebelli(37)on,  that's  apparently 
true ;  the  other  would  be  thought  on,  to  say  no  more.  And 
this  reason,  well  weighed,  is  taken  from  the  very  foundations 
of  religion  itself. 

My  third  reason  is,  because  if  you  make  their  religion  to 
be  rebellion,  then  you  make  their  religion  and  rebellion  to  be 

e  It  was  put  into  the  Litany  of  of  Edw.  VI.,  both  that  which  was 

Hen.  VIII.'s  time,  as  appears  in  his  printed  1549,  and  in  that  which  was 

Primer,  with  his  injunction  before  it.  after,  anno 

f  A ud  'tis  in  both  the  Service-books 


54  SPEECH   AT  THE  CENSURE 

all  one.  And  that  is  against  the  ground  both  of  state  and 
the  law.  For  when  divers  Romish  priests  and  Jesuits  have 
deservedly  suffered  death  for  treason,  is  it  not  the  constant 
and  just  profession  of  the  State,  that  they  never  put  any  man 
to  death  for  religion,  but  for  rebellion  and  treason  only? 
Doth  not  the  State  truly  affirm,  that  there  was  never  any  law 
made  against  the  life  of  a  Papist,  quatcnus  a  Papist  only  ? 
And  (38)  is  not  all  this  stark  false,  if  their  very  religion  be 
rebellion  ?  For  if  their  religion  be  rebellion,  it  is  not  only 
false,  but  impossible,  that  the  same  man,  in  the  same  act, 
should  suffer  for  his  rebellion,  and  not  for  his  religion. 

And  this  King  James  of  ever-blessed  memory  understood 
passing  well,  when,  in  his  Premonition  to  all  Christian 
Monarchs,  he  saith,  '  I  do  constantly  maintain  that  no 
Papist,  either  in  my  time  or  in  the  time  of  the  late  Queen, 
ever  died  for  his  conscience  %.'  Therefore,  he  did  not  think 
their  very  religion  was  rebellion ;  though  this  clause  passed 
through  inadvertency  in  his  time.  And  this  reason  is 
grounded  both  upon  the  practice  and  the  justice  of  the  law. 

Which  of  these  reasons,  or  whe(39)ther  any  other  better, 
were  in  his  Majesty's  thoughts  when  he  commanded  the 
alteration  of  this  clause,  I  know  not.  But  I  took  it  my  duty 
to  lay  it  before  you,  that  the  King  had  not  only  power,  but 
reason  to  command  it. 

10.  The  TENTH  INNOVATION  is,  'that  the  Prayer  for  the 
Navy  is  left  out  of  the  late  book  for  the  fast11/ 

To  this  I  say,  there  is  great  reason  it  should.  For  the 
King  had  no  declared  enemy  then,  nor  (God  be  thanked) 
hath  he  now.  Nor  had  he  then  any  navy  at  sea ;  for  almost 
all  the  ships  were  come  in  before  the  fast-book  was  set  out. 

But,  howsoever,  an  excellent  consequence  it  is,  if  you  mark 
it :  The  Prayer  for  the  Navy  was  left  out  of  the  (40)  book  for 
the  fast ;  therefore  by  that,  and  such  like  innovations,  the 
prelates  intend  to  bring  in  Popery.  Indeed,  if  that  were  a 
piece  of  the  prelates'  plots  to  bring  in  Popery  from  beyond 
sea,  then  they  were  mightily  overseen  that  they  left  out  the 
Prayer  for  the  Navy.  But  else  what  reason  or  consequence 
is  in  it  I  know  not,  unless  perhaps  Mr.  Burton  intended  to 

s  [Work?,]  page  336.  h  Page  3. 


OF  BASTWICK,  BURTON,  AND   PRYNNE.  55 

befriend  Dr.  Bastwick,  arid  in  the  navy  bring  hither  the 
Whore  of  Babylon  to  be  ready  for  his  christening,  as  he  most 
profanely  scoffs. 

Well;  I  pray  God  the  time  come  not  upon  this  kingdom, 
in  which  it  will  be  found  that  no  one  thing  hath  advanced  or 
ushered  in  Popery  so  fast,  as  the  gross  absurdities  even  in  the 
worship  of  God  which  (41)  these  men,  and  their  like,  main 
tain,  both  in  opinion  and  practice. 

11.  The  ELEVENTH  INNOVATION  is,  ( the  reading  of  the 
second  service  at  the  communion-table,  or  the  altar1.' 

To  this,  first,  I  can  truly  say,  that  since  my  own  memory 
this  was  in  use  in  very  many  places,  as  being  most  proper  (for 
those  prayers  are  then  read  which  both  precede  and  follow 
the  Communion) ;  and  by  little  and  little  this  ancient  custom 
was  altered,  and  in  those  places  first  where  the  emissaries 
of  this  faction  came  to  preach.  And  now,  if  any  in  authority 
offer  to  reduce  it,  this  ancient  course  of  the  Church  is  by  and 
by  called  an  innovation. 

Secondly,  with  this  the  Rubrics  of  the  Common  Prayer- 
book  agree ;  (42)  for  the  first  Rubric  after  the  Communion 
tells  us,  that  upon  holidays,  though  there  be  no  Communion, 
yet  all  else  that  '&  appointed  at  the  Communion  shall  be  read. 
Shall  be  read?  That's  true;  but  where?  Why,  the  last 
Rubric  before  the  Communion  tells  us, '  that  the  priest,  stand 
ing  at  the  north  side  of  the  holy  table,  shall  say  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  with  that  which  follows/  So  that  not  only  the 
Communion,  but  the  prayers  which  accompany  the  Commu 
nion  (which  are  commonly  called  the  Second  Service),  are  to 
be  read  at  the  communion-table.  Therefore,  if  this  be  an 
innovation,  'tis  made  by  the  Rubric,  not  by  the  prelates. 
And  Mr.  Burton's  scoff,  that  this  (  second  service  must  be 
served  in  for  dainties k,'  savours  too  much  of  belly  and  pro 
fanation. 

(43)  12.  One  thing  sticks  much  in  their  stomachs,  and 
they  call  it  an  INNOVATION  too ;  and  that  is,  '  bowing,  or 
doing  reverence  at  our  first  coming  into  the  church,  or  at 
our  nearer  approaches  to  the  holy  table,  or  the  altar/  (call  it 

5  [Burton's  Sermon  for  God  and  service,  as  dainties,  must  be  said 
the  King,]  page  105.  there," 

k    Page  105  :    "Then    the    second 


56  SPEECH   AT  THE   CENSURE 

whether  you  will ;)  in  which  they  will  needs  have  it,  '  that  we 
worship  the  holy  table,  or  God  knows  what  V 

To  this  I  answer,  first,  that  God  forbid  we  should  worship 
anything  but  God  Himself. 

Secondly,  that  if  to  worship  God  when  we  enter  into  His 
house,  or  approach  His  altar,  be  an  innovation,  'tis  a  very 
old  one. 

For  Moses  did  reverence  at  the  very  door  of  the  Taber 
nacle  (Numb.  xx.  6)m;  Hezekiah,  and  all  that  (44)  were  pre 
sent  with  him,  when  they  had  made  an  end  of  offering,  bowed 
and  worshipped  (2  Chron.  xxix.  29) ;  David  calls  the  people 
to  it  with  a  Venite,  '  O  come,  let  us  worship  and  fall  down, 
and  kneel  before  the  Lord  our  Maker'  (Psal.  xcv.  6).  And 
in  all  these  places  (I  pray,  mark  it)  'tis  bodily  worship. 

Nor  can  they  say,  that  this  was  Judaical  worship,  and  now 
not  to  be  imitated ;  for  long  before  Judaism  began,  Bethel, 
the  house  of  God,  was  a  place  of  reverence  (Gen.  xxviii.  17, 
&c.) ;  therefore,  certainly,  of  and  to  God. 

And  after  Judaical  worship  ended,  Venite,  adoremus,  as  far 
upwards  as  there  is  any  track  of  a  liturgy,  was  the  introitus 
of  the  priest,  all  the  Latin  Church  over. 

And  in  the  daily  prayers  of  the  (45)  Church  of  England,  71 
this  was  retained  at  the  Reformation ;  and  that  Psalm,  in 
which  is  Venite,  adoremus,  is  commanded  to  begin  the  Morning 
Service  every  day.  And  for  aught  I  know,  the  priest  may 
as  well  leave  out  the  Venite,  as  the  Adoremus;  the  calling  the 
people  to  their  duty,  as  the  duty  itself  when  they  are  come. 

Therefore,  even  according  to  the  Service-book  of  the 
Church  of  England,  the  priest  and  the  people  both  are  called 
upon  for  external  and  bodily  reverence  and  worship  of  God 
in  His  church.  Therefore,  they  which  do  it  do  not  innovate. 
And  yet  the  government  is  so  moderate,  (God  grant  it  be 
not  too  loose  therewhile,)  that  no  man  is  constrained,  no  man 
questioned,  only  religiously  called  upon,  Venite,  adoremus, 
'  Come,  let  us  worship.' 

(46)  For  my  own  part,  I  take  myself  bound  to  worship 
with  body  as  well  as  in  soul,  whenever  I  come  where  God  is 

1  Page  105.  paragraphs,  which  relate  to  the  twelfth 

m  [Prynne  has  commented  very  innovation,  in  Cant.  Doom,  pp.  200, 
scurrilously  on  this  and  the  following  201.] 


OF  BASTWICK,  BURTON,  AND   PRYNNE.  57 

worshipped.  And  were  this  kingdom  such  as  would  allow  no 
holy  table  standing  in  its  proper  place,  (and  such  places  some 
there  are,)  yet  I  would  worship  God  when  I  came  into  His 
house.  And  were  the  times  such  as  should  beat  down 
churches,  and  all  the  '  curious  carved  work  thereof,  with  axes 
and  hammers/  as  in  Psal.  Ixxiv.  6,  (and  such  times  have 
been,)  yet  would  I* worship  in  what  place  soever  I  came  to 
pray,  though  there  were  not  so  much  as  a  stone  laid  for 
Bethel.  But  this  is  the  misery,  'tis  superstition  now-a-days 
for  any  man  to  come  with  more  reverence  into  a  church, 
than  a  tinker  and  his  bitch  come  into  an  ale-house.  The 
(47)  comparison  is  too  homely,  but  my  just  indignation  at 
the  profaneness  of  the  times  makes  me  speak  it. 

And  you,  my  honourable  Lords  of  the  Garter,  in  your  great 
solemnities,  you  do  your  reverence,  and  to  Almighty  God, 
I  doubt  not ;  but  yet  it  is  versus  altare,  '  towards  His  altar/ 
as  the  greatest  place  of  God's  residence  upon  earth.  (I  say 
the  greatest,  yea,  greater  than  the  pulpit ;  for  there  His  Hoc 
est  corpus  meum,  '  This  is  My  body  /  but  in  the  pulpit  'tis  at 
most  but  Hoc  est  verbum  meum,  '  This  is  My  word/  And 
a  greater  reverence,  no  doubt,  is  due  to  the  body  than  to  the 
word  of  our  Lord.  And  so,  in  relation,  answer  ably  to  the 
throne  where  His  body  is  usually  present,  than  to  the  seat 
whence  His  word  useth  to  be  proclaimed.  And  (48)  God 
hold  it  there,  at  His  word ;  for,  as  too  many  men  use  the 
matter,  His  Hoc  est  verbum  Diaboli,  '  This  is  the  word  of  the 
Devil/  in  too  many  places.  "Witness  sedition,  and  the  like 
to  it.)  And  this  reverence  ye  do  when  ye  enter  the  chapel,  and 
when  you  approach  nearer  to  offer.  And  this  is  no  innovation, 
for  you  are  bound  to  it  by  your  order,  and  that's  not  new. 

And  idolatry  it  is  not  to  worship  God  towards  His  holy 
table  ;  for  if  it  had  been  idolatry,  I  presume  Queen  Elizabeth 
and  King  James  would  not  have  practised  it,  no  not  in  those 
solemnities.  And  being  not  idolatry,  but  true  Divine  wor 
ship,  you  will,  I  hope,  give  a  poor  priest  leave  to  worship  God 
as  yourselves  do  :  for  if  it  be  God's  worship,  (49)  I  ought  to 
do  it  as  well  as  you ;  and  if  it  be  idolatry,  you  ought  not  to 
do  it  more  than  I. 

I  say  again,  I  hope  a  poor  priest  may  worship  God  with  as 
lowly  reverence  as  you  do,  since  you  are  bound  by  your 


58  SPEECH  AT  THE   CENSURE 

order,  and  by  your  oath,  according  to  a  constitution  of 
Henry  the  Fifth  (as  appears"),  to  give  due  honour  and  reve 
rence  Domino  Deo,  et  altari  ejus,  in  modum  virorum  ecclesias-  71 
ticorum ;  that  is,  '  to  the  Lord  your  God,  and  to  His  altar/ 
(for  there  is  a  reverence  due  to  that  too,  though  such  as 
comes  far  short  of  Divine  worship ;)  and  this  '  in  the  manner 
as  ecclesiastical  persons  both  worship  and  do  reverence/ 

The  story  which  led  in  this  decree  is  this :  King  Henry 
the  Fifth,  that  noble  and  victorious  prince,  return  (50)  ing 
gloriously  out  of  France,  sat  at  this  solemnity ;  and  finding 
the  knights  of  the  Order  scarce  bow  to  God,  or  but  slightly, 
and  then  bow  towards  him  and  his  seat,  startled  at  it,  (being 
a  prince  then  grown  as  religious  as  he  was  before  victorious ;) 
and  after  asking  the  reason,  for  till  then  the  knights  of  the 
Order  never  bowed  toward  the  King  or  his  seat,  the  Duke  of 
Bedford  answered,  it  was  settled  by  a  Chapter  Act  three 
years  before.  Hereupon  that  great  King  replied  :  '  No ;  Til 
none  of  this,  till  you  the  knights  do  it  satis  bene,  well 
enough,  and  with  due  performance,  to  Almighty  God/  And 
hereupon  the  forenamed  Act  proceeded,  that  they  should  do 
1  this  duty  to  Almighty  God/  not  slightly,  but  ad  modum 
virorum  ecclesiasticorum,  '  as  low,  as  well,  as  decently  as 
clergymen  use  to  do  it/ 

(51)  Now,  if  you  will  turn  this  off,  and  say  it  was  the 
superstition  of  that  age  so  to  do,  Bishop  Jewell  will  come  in 
to  help  me  there.  For  where  Harding  names  divers  ceremo 
nies,  and  particularly  bowing  themselves  and  adoring  at  the 
Sacrament, — I  say, '  adoring  at  the  Sacrament/  not  ( adoring 
the  Sacrament/ — there  Bishop  Jewell  (that  learned,  painful, 
and  reverend  prelate)  approves  all,  both  the  kneeling  and  the 
bowing,  and  the  standing  up  at  the  Gospel,  (which,  as  ancient 
as  it  is  in  the  Church,  and  a  common  custom,  is  yet  fondly 
made  another  of  their  innovations ;)  and  further,  the  Bishop 
adds,  '  that  they  are  all  commendable  gestures,  and  tokens 
of  devotion,  so  long  as  the  people  understand  what  they 
mean,  and  apply  them  unto  God  °/  Now,  with  us  the  people 
did  (52)  ever  understand  them  fully,  and  apply  them  to  God, 

n    In  Libro  Nigro  Windesoriensi,  °    B.  Jewell's  Reply  to  Harding's 

p.  65.    [See  '  The  Register  of  the  most  Answer,  art.  3,  div.  29.  [p.  151.  Lond. 

noble   Order  of  the  Garter,'  &c.,  by  1C09.] 
John  Anstis,  vol.  ii.  p.  76.] 


OP  BASTWICK,  BURTON,  AND   PRYNNE.  59 

and  to  none  but  God,  till  these  factious  spirits,  and  their 
like,  to  the  great  disservice  of  God  and  His  Church,  went 
about  to  persuade  them  that  they  are  superstitious,  if  not 
idolatrous  gestures :  as  they  make  everything  else  to  be, 
where  God  is  not  served  slovenly. 

13.  The  THIRTEENTH  INNOVATION  is,  '  the  placing  of  the 
holy  table  altarwise,  at  the  upper  end  of  the  chancel/  that 
is,  fthe  setting  of  it  north  and  south,  and  placing  a  rail 
before  it/  to  keep  it  from  profanation,  which  Mr.  Burton 
says,  'is  done  to  advance  and  usher  in  Popery1"/ 

To  this  I  answer,  that  'tis  no  Popery  to  set  a  rail  to  keep 
profanation  from  that  holy  table ;  nor  is  it  (53)  any  innova 
tion  to  place  it  at  the  upper  end  of  the  chancel,  as  the  altar 
stood.  And  this  appears  both  by  the  practice,  and  by  the 
command  and  canon  of  the  Church  of  England. 

First,  by  the  practice  of  the  Church  of  England  :  for  in  the 
King's  royal  chapels,  and  divers  cathedrals,  the  holy  table 
hath  ever  since  the  Reformation  stood  at  the  upper  end  of 
the  quire,  with  the  large  or  full  side  towards  the  people. 

And  though  it  stood  in  most  parish  churches  the  other 
way>  jet  whether  there  be  not  more  reason  the  parish 
churches  should  be  made  conformable  to  the  cathedral  and 
mother  churches,  than  the  cathedrals  to  them,  I  leave  to  any 
reasonable  man  to  judge. 

And  yet  here  is  nothing  done,  ei(54)ther  by  violence  or 
>0  command,  to  take  off  the  indifferency  of  the  standing  of  the 
holy  table  either  way,  but  only  by  laying  it  fairly  before  men, 
how  fit  it  is  there  should  be  order  and  uniformity ;  I  say  still 
reserving  the  indifferency  of  the  standing. 

But,  howsoever,  I  would  fain  know  how  any  discreet 
moderate  man  dares  say  that  the  '  placing  of  the  holy  table 
altarwise'  (since  they  will  needs  call  it  so)  is  done  either  '  to 
advance  or  usher  in  Popery?'  For  did  Queen  Elizabeth 
banish  Popery,  and  yet  did  she  all  along  her  reign  from  first 
to  last  leave  the  communion-table  so  standing  in  her  own 
Chapel  Royal,  in  St.  Paul's  and  Westminster,  and  other 
places,  and  all  this  of  purpose  to  advance  or  usher  in  that 
Popery  which  she  had  driven  out  ? 

*  [Apology,]  pp.  4,  £,  [and  Sermon  for  God  and  the  King,  p.]  105. 


60  SPEECH   AT   THE  CENSURE 

(55)  And  since  her  death,  have  two  gracious  Kings  kept 
out  Popery  all  their  times,  and  yet  left  the  holy  table  stand 
ing  as  it  did  in  the  Queen's  time,  and  all  of  purpose  to 
advance  or  usher  in  Popery,  which  they  kept  out  ? 

Or  what's  the  matter?  May  the  holy  table  stand  this 
way  in  the  King's  chapel,  or  cathedrals,  or  Bishops'  chapels, 
and  not  elsewhere  ?  Surely,  if  it  be  decent  and  fit  for  God's 
service,  it  may  stand  so  (if  authority  please)  in  any  church. 
But  if  it {  advance  or  usher  in  any  superstition  and  Popery, ' 
it  ought  to  stand  so  in  none. 

Nor  hath  any  King's  chapel  any  prerogative  (if  that  may 
be  called  one)  above  any  ordinary  church  to  disserve  God 
in,  by  any  superstitious  (56)  rites.  Where  give  me  leave  to 
tell  you,  that  the  King  and  his  chapel  are  most  jeeringly 
and  with  scorn  abused,  in  the  last  leaf  of  Mr.  Burton's 
mutinous  Appeal,  for  such  it  is. 

Secondly,  this  appears  by  the  canon  or  rule  of  the  Church 
of  England  too,  for  'tis  plain  in  the  last  Injunction  of  the 
Queen,  that  the  holy  table  ought  to  stand  at  the  upper  end 
of  the  quire,  north  and  south,  or  altarwise.  For  the  words 
of  the  Queen's  Injunctions  are  these : — 

1  The  holy  table  in  every  church'  (mark  it,  I  pray,  not  in 
the  Hoyal  Chapel  or  cathedrals  only,  but  fin  every  church') 
*  shall  be  decently  made,  and  set  in  the  place  where  the  altar 
stood ^.'  Now,  the  altar  stood  at  the  upper  end  of  the  quire, 
north  and  south,  as  (57)  appears  before  by  the  practice  of  the 
Church.  And  there  to  set  it  otherwise  is  to  set  it  cross  the 
place,  not '  iii '  the  place  where  the  altar  stood ;  and  so,  Stulti 
dum  vitant  vitia* — weak  men,  as  these  libellers  are,  run  into 
one  superstition  while  they  would  avoid  another ;  for  they  run 
upon  the  superstition  of  the  cross  while  they  seek  to  avoid 
the  superstition  of  the  altar.  So  you  see,  here 's  neither 
Popery  nor  innovation  in  all  the  practice  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
or  since. 

These  words  of  the  Injunction  are  so  plain,  as  that  they 
can  admit  of  no  shift. 

And  give  me  leave  to  tell  you,  that  a  very  learned  prelate 
of  this  Church,  and  one  whom  I  think  these  men  will  not 

i  [Wilkins'  Cone.  torn.  iv.  p.  188  ]  r  [Hor.  Sat.  i.  2.  24.] 


OF  BASTWICK,  BU11TON,  AND  PRYNNE. 


61 


accuse  as  a  man  like  to  (58)  '  advance  or  usher  in  Popery/  is 
of  the  same  opinion  :  'tis  my  Lord  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury s. 
Some  difference  was  lately  rising  about  placing  the  com 
munion-table  in  a  parish  church  of  his  diocese.  The  Bishop, 
careful  to  prevent  all  disorder,  sends  his  injunction*  under 
his  hand  and  seal  to  the  curate  and  churchwardens,  to  settle 
that  business ;  in  which  he  hath  these  two  passages  remark 
able.  I  have  seen  and  read  the  order11. 


8  [Dr  John  Davenant,  a  divine  of 
strong  Calvinistic  leanings.] 

1   May  17,  1637. 

u  [The  Editor,  in  examining  the 
Parish  Register  of  Aldbourne  for  an 
other  purpose,  most  unexpectedly  dis 
covered  a  copy  of  this  very  document, 
which,  by  the  kindness  of  the  Rev. 
G.  P.  Cleather,  M.A.,  Vicar  of  the 
parish,  he  was  permitted  to  tran 
scribe. 

"  A  copy  of  the  order  sent  from  the 
Right  Reverent  father  in  God  the 
Bishop  of  Sarum  to  the  Parish  of  Al- 
borne  for  the  placing  of  the  Holy 
Table,  and  administration  of  the  Holy 
Sac.  of  the  Lord's  Supper. 

"  John,  by  divine  providence  Bi 
shop  of  Sarum,  To  the  Curate  and 
Churchwardens  with  the  Parishioners 
of  Auborne,  in  the  County  of  Wilts, 
and  our  Dioccs  of  Sarii,  greeting, 
Whereas  his  Matie  hath  beene  lately 
informed,  that  some  men  factiously 
disposed,  have  taken  upon  themselves 
to  place  and  remove  the  Coilmnion 
Table  in  the  Church  of  Auborne;  and 
thereupon  his  highnes  hath  required 
me  to  take  prsent  order  therein.  These 
are  to  let  you  know,  that  both  accord 
ing  to  the  Injunctions  given  out  in 
the  Raigne  of  Queene  Elizabeth  for 
the  placing  of  Comunion  Tables  in 
Churches,  and  by  the  82  Canon  agreed 
upon  in  the  first  yeare  of  the  Raigne 
of  King  James  of  blessed  memory,  it 
was  intimated  that  those  Tables  should 
ordinarily  be  sett  and  stand  with  the 
side  to  the  East  wall  of  the  Chauucell. 
I  therefore  require  you  the  Church 
wardens,  and  all  other  persons,  not  to 
meddle  with  the  bringing  downe  or 
transposing  of  the  Coiimnion  Table,  as 
you  will  answere  it  at  your  owne  perill. 
And  because  some  doe  ignorantly  sup 
pose  that  the  standing  of  the  Comu 
nion  Table  where  Altars  stood  in  times 
of  supstition  has  some  relish  of  Po 
pery  :  And  some  prchance  may  as 
erroniously  conceive  that  the  placing 


thereof  otherwise  when  the  holy 
Coiliunion  is  administered  savors  of 
irreverence  :  I  would  have  you  take 
notice  from  the  forenamed  Injunction, 
and  Canon,  from  the  Rubric  prefixed 
before  the  administration  of  the 
Lord's  Supper,  and  from  the  first 
article  not  long  since  inquired  of  in 
the  Visitation  of  our  most  reverend 
Metropolitan ;  that  the  placing  of  it 
higher  or  lower  in  the  Chauncell,  or 
in  the  Church,  is  by  the  Judgment  of 
the  Church  of  England  a  thing  indif 
ferent,  and  to  be  ordered  and  guided 
by  the  only  Rule  of  Conveniencie.  Now 
because  in  things  of  this  nature  to 
iudge  and  determine  what  is  most 
covenient,  belongs  not  to  private  per 
sons,  but  to  those  that  have  Ecclesi 
astical  authority;  I  inhibit  you  the 
Church- Wardens,  and  all  other  persons 
whatsoever,  to  meddle  with  the  bring 
ing  downe  of  the  Comunion  Table,  or 
with  altering  the  place  thereof  at  such 
times  as  the  Holy  Supp  is  to  be  admi 
nistered  ;  and  I  require  you  herein  to 
yield  obedience  unto  what  is  already 
iudged  most  convenient  by  my  Chaun- 
cellor,  unless  upon  further  considera 
tion  and  viewe  it  shall  be  otherwise 
ordered.  Now  to  the  end  that  the 
Minister  may  neither  be  overtoyled, 
nor  the  people  indecently  and  inconve 
niently  thronged  together,  when  they 
are  to  draw  neere,  and  take  the  holy 
Sacrament ;  and  that  the  frequent  cele- 
b ratio  thereof  may  nevertheless  be  con 
tinued, I  doe  further  appoint  that  thrice 
in  the  yeare  at  the  least,  there  be  pub- 
lique  notice  given  in  the  Church,  for 
fower  Comunions  to  be  held  upon 
fower  Sundaies  together;  and  that 
there  come  not  to  the  Comunion  in 
one  day  above  two  hundred  at  the 
most.  For  the  better  observation 
whereof,  and  that  every  man  may 
know  his  prop  time,  the  Curate  shall 
divide  the  Parishioners  into  fower 
parts  according  to  his  discretio,  and 
as  shall  most  fittingly  serve  to  this 


62  SPEECH  AT  THE   CENSURE 

The  first  passage  is  this  :  '  By  the  Injunction  of  Queen 
Elizabeth/  saith  he,  '  and  by  Can.  82  under  King  James, 
the  communion-tables  should  ordinarily  be  set  and  stand 
with  the  side  to  the  east  wall  of  the  chancel/  Therefore,  81 
this  is  no  innovation,  since  there  is  injunction  and  canon 
for  it. 

(59)  The  other  passage  is  this  :  '  'Tis  ignorance/  saith  that 
learned  Bishop,  ( to  think  that  the  standing  of  the  holy  table 
there  relishes  of  Popery/  Therefore,  if  it  do  not  so  much 
as  relish  of  Popery,  it  can  neither  advance  it  nor  usher  it  in. 
And  therefore,  this  is  a  most  odious  slander  and  scandal 
cast  upon  us. 

So  here  's  enough  both  for  the  practice  and  rule  of  the 
Church  of  England  since  the  Reformation.  Now  before  that 
time,  both  in  this  and  other  Churches  of  Christendom,  in  the 
East  and  West  ordinarily,  the  holy  table  or  altar  stood  so. 
Against  this  Mr.  Burton  says  little. 

But  the  Lincolnshire  minister  comes  in  to  play  the  Puritan 
for  that.  Concerning  which  book  x  (falling  thus  in  my  way) 
and  the  (60)  nameless  author  of  it,  I  shall  only  say  these  two 
things. 

The  one  is,  that  the  author  prevaricates  from  the  first 
word  to  the  last  in  the  book ;  for  he  takes  on  him  both  for 
the  name  and  for  the  placing  of  the  holy  table,  and  the  like, 
to  prove,  that  generally,  and  universally,  and  ordinarily  in 
the  whole  Catholic  Church,  both  East  and  West,  the  holy 
table  did  not  stand  at  the  upper  end  of  the  quire  or  chancel. 
And  this  he  must  prove,  or  he  doth  nothing. 

Now  when  he  comes  to  make  his  proofs,  they  are  almost 
all  of  them  particular,  few  or  none  general  and  concludent; 
for  he  neither  brings  testimonies  out  of  the  general  and 
received  rituals  of  the  Eastern  and  Western  Churches,  nor 

purpose.     And  if  any  turbulent  spirit  this   order  was   copied   by  the  Rev. 

shall  disobey  this  our  order,  hee  shall  Mr.  Atkinson,  then  minister  of  A.ld- 

be  proceeded  against  according  to  the  bourne.] 

quality  of  his  fault  and  misdemeanour.  x  [The  title  of  the  book  here  re 
in  wittnes  whereof  I  have  hereunto  ferred  to  is,  'The  Holy  Table,  Name 
Bet  my  hand  and  scale  Episcopal  this  and  Thing,  &c.,  written  long  ago  by  a 
seventeenth  day  of  May,  1637.  And  Minister  in  Lincolnshire.'  It  was  the 
in  the  yeare  of  our  Consecration  the  production  of  Williams,  Bishop  of  Lin- 
sixteenth."  coin,  whose  name  appears  as  its  licenser 
From  a  memorandum  in  the  same  for  the  press.  Heyliri  replied  to  it  in 
page  of  the  Register  it  appears  that  his  '  Antidotum  Lincolniense.'j 


OF  BASTWICK,  BURTON,  AND  PRYNNE.  63 

of  Fathers  and  histories  of  the  Church,  (61)  which  speak  in 
general  terms  of  all,  but  where  they  speak  of  particular 
Churches  only. 

So  that  suppose  the  most  that  can  be,  that  is,  suppose  his 
quotations  be  all  truly  alleged,  and  true  too  in  the  sense  that 
the  minister  takes  them,  (though  in  very  truth,  the  places, 
most  of  them,  are  neither  truly  alleged,  nor  sensed,)  yet  they 
are  but  exceptions  of,  and  exemptions  from  the  general 
practice.  And  you  know  both  in  law  and  reason,  exceptio 
firmat  regulam  in  non  exceptis  ?.  So  that  upon  the  sudden 
I  am  not  able  to  resolve,  whether  this  minister  hath  done 
more  wrong  to  himself  or  his  readers,  for  he  hath  abused 
both. 

The  other  is,  that  in  the  judgment  of  very  many  learned 
men,  which  have  perused  this  book,  the  author  (62)  is  clearly 
conceived  to  want  a  great  deal  of  that  learning,  to  which  he 
pretends;  or  else  to  have  written  this  book  wholly  and 
resolvedly  against  both  his  science  and  his  conscience. 

And  for  my  own  part,  I  am  fully  of  opinion,  this  book  was 
thrust  now  to  the  press,  both  to  countenance  these  libellers, 
and,  as  much  as  in  him  lay,  to  fire  both  Church  and  State. 

And  though  I  wonder  not  at  the  minister,  yet  I  should 
wonder  at  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  (a  man  of  learning  and 
experience),  that  he  should  give  testimony  to  such  a  business, 
and  in  such  times  as  these. 

And  once  more,  before  I  leave  the  '  Holy  Table,  Name  and 
Thing/  give  me  leave  to  put  you  in  mind,  that  there  is  no 
danger  at  all  in  the  altar,  '  name  or  thing/  For  at  the  be 
gin  (63)ning  of  the  Reformation,  though  there  were  a  law  for 
the  taking  down  of  the  altars,  and  setting  up  of  holy  tables 
in  the  room  of  them ;  yet  in  some  places  the  altars  were 
not  suddenly  removed.  And  what  says  the  Queen  in  her 
Injunction  to  this?  Why  she  says,  'that  there  seems  no 
matter  of  great  moment  in  this,  saving  for  uniformity,  and 
the  better  imitation  of  the  law  in  that  behalf  V  Therefore 
52  for  any  danger  or  hurt  that  was  in  the  altars,  '  name  or  thing/ 
they  might  even  then  have  been  left  standing,  '  but  for  uni 
formity,  and  the  imitation  of  the  law/ 

• 

y  [See  Gloss  in  Clement,  lib.  v.  z  Injunct.  ultim.  [Wilkins'  Cone, 
tit.  xi.  cap.  1.  §  'Cum  auteni.']  torn.  iv.  p.  188.] 


64  SPEECH  AT  THE  CENSURE 

But  howsoever,  it  follows  in  the  same  Injunction,  '  that 
when  the  altar  is  taken  down,  the  holy  table  shall  be  set  in 
(not  cross)  the  place  where  the  altar  stood ;'  which,  as  is 
aforesaid,  (64)  must  needs  be  altarwise. 

14.  The  FOURTEENTH  and  the  last  INNOVATION  comes  with 
a  mighty  charge,  and  'tis  taken  out  of  an  '  Epistle  to  the 
temporal  Lords  of  his  Majesty's  Privy  Council.'  Of  which 
epistle  we  got  one  sheet,  and  so  (for  aught  I  yet  know) 
that  impression  stayed.  In  that  sheet  is  this  charge;  the 
words  are : 

'  The  prelates,  to  justify  their  proceedings,  have  forged  a 
new  article  of  religion,  brought  from  Rome  (which  gives 
them  full  power  to  alter  the  doctrine  and  discipline  of  our 
Church  at  a  blow/  (as  they  interpret  it,)  '  and  have  foisted 
it '  (such  is  their  language)  '  into  the  beginning  of  the  20th 
Article  of  our  Church.  And  this  is  in  the  last  edition  of  the 
Articles,  anno  1628,  in  affront  of  his  Majesty's  Declaration 
before  them/  &c. 

(65)  The  clause  (which  they  say  is  forged  by  us)  is  this  : 
(  The   Church '  (that  is,   the  Bishops,   as   they  expound  it) 
'  hath  power  to  decree  rites  and  ceremonies,  and  authority  in 
matter  of  faith.'       (The  word  is  '  controversies  of  faith/  by 
their  leave.)     4  This  clause/  say  they,  '  is  a  forgery  fit  to  be 
examined,  and  deeply  censured  in  the  Star-Chamber.     For 
'tis   not  to  be  found  in  the  Latin  or  English  Articles  of 
Edward  VI.  or  Queen  Elizabeth,  ratified  by  Parliament.' 

And  then  in  the  margent  thus  :  '  If  to  forge  a  will  or 
writing  be  censurable  in  the  S tar-Chamber,  which  is  but  a 
wrong  to  a  private  man;  how  much  more  the  forgery  of  an 
article  of  religion,  to  wrong  the  whole  Church,  and  overturn 
religion,  which  concerns  all  our  souls  ? ' 

(66)  This  is  a  heavy  charge,  my  Lords ;  but  I  thank  God 
the  answer's  easy. 

And  truly  I  grant,  that  to  forge  an  article  of  religion  in 
whole  or  in  part,  and  then  to  thrust  it  upon  the  Church,  is  a 
most  heinous  crime,  far  worse  than  the  forging  of  a  deed. 
And  is  certainly  very  deeply  censurable  in  this  court.  And 
I  would  have  humbly  besought  you,  that  a  deep  censure 
might  have  been  laid  upon  it,  but  that  this  sheet  was  found 


OF  BASTWICK,    BURTON,    AND   PRYNNE.  65 

after,  and  so  is  not  annexed  to  the  information,  nor  in  judg 
ment  at  this  present  before  you. 

But  then,  my  Lords,  I  must  tell  you,  I  hope  to  make  it  as 
clear  as  the  day,  that  this  forgery  was  not,  that  this  clause 
mentioned  was  added  by  the  prelates  to  the  Article,  to  gain 
power  to  the  Church,  and  so  to  serve  (67)  our  turns;  but 
that  that  clause  in  the  beginning  of  the  Article  was  by  these 
men,  or  at  least  by  some  of  their  faction,  rased  out,  and  this 
to  weaken  the  just  power  of  the  Church  to  serve  their  turns. 

They  say  (to  justify  their  charge)  that  this  clause  is  not  to 
be  found  in  the  Articles,  English  or  Latin,  of  either  Edw.  VI. 
or  Q.  Elizabeth. 

I  answer :  The  Articles  of  Edw.  VI.  and  those  made 
under  Q.  Elizabeth  differ  very  much.  And  those  of  Edw.  VI. 
are  not  now  binding.  So  whether  the  clause  be  in  or  out  of 
them,  'tis  not  much  material. 

But  for  the  Articles  of  the  Church  of  England,  made  in 
the  Queen's  time,  and  now  in  force,  that  this  clause  for  the 
power  of  the  Church  to  e  decree  ceremonies,  and  to  have 
authority  in  con(68)troversies  of  faith/  should  not  be  found 
in  English  or  Latin  copies  till  the  year  1628,  that  it  was  set 
forth  with  the  King's  Declaration  before  it,  is  to  me  a 
miracle  ;  but  your  Lordships  shall  see  the  falsehood  and 
boldness  of  these  men. 

What  ?  Is  this  affirmative  clause  in  110  copy,  English  or 
Latin,  till  the  year  1628?  Strange.  Why,  my  Lords,  I  have 
a  copy  of  the  Articles  in  English  of  the  year  1612,  and  of  the 
year  1605,  and  of  the  year  1593,  and  in  Latin  of  the  year 
1563,  which  was  one  of  the  first  printed  copies,  if  not  the 
first  of  all.  For  the  Articles  were  agreed  on  but  the  nine- 
and-twentieth  day  of  January,  anno  1563.a 

And  in  all  these,  this  affirmative  clause  for  the  Church's 
power  is  in.  (69)  And  is  not  this  strange  boldness,  then,  to 
abuse  the  world,  and  falsely  to  say  'tis  in  no  copy,  when 
I  myself,  out  of  my  own  store,  am  able  to  show  it  in  so 
many,  and  so  anciently  ? 

But,  my  Lords,  I  shall  make  it  plainer  yet :  for  'tis  not 
fit  concerning  an  Article  of  religion,  and  an  Article  of  such 
consequence  for  the  order,  truth,  and  peace  of  this  Church, 
a  [In  1562,  according  to  the  English  computation.] 

LAUD. — VOL.    VI.  P 


SPEECH  AT  THE   CENSURE 


you  should  rely  upon  my  copies,  be  they  never  so  many  or 
never  so  ancient. 

Therefore  I  sent  to  the  public  records  in  my  office,  and 
here  under  my  officer's  hand,  who  is  a  public  notary,  is 
returned  me  the  twentieth  Article  with  this  affirmative  clause 
in  itb.  And  there  is  also  the  whole  body  of  the  Articles  to 
be  seen. 

b  [The  Editor  is  indebted  to  the 
Kev.  W.  C.  Sharpe,  B.D.  Fellow  of 
St.  John's  College,  Cambridge,  for  a 
copy  of  the  following  paper,  preserved 
in  the  library  of  that  Society  :— 

"  A  Transcript  of  a  Paper  thus 
endorsed  by  A.  B.  Laud's  own  hand. 
'  Jun.  12,  1637.  A  Transcript  out  of 
my  Registry  concerning  ye  20th  Arti 
cle  of  those  yl  were  made  1562.' 

"  Extract,  e  Registro  Principali  Se- 
dis  Archiep.  Cant.  &c. 

"  Acta  Convocationum  tempore 
Revmi  Dni  Parker  Archiep'i  Cantuar.  &c. 

"In  Convocation  Anno  Dni  1562 
in  Capella  Regis  Henrici  Vmi  infra 
Eccl'am  Collegiatam  D.  PetriWestmon. 
Bituat.  tenta  die  Martis  19°  die  men- 
sis  Januarii  Sess.  3tia  pag.  19  &  20 
praedicti  libri,  inter  alia  actum  erat 
prout  sequitur. 

"  Tandem  dictus  Revmus  accersiri 
jussit  ad  se  Prolocutorem  domus  in- 
ferioris,  Qui  quidem  Prolocutor  una 
cum  sex  aliis  de  Clero  dictae  domus 
infer,  coram  Patribus  sui  copiam 


faciens  proposuit  &  asseruit  qd  qui- 
dam  de  dicta  domo  exhibuerunt 
quasdam  diversas  schedas  de  rebus 
Reformandis  per  eos  respective  ex- 
cogitat.  &  in  Scripta  redact.  Quae 
quidem  Schedge  de  coihuni  consensu 
traditae  sunt  quibusdam  viris  graviori- 
bus  &  doctioribus  de  ccetu  diet,  domus 
infer,  ad  hoc  electis  perspiciendae  & 
considerandae.  Quibus  sic  electis  (ut 
asseruit)  assignatum  est  ut  hujusmodi 
Schedas  in  Capitula  redigant  ac  in 
proximS,  Sessione  exhibeant  coram 
eodem  Prolocutore ;  et  ulterius  pro 
posuit  qd  articuli  in  Synodo  Londi- 
nensi  tempore  nuper  Regis  Edw.  6tl 
(ut  asseruit)  editi,  traditi  sint  quibus 
dam  aliis  viris  ex  ccetu  dictae  domus 
infer,  ad  hoc  etiam  electis  ut  eos  dili- 
genter  inspiciant,  examinent  &  con- 
siderent,  ac  prout  eis  visum  fuerit, 
corrigant  &  reforment  ac  in  proximti 
Sessione  etiam  exhibeant.  Et  tune 
Revmus  hujusmodi  negotia  per  dictum 
Prolocutorem  &  Clerum  incepta  ap- 
probavit,  ac  in  eisdem  in  prox.  Sessio- 


nem  juxta  eorum  determinationem 
procedere  voluit  &  mandavit. 

"  Octava  Sessio. 

"  Die  Veneris  29°  viz.  die  mensis 
Januarij  Anno  Dni  praedicto  inter 
horas  8  et  9am  ante  meridiem  ejusdem 
diei  Revmo  in  Christo  Patre  D"°  Mat- 
thaeo  Archiep'o  Cautuar.  etc.  necnon 
Reverendis  Patribus  Dnis  Edmundo 
Londin.,  Rob.  Winton.,  [Jo]han.  Here- 
forden.,  Rolando  Bangor,  Joan.  Sa- 
rum.,  Nicol.  Lincoln.,  Johanne  Nor- 
wicen.,  Rlchardo  Meneven.,  Thorn a- 
Asaphen.,  Edmundo  Roffen.,  Rlchardo 
Glocestren.,  Thoma  Cov.  et  Lichfield., 
Gilberto  Bathon.  et  Wellen.,  Richardo 
Elien.,  Wilhelmo  Exon.  respective 
Ep'is  in  domo  Capitulari  Eccl'as  Ca- 
thedralis  D.  Pauli  London,  congre- 
gatis,  post  tractatum  aliquem  inter 
eos  habitum  tandem  super  quibusdam 
articulis  orthodoxse  fidei  inter  Ep'os, 
quorum  nomina  eis  subscribuntur, 
unanim.  convenit,  quorum  quidem 
articulorum  tenores  sequuntur  in 
Eccl.  praad.  In  quo  tenore  articulus 
vicesimus  de  Ecclesioe  authoritate  sic 
se  habet  in  hasc  verba,  p.  27. 

"  '  Habet  Eccl'a  ritus  statuendi  jus 
&  in  fidei  controversiis  auctoritatem, 
quamvis  Eccl'ae  non  licet  quicquam 
instituere  qd  verbo  Dei  scripto  ad- 
versetur,  nee  unum  Scripturae  locum 
sic  exponere  potest  ut  alteri  contra- 
dicat ;  quare  licet  Eccl'a  sit  divino- 
rum  librorum  testis  &  conservatrix, 
attamen  ut  adversus  eos  nihil  de- 
cernere,  ita  praeter  illos  nil  credendum 
de  necessitate  Salutis  debet  obtrudere.' 

"P.  31. 

"  Hos  articulos  fidei  Christianafi  con- 
tinentes  in  universum  novemdecim 
paginas  in  autographo  qd  asservatur 
apud  Revmum  in  Christo  Patrem  Dum 
Matthaeum  Cantuar.  Ep'um  totius 
Angliae  Primatem  Metrop.  Archiep'i 
et  Ep'i  utriusq6  provinciaa  Regni 
Angliae  in  Sacni  Provinciali  Synodo 
legitime  congregati  unanimi  assensu 
recipiunt  &  profitentur  &  ut  veros  & 
orthodoxos  manuum  suarum  subscrip- 
tionibus  approbant  29°  die  mensis 


OF  BASTWICK,   BURTON,   AND   PRYNNE.  67 

(70)  By  this  your  Lordships  see  how  free  the  prelates  are 
from  forging  this  part  of  the  Article.  Now  let  these  men 
quit  themselves  and  their  faction,  as  they  can,  for  their 
index  expurgatorlus  and  their  foul  rasure  in  leaving  out  this 
part  of  the  Article.  For  to  leave  out  of  an  Article  is  as  great 
a  crime  as  to  put  in ;  and  a  main  rasure  is  as  censurable  in 
this  court  as  a  forgery. 

Why,  but  then,  my  Lords,  what  is  this  mystery  of  iniquity  ? 

Truly,  I  cannot  certainly  tell ;  but  as  far  as  I  can  I  '11 
tell  you. 

The  Articles  you  see  were  fully  and  fairly  agreed  to  and 
subscribed  in  the  year  1563.  But  after  this,  in  the  year 
1571,  there  were  some  that  refused  to  subscribe,  but  why 
they  did  so  is  not  recorded.  Whe(71)ther  it  were  about 
this  Article,  or  any  other,  I  know  not.  But  in  fact  this  is 
manifest,  that  in  that  year  1571,  the  Articles  were  printed 
both  in  Latin  and  English,  and  this  clause  for  the  Church 
left  out  of  bothc.  And  certainly,  this  could  not  be  done,  but 
by  the  malicious  cunning  of  that  opposite  faction.  And 
though  I  shall  spare  dead  men's  names  where  I  have  not 
certainty ;  yet  if  you  be  pleased  to  look  back  and  consider 

Januarii  An0  Dni  secundum  compu-  chardo  London. Ep'o  tune  Prsesidente. 

tationem    Eccl'ae    Anglicanse    1562°,  "Sess.  16. 

Universusq6  Clerus  inferioris   domus  "  Demum  idem  Revdus  Praeses  Lon- 

eosdem  etiam   unanimiter  &  recepit  don.  Ep'us  protulit  quendam  librum 

&    profcssus    est,    ut    ex    manuum  articulorum    de    quibus    in    Synodo 

suarum   subscriptionibus   patet,  quas  London,  commtmi  assensu  Archiep'o- 

obtulit    &    deposuit     apud    eundcm  rum,    Ep'orum     &    Cleri    utriusque 

Revmum  5to  die  Februarii  anno  prse-  Provinciae  consensum  est  Anno  Dni 

dicto.  1562  ad  tollendam  opinionum  varie- 

"  In  Convocatione  tenta  An0   Dni  tatem    &    confirmand.    veram,    uni- 

1571  inter  alia  p.  110  continetur  ut  formem    Christ!     religionem    Regift 

sequitur,  authoritate   &   assensu  publicatis   et 

"Et    tune   dictus  Revmus   dimisso  in   Anno    Dni    1571   per  &c.  revisis. 

Clero    domus  infer,   exceptis    Prolo-  Quern  per  Mag.  Wil.  Wood   Legum 

cutore   ac    Decanis    &    archidiaconis  Doctorem    alta    &    intelligibili   voce 

voluit  &  jussit  ut    omnes    de   co3tu  perlegi  fecit,   quo   lecto    dicti   Revdi 

eorum    qui  Articulis,    de   quibus   in  Patres   consensum   et  assensum  suos 

Synodo   Londinensi    An0   Dni  juxta  eisdem   articulis  praestiterunt    &  eo- 

comput.  Eccl'ae  Angl.  1562  inter  Ar-  rum   nomina   manibus   suis   propriis 

chiep'os  et  Ep'os  utriusque  Provinciae,  eisdem  articulis  respective  subscripse- 

necnon  universum  Clerum  convenit,  runt  tune  et  ibidem, 

hactenus    non    subscripserunt    modo  "  Concordat  cum  Reg'ro  praed.  fact& 

«is  gubscribant ;  &  qd  omnes  &  sin-  collutione  per  me  Sac.  Wade  Notum 

guli  qui  eisdem  articulis  subscribere  Publicum."] 

voluerint  aut  recusaverint  (si  qui  tales  c  [Strype  (Life  of  Parker,  book  iv. 

inveniantnr)  a  dicta  domo  inferiori  &  chap,  v.)  states  that  he  had  seen  three 

coatu  Cleri  praed.  penitus  excludantur.  different  English  editions  of  the  Arti- 

"  In  Convocatione  tenta  An0   DIli  cles,  printed  in  1571   by  Jugg  and 

1604,  Regniq6  Serenissimi  Dni  Jacobi  Cawood,  in  all  of  which  this  clause 

Regis  Anno  2do  Revdo  Patre  Dno  Ri-  was  found.] 

F  2 


68  SPEECH  AT  THE  CENSURE 

who  they  were  that  governed  businesses  in  1571,  and  rid 
the  Church  almost  at  their  pleasure;  and  how  potent  the 
ancestors  of  these  libellers  began  then  to  grow,  you  will  think 
it  no  hard  matter  to  have  the  Articles  printed,  and  this  clause 
left  out. 

And  yet  'tis  plain,  that,  after  (72)  the  stir  about  sub 
scription  in  the  year  1571,  the  Articles  were  settled  and 
subscribed  unto  at  last,  as  in  the  year  1562,  with  this  clause 
in  them  for  the  Church :  for  looking  further  into  the  records 
which  are  in  mine  own  hands,  I  have  found  the  book  of  1563 
subscribed  by  all  the  Lower  House  of  Convocation,  in  this 
very  year  of  contradiction,  1571,  Dr.  John  Elmar  (who 
was  after  Lord  Bishop  of  London)  being  there  Prolocutor : 
Alexander  Nowel,  Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  having  been  Prolocutor 
in  1563,  and  yet  living  and  present  and  subscribing  in  1571 d. 
Therefore,  I  do  here  openly  in  the  Star-Chamber  charge 
upon  that  pure  sect  this  foul  corruption  of  falsifying  the 
Articles  of  the  Church  of  England ;  let  them  take  it  off  as 
they  can. 

(73)  I  have  now  done,  and  'tis  time  I  should,  with  the 
innovations  charged  upon  the  prelates,  and  fit  to  be  answered 
here. 

Some  few  more  there  are,  but  they  belong  to  matter  of 
doctrine,  which  shall  presently  be  answered,  justo  volumine, 
at  large,  to  satisfy  all  well-minded  people e.  .But  when  Mr. 
Burton's  book,  which  is  the  main  one,  is  answered,  (I  mean 
his  book,  not  his  railing,)  neither  Prynn,  nor  Bastwick,  nor 
any  attendants  upon  Rabshakeh,  shall  by  me  or  my  care  be 
answered.  If  this  court  find  not  a  way  to  stop  these 
libellers'  mouths  and  pens,  for  me  they  shall  rail  on  till  they 
be  weary. 

Yet  one  thing  more,  I  beseech  you,  give  me  leave  to  add. 
'Tis  Master  Burton's  charge  upon  the  (74)  prelates.  '  That 
the  censures  formerly  laid  upon  malefactors,  are  now  put 
upon  God's  ministers  for  their  virtue  and  piety f.' 

A  heavy  charge  this  too.  But  if  he  or  any  man  else  can 
show  that  any  man  hath  been  punished  in  the  High-Com- 

d  [This  very  copy  is  preserved  Moderate  Answer  to  the  Seditious  and 
among  Selden's  books  in  the  Bodleian  Scandalous  Challenges  of  Henry  Bur- 
Library.]  ton,'  &c.  Lond.  1637.] 

c  [It  was  answered  by  Peter  Heylin,  '  Page  175. 
in  a  book   entitled,  '  A  Brief   and 


OF  BASTWICK,   BURTON,    AND  PRYNNE.  69 

mission,  or  elsewhere,  by  the  prelates,  for  virtue  and  piety, 
there  is  all  the  reason  in  the  world  we  should  be  severely 
punished  ourselves.  But  the  truth  is,  the  virtue  and  piety 
for  which  these  ministers  are  punished,  is  for  preaching 
schism  and  sedition,  many  of  their  sermons  being  as  bad  as 
their  libels,  as  Burton's  libel  was  one  of  his  sermons  first. 
But  whether  this  stuff  have  any  affinity  with  virtue  and  piety, 
I  submit  to  any  Christian  reader. 

(75)VAnd  yet  Mr.  Burton  is  so  confident  of  his  innocency, 
even  in  this  cause  wherein  he  hath  so  foully  carried  himself, 
that  he  breaks  forth  into  these  words :  '  I  never  so  much  as 
once  dreamed,  that  impiety  and  impudency  itself,  in  such  a 
Christian  State  as  this  is,  and  under  such  a  gracious  Prince, 
durst  ever  thus  publicly  have  called  me  in  question,  and  that 
upon  the  open  stage,'  &c.s  K 

You  see  the  boldness  of  the  man,  and  in  as  bad  a  cause  as, 
I  think,  in  this  kind  ever  any  man  had. 

I  shall  end  all  with  a  passage  out  of  S.  Cyprian11,  when  he, 
then  Bishop  of  Carthage,  was  bitterly  railed  upon  by  a  pack 
of  schismatics,  his  answer  was,  and  'tis  now  mine  :  '  They 
have  railed  both  bitterly  and  falsely  upon  (76)  me,  and  yet 
non  oportet  me  paria  cum  illis  facere,  it  becomes  not  me  to 
answer  them  with  the  like  either  levities  or  revilings,  but  to 
speak  and  write  that  only  which  becomes  sacerdotem  Dei, 
a  priest  of  God/ 

Neither  shall  I  in  this  give  way  (though  I  have  been 
extremely  vilified)  to  either  grief  or  passion  to  speak,  remem 
bering  that  of  the  Psalmist,  Psal.  xxxvii.  8,  '  Fret  not  thyself, 
else  shalt  thou  be  moved  to  do  evil/ 

Neither  yet,  by  God's  grace,  shall  the  reproaches  of  such 
men  as  these  make  me  faint,  or  start  aside,  either  from  the 
right  way  in  matter  of  practice,  (they  are  S.  Cyprian's 
words  again  *,)  or  a  certa  regula,  '  from  the  certain  rule 
of  faith.' 

And  since,  in  former  times,  some  spared  not  to  call  the 
Master  of  the  (77)  house  Beelzebub,  how  much  more  will 
they  be  bold  with  them  of  his  household  ?  as  it  is  in  St.Mat- 

&  [Burton's  Appeal,]  page  7.  cia  perditorum,  quominus  a  via  recta 

h  [S.  Cypr.]   Lib.  i.  Ep.  3.    [Ep.lv.  et  a   certa  regnla   non   recedamus."] 

ad  Cornel,  p.  85.  Ed.  Ben.]  — Ib.  p.  10.     [Ibid.  p.  83.] 
'  ["  Nee  movere  nos  debent  convi- 


70  SPEECH   AT   THE   CENSURE,    ETC. 

thew  x.  25.  And  so  bold  have  these  men  been ;  but  the  next 
words  of  our  Saviour  are,  '  Fear  them  not/ 

I  humbly  crave  pardon  of  your  Lordships  for  this  my 
necessary  length,  and  give  you  all  hearty  thanks  for  your 
noble  patience,  and  your  just  and  honourable  censure  upon 
these  men,  and  your  unanimous  dislike  of  them,  and  defence 
of  the  Church. 

But  because  the  business  hath  some  reflection  upon  myself, 
I  shall  forbear  to  censure  them,  and  leave  them  to  God's 
mercy  and  the  King's  justice  k. 

k  [The  sentence  of  the  court  was,  Castle,  in  Guernsey,  and  Mont  Orgueil, 

that  they  should  each  be  fined  5000?.,  in  Jersey.   Their  conduct  when  in  the 

be  deprived  of  their  ears,  and  be  com-  pillory  is  described  in  the  Biographia 

mitted  to  prison.     The  sentence  was  Britannica,  in  the  notes  to  their  several 

accordingly    executed ;    after  which,  lives,  and  in  a  letter  from  Garrard  to 

Bastwick  was  committed  to  Launces-  Wentworth  (Strafford  Letters,  vol.  ii. 

ton,  Burton  to  Lancaster,  and  Prynne  p.  85).  They  were  released  from  prison 

to  Caernarvon  Castle.  Afterwards  they  in    1640,    and    entered    London    in 

were  respectively  removed  to  S.  Mary's  triumph.  ] 
Castle,   in   Scilly  Island,  to   Cornet 


***  [It  is  stated  in  the  Harleian  Cat.  (vol.  ii.  p.  669.)  that  there  were  only 
twenty-five  copies  of  the  first  edition  of  this  Speech ;  which  seems  hardly 
probable,  considering  that  there  are  three  copies  still  preserved  in  the  Bodleian 
Library  alone.  (Wood,  Ath.  iii.  135.)  It  has  not  been  thought  necessary  to" 
cumber  these  pages  with  extracts  from  Bp.  Williams's  notes  on  the  Speech, 
which  are  there  mentioned.  It  was  translated  into  French  in  1637,  of  which 
translation  there  is  a  copy  in  the  Cathedral  Library,  Canterbury. 


SPEECH 

AT    THE 

TRIAL    OE    JOHN    WILLIAMS, 

BISHOP  OF  LINCOLN, 
JULY  19,  1637. 


[Kushworth's  Collections,  vol.  ii.  pp.  438— 445 a.' 


SORRY  I  am,  my  Lords,  that  such  a  man  as  my  Lord  Bishop 
of  Lincoln  for  profession,  and  sorry  that  he,  being  so  wise, 
so  discreet  and  understanding  a  man  every  way,  should 
come  to  stand  culpable  of  such  faults  as  should  deserve  the 
censure  of  this  court,  and  in  this  nature,  that  it  should  fall 
out,  that  by  being  over-active  and  over-doing  businesses  of 
other  men's,  to  undo  his  own,  nay  even  hereby  also  to  undo 
himself. 

We  have  adversaries  too  many  amongst  ourselves,  but 
this  day's  work  opens  a  way  for  the  Romanists  to  take 
advantage  by  it,  to  see  so  eminent  a  person  as  a  Bishop,  and 
so  eminent  a  Bishop  as  he,  to  become  thus  censurable  in  a 
thing  of  so  high  a  nature  in  this  high  court ;  it  opens  a  way, 
I  say,  to  them  of  rejoicing,  which  I  would  to  God  had  not 
been  at  all,  or  at  least  not  by  him. 

When  I  look  upon  and  consider  his  excellent  parts,  both 
of  nature  and  achieved  unto  by  study  and  art ;  when  I  think 
upon  his  wisdom,  learning,  agility  of  memory,  and  the 
experience  that  accompanies  him  with  all  those  endowments, 
it  puts  me  to  a  stand ;  that  after  he  had  been  overtaken  in  one 
error  in  the  first  cause  b,  he  should  not  have  recalled  himself, 
and  made  a  stand,  but  that  he  hath  now  run  on  into  a  far 

a  [There  are  two  copies  of  this  speech  were  clearly  wrong  in  Rushworth  have 

in  the  Ashmolean  MSS.,  Numb.  800,  been  corrected,  and  passages  supplied, 

Art.  vi.,  Numb.  824,  Art.  vii.      The  from  the  Ashmole  MS.] 

first  of  these  is  a  brief  abstract ;  the  b  [The  first  charge  brought  against 

other  a  full  report,  apparently  taken  Williams  was  for  revealing  the  King's 

down  at  the  time.   That  in  Rushworth  secrets,  contrary  to  his  oath  as  a  Privy 

seems  to  have  been  printed  from  a  Counsellor.] 
similar  report.     Several   places  that 


72  SPEECH   AT   THE   TRIAL 

worse,  and  more  desperate  a  one  in  this  cause,  by  obnoxious 
and  criminal  ways,  even  to  a  very  precipitation  and  downfall 
of  himself  and  his  credit. 

What  though  there  was  some  question  made,  and  some 
proofs  on  foot,  whereby  his  loyalty  to  the  King  his  master 
seemed  to  be  in  dispute,  and  his  discretion  might  have 
someways  come  to  a  trial  in  matter  of  words,  discovering 
his  affection  in  some  matters  of  state,  must  he  seek  unlawful 
means  to  procure  his  actions  and  words  to  be  lawful,  and 
leave  the  course  of  a  good  conscience,  to  bolster  up  a  fancy 
of  innocency  in  another  man,  and  make  himself  plainly 
faulty,  for  to  make  another  man  seem  free  from  shame  c  ? 
I  could  wish  heartily  from  my  heart,  (however  this  cause  be, 
let  it  be  as  it  is,)  that  his  deportment  for  passion  had  been 
like  to  that  of  St.  Cecilia.  I  read  it  in  a  very  good  author, 
and  it  is  not  impertinent,  nor  unworthy,  what  her  patience 
was.  When  a  great  stir  there  was,  and  all  the  stream 
and  current  ran  quite  against  her,  to  bear  her  down  in  a 
most  furious  and  violent  manner,  she  mildly  in  the  heat 
of  these  storms,  and  when  those  billows  seemed  to  over 
whelm  her,  and  hide  her  from  all  hopes  of  being  admitted 
hearing  her  to  plead  her  own  innocency,  much  less  to  gain 
success  to  her  desires,  it  being  told  her  there  were  many 
witnesses  against  her,  but  none  that  did,  or  would  be  seen  to 
appear  for  her,  or  in  her  behalf;  she  used  the  saying  of 
holy  Job,  Testis  meus  est  in  coelis,  '  My  witness  is  above  d ; ' 
and  so  it  fell  out,  for  (as  the  story  saith)  when  the  matter 
came  to  be  scanned,  the  witnesses  that  were  against  her,  (by 
what  means,  or  from  whence,  or  how,  I  know  not,)  but  they 
were  so  daunted  and  struck  with  such  an  amazement,  that  it 
was  their  general  vote,  Nos  nihil  habemus  contra  Ceciliam. 
I  have  it  in  St.  Augustine,  a  Father  of  the  Church,  (whose 
authority  there  is  no  doubt  of,  he  being  held  learned  among 
the  best  of  that  time,)  lib.  i.  contra  H&reticum  Donatum e. 
It  had  been  better  with  my  Lord  Bishop,  if  he  had  had  such 
a  cause.  I  am  sure,  in  the  circumstances,  if  his  behaviour 
had  been  more  temperate,  and  mixed  with  more  patience,  the 

c  [Prigeon,  the  principal  witness  in  d  [Job  xvi.  19.] 

"Williams's  favour,  was  charged  with  e  [There  appears  to  be  a  serious 

incontinency,  and   Williams  was   ac-  error    in    this    reference,  which  the 

cused  of  tampering  with  the  witnesses  Editor  cannot  correct.] 
who  supported  this  charge.] 


OF  BISHOP  WILLIAMS.  73 

event  could  not  have  been  so  unlucky,  and  his  censure  so 
sharp,  as  it  is  now  like  to  be. 

I  may  be  bold  to  say  it,  my  Lords,  (it 's  no  untruth,) 
I  have  been  five  several  times  upon  my  knees  to  the  King 
my  master  in  his  behalf,  I  delivered  for  him  several  petitions 
myself  into  the  King's  own  hand,  and  I  then  did  that  (which 
had  I  known  what  now  I  do)  I  should  not  have  done.  I  sent 
him,  under  my  own  hand,  the  King's  answer  upon  every 
petition.  And  after  all  those  five  several  services,  I  must 
tell  you,  my  Lords,  I  was  but  coarsely  dealt  withal,  nay  very 
ill  requited ;  yet  was  I  overcome  to  move  again,  and  I  have 
it  under  his  own  hand,  or  (if  his  secretary  writ  the  letter) 
his  own  hand  and  name  is  underscribed,  that  he  had  better 
and  more  hopes  by  my  once  moving  the  King,  than  he 
had  formerly  had,  by  the  solicitation  and  means  of  all  the 
friends  he  had  at  court. 

And  no  longer  ago  than  at  Christmas  last  I  moved  the 
King  my  master  again  in  his  behalf f;  and  then  (had  he  fol 
lowed  that  which  was  intended  for  his  good,  and  prosecuted 
the  same  with  submission)  it  had  in  all  likelihood  gone  better 
with  him  than  he  could  have  expected,  nay,  I  think,  as  the 
case  stood,  better  than  he  then  desired. 

But  a  cross  business  came  just  in  the  way  at  the  very 
time  (of  which  your  Lordships,  or  the  most  part  of  you, 
I  am  sure,  are  privy  to),  and  had  not  I  then  interposed 
myself  (the  King  being  then  so  exasperated  against  him),  he 
had  fallen.  But  to  let  pass  my  desires,  and  the  earnestness 
I  used,  and  the  tenderness  I  had,  lest  my  public  aspersion 
should  have  been  opened,  and  such  as  could  not  have 
been  wiped  away,  but  needs  have  left  a  stain  to  my  coat, 
I  must  needs  say  thus  much  for  his  Majesty,  he  was  very 
inclinable  to  have  had  a  fair  reconcilement,  as  may  appear 
by  his  often  asking,  *  What  Lincoln  did  ?  Doth  he  seek  to 
repair  my  credit  ?  Hath  he  any  show  of  sorrowfulness  for  his 
fault  ? '  And,  my  Lords,  I  may  safely  say  (because  I  truly 
speak  it),  whoever  penned  his  petitions  (howsoever  they 
seemed  to  be  his  friends,  or  whoever  advised  him  to  let  them 
pass  in  that  form),  they  did  him  (though  questionless  he  is 
able  to  pen  them  himself)  an  injury;  yet  if  he  did  it  by 
f  [Sec  Laud's  Letter  to  Williams,  Jan.  6,  1636.] 


74  SPEECH  AT  THE  TRIAL 

advice,  they  were  not  therein  his  friends ;  for  in  them  all  there 
was  not  at  any  time  one  word  tending  to  submission  or  confes 
sion,  or  so  much  as  an  acknowledgment  of  a  fault,  whereby 
any  show  of  reparation  in  that  nature  might  be  made  to  his 
Majesty,  as  both  in  duty  he  ought,  and  in  wisdom  might 
have  made  proffer  of,  and  with  more  safety  and  assurance 
have  performed ;  insomuch  as  that,  by  his  stiff  and  stubborn 
behaviour,  there  was  no  way  but  to  have  the  business  fully 
ripped  up,  heard,  and  decided.  Yet  there  were  not  wanting 
divers  ill-disposed  persons,  who  bruited  it  forth,  and  very 
boldly  gave  out,  that  my  Lord  Bishop  of  Lincoln  had  not 
made  any  fault,  or  done,  or  spoken  aught,  but  that  which  he 
could  stand  unto,  and  needed  not  to  be  ashamed  of;  only  that 
he  was  rich,  and  must  be  let  blood,  he  might  well  spare  it, 
and  the  King  wanted  10,000/.  or  12,000/.,  and  so  he  should 
have  little  said  to  him,  if  it  was  once  condescended  unto,  and 
either  given  by  him,  or  gotten  from  him.  But  howsoever  these 
reports  go,  the  King  is  just,  as  he  is  honourable ;  and  though 
he  was  inclined  to  mercy  (for  so  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln  had 
found  it,  if  he  had  sought  it  seasonably),  yet  now  you  see 
there  is  cause,  and  just  cause  of  censure,  and  in  a  very  high 
nature  of  desert  in  him  to  be  sentenced  by  this  court. 

Now  for  the  nature  of  the  cause,  the  several  charges  and 
the  proofs,  the  defences  also  that  have  been  made  by  my 
Lord  Bishop's  Counsel,  all  hath  fully  and  amply  been  opened 
by  the  two  Lords  Chief  Justices  %,  and  if  I  should  attempt 
anything  this  way,  it  were  but  needless  labour  to  myself,  and 
would  breed  a  tedious  troublesomeness  to  your  Lordships ; 
dictum  dicere  would  be  all,  when  I  had  said  all. 

I  leave  to  meddle  with  the  manner  of  the  proceedings,  and 
must  give  Mr.  Attorney h  a  great  and  large  commendation, 
and  Mr.  Solicitor1  also,  for  their  wise  stating  of  the  cause, 
and  for  their  wisdom,  wit,  temper,  and  patience  in  the  prose 
cuting  of  the  same. 

The  matter  is  ill,  and  howsoever  it  perhaps  be  not  subor 
nation  of  perjury,  yet  to  tamper  with  witnesses,  to  threaten, 
deter,  affright,  corrupt,  silence,  or  absent  those  that  are  to 
witness  the  truth,  and  to  give  evidence  in  a  court  of  justice, 
are  ejusdem  natures,  a  very  foul  crime,  and  a  most  odious  and 
*>'  [Finch  and  Bramston.]  h  [Sir  John  Banks.]  {  [Sir  Edward  Littleton.] 


OF  BISHOP  WILLIAMS.  75 

detestable  fault  in  any  man,  of  what  condition  soever  he  be ; 
and  if  these  things  be  suffered,  and  may  go  unpunishable^ 
no  state  can  stand ;  it  destroys  the  interest  of  meum  and 
tuum,  and  no  man  is  sure  of  what  he  holds,  or  can  say 
whether  he  hath  an  estate  or  no. 

It 's  a  point  that  ruins  all  right,  and  is  the  utter  enemy  and 
subverter  of  all  justice,  and  must  needs  overthrow  any  state, 
where  it  is  not  weeded  out,  and  prevented  by  severe  animad 
version,  and  correction,  where  it  happens  to  be  found  out. 

First,  it  destroys  maximum  mandatum,  the  great  command 
ment  given  by  the  great  Lawgiver,  God  himself,  '  Thou  shalt 
not  bear  false  witness/  In  the  fifth  of  Leviticus  k,  if  a  man 
know  a  truth  he  is  not  to  conceal  it,  nay,  he  is  to  witness  it. 

In  the  twenty-third  of  Exodus1,  a  man  is  not  in  any  case 
to  bear  unjust  witness  ;  and  so  in  the  nineteenth  of  Deuter 
onomy"1  it  is  in  criminalibus,  and  he  that  did  bear  false 
witness  was  to  suffer  per  ley  em  talionis  that  same  punishment 
and  loss,  which  by  his  false  testimony  the  other  party  should 
have  undergone. 

In  all  the  time  that  passes  from  the  creation  of  the  world 
until  the  Law,  I  do  not  find  that  the  Holy  Ghost  once  made 
mention  of  any  that  attempted  in  this  way.  I  find  no  shadow 
nor  overture  of  any  such  crime.  The  corruption  of  nature 
had  not  then  grown  to  the  height,  and  so  over  swollen  the 
banks,  as  to  break  out  so  outrageously,  and  produce  any 
such  ill-disposed  persons. 

Insomuch  as  I  find  not  any  track,  no  vestigium  of  the  like 
precedent  for  above  3000  years  :  and  the  Fathers  of  the  Church 
upon  that  place,  where  it  is  said, '  Out  of  the  mouth  of  two  or 
three  witnesses  shall  everything  be  justified  n ;'  they  descant 
upon  it,  why  two  or  three  witnesses  in  matters  of  conse 
quence  ?  Because,  say  they,  if  so  many,  they  should  not  be 
subject  to  be  tampered  withal,  being  they  might  be  of  several 
tempers,  several  conditions,  and  so  the  truth  might  be  had  by 
some  of  them,  if  not  by  all. 

And  for  a  long  time  I  read  of  none,  but  of  the  devilish 
practice  and  leading  piece  of  impiety  set  on  foot  by  Jesabel, 
for  what  cause,  and  how  prosecuted,  you  know  as  well  as  myself, 
and  what  she  was,  how  she  sped,  and  what  end  she  made,  is 

k  [Levit.  v.  1.1  m  [Deut.  xix.  19.] 

1  [Exod.  xxiii.  1.]  "  [Ibid.  15.] 


76  SPEECH  AT  THE  TRIAL 

recorded  to  posterity.  Yet,  my  Lords,  I  pray  you  observe, 
and  note  with  me,  how  warily  the  Holy  Ghost  goeth  about  in 
the  setting  forth  of  this  fact,  and  the  passages  therein,  in  the 
21st  verse;  as  if  the  Spirit  of  God  was  unwilling  to  display 
and  discover  the  heinousness  of  this  monster  hatched  by  this 
vile  woman ;  as  if  He  would  not  have  it  seen,  He  shadows  it 
forth  in  a  low  strain,  that  there  came  in  two  sons  of  Belial, 
and  said,  &c.  1  Kings,  cap.  xxi.  As  if  the  original  of  this 
odious  practice  was  not  rooted  in  human  nature,  but  took  his 
birth  from  hell;  it  came  in  with  two  sons  of  Belial  in  the 
devil's  name. 

Well,  afterwards  such  a  tutor  could  not  want  apt  scholars, 
and,  as  St.  Paul  saith  in  another  place,  when  I  come  to  speak 
of  it '  after  the  manner  of  men/ 1  find  it  then  practised,  and  that 
(with  a  witness)  ( it  outfaced  the  God  of  truth/  though  truth 
itself  must  not  be  trodden  under  foot ;  but  this  engine  fetched 
from  hell  must  be  planted  to  defeat  the  counsels  of  God 
Almighty.  They  found  out  and  hired  false  witness  against 
Christ  Himself.  Who  they  were  you  know ;  '  The  chief  priests 
and  the  elders,  and  all  the  whole  council,  sought  false  witness 
against  Jesus  to  put  Him  to  death0/  And  after  Him,  Stephen 
had  the  same  measure  ;  '  Then  they  suborned  men,  who  said, 
We  have  heard  him  speak  blasphemous  words  against  Moses 
and  against  God  V 

Thus  amongst  those  stiff-necked  and  hard-hearted  Jews, 
the  fault  was  in  use,  when  sin  and  iniquity  grew  ripe,  and  as 
the  prophet  saith,  '  faith  and  truth  could  scarce  be  found 
amongst  mortal  men**/  but  the  subversion  and  destruction 
of  their  city  follows,  and  there  comes  in  the  government  of  a 
warlike  nation  and  people,  the  Romans;  amongst  whom 
I  find  some  laws  made  against  false  witnesses,  and  those  very 
severe  ones. 

Besides  other  laws,  in  the  law  of  the  Twelve  Tables  there 
is  a  strict  law  confirmed  against  it ;  and  these  Twelve  Tables 
were  not  made  by  any  mean  advice  or  persons,  but  by  the 
persons  of  a  powerful  Consul  and  the  decemviri;  that  he 
that  was  found  faulty  in  this  notorious  crime,  he  was  to  be 
thrown  down  a  steep  high  rock,  to  have  his  bones  shivered 
all  to  pieces,  e  monte  Tarpeio,  or  e  saxo  Tarpeio r ;  afterwards 

0  [Mark  xiv.  55.]  r  [Legg.  XII.  Tabularum,  Tab. VII. 
P  [Acts  vi.  11.]                           leg.  xii.] 

1  [Jer.  v.  1.] 


OF  BISHOP  WILLIAMS.  77 

the  lawgivers  pursued  this  fault  with  banishment  and  confis 
cation  of  goods ;  Confiscatio  bonorum  fiat,  et  puniatur  uti  pro 
crimine  falsi,  which  in  those  times  was  a  heavy  and  most 
severe  punishment,  whereby  their  posterity  also  was  branded 
with  the  fault  of  them  that  went  before  them. 

In  the  ninety-fifth  Counsel  I  find  a  course  set  down  for 
the  prevention  of  this  crime,  and  a  punishment  set  for  the 
offenders  therein  s. 

And  in  later  times  Bartolus  *  often  meets  with  it,  and  goes 
very  precisely  and  very  exactly  in  the  case,  that  if  so  be  it  be 
found  in  any  man,  so  much  as  an  overture  of  tampering  with 
witnesses,  it  is  censurable ;  reus  est,  he  is  guilty,  though  he 
effect  not  his  purpose,  if  he  menace,  threaten,  or  deter  a 
witness.  And  so,  my  Lords,  shall  I  do, — hold  him  fit  for 
censure.  I  hold  him  worthy  of  censure,  though,  he  but  barely 
attempt  to  smother,  deter,  or  hinder  any  witness,  when  he  is 
to  give  his  testimony;  be  it  by  words,  looks,  or  actions, 
promises  or  threats,  it  comes  much  to  one  in  my  opinion 
upon  the  matter. 

Now,  my  Lords,  to  come  unto  the  laws  of  the  Church,  if 
we  peruse  the  canon  and  ecclesiastical  law,  there  we  shall 
often  in  every  age  have  somewhat  or  other  still  established 
against  it.  In  the  canon  law,  the  second  part  of  the  Decretals, 
22.  Caus.,  if  any  man  shall  be  a  suborner  of  witnesses,  etiamsi 
instigatus  aut  compulsus  a  domino  u,  if  he  bring  a  false  testi 
mony,  though  he  be  even  enforced  to  it  by  his  superior,  his 
lord,  governor,  or  his  master,  deliver  him  over  to  excommuni 
cation,  et  sic  maneat  usque  ad  exitum  vita,  and  so  he  must  stand 
and  remain  in  that  state  and  case  during  term  of  life.  A 
grievous  thing,  and  a  most  heavy  burden,  inflicted  on  the 
offender,  though  nowadays  and  in  our  times  excommunica 
tions  are  slighted,  and  little  set  by;  yet  in  cases  of  this 
nature,  when  the  offence  is  so  high  and  transcendent,  and  of 
condition  tending  to  the  ruin  and  condemnation  of  the  soul, 
the  party  at  that  time,  and  for  that  present,  even  dallying, 
mocking,  and  abusing  of  God  to  His  very  face,  to  be  left  void 

s  [The  Editor  has  examined  several  u  [Vid.  Decret.  par.  ii.  Caus.  xxii. 

collections  of  '  Consilia,'  but  cannot  Qusest.v. cap. i.  'Qui  compulsus. 'Corp. 

find  the  passage  referred  to.]  Jur.  Can.  torn.  i.  col.  1274.  The  words 

*  [Vid.  Bartolum  (de  Saxoferrato)  which  follow  '  et . . .  exitum  vitae,'  are 

De  Iteprobatione  Testium,  apud  Trac-  found  in  substance  in  cap.  vii.  ibid, 

tatus  Univ.  Juris,  torn.  iv.  p.  72,  seq.]  col.  1275.] 


78  SPEECH   AT   THE  TRIAL 

of  the  communion  of  saints,  to  be  bereaved  of  the  benefit  of 
being  a  member  of  Christ's  flock,  and  cut  off  from  that  holy 
body  the  Church,  I  think  that  no  man  is  in  a  worse  and  a  more 
miserable  estate ;  and  more  to  be  pitied,  if  he  be  insensible  of 
it  himself. 

To  come  to  the  first  Council  of  Macedon  [Macon] ,  the  seven 
teenth  canon,  Si  scit  ilium  /also  juraturum,  reus  esto.  And 
what  is  he  guilty  of?  Of  no  small  matter.  Ranked  and  ranged 
in  the  degree  and  place  of  a  murderer — et  cum  homicidis  x. 

Nay,  he  is  worse  than  a  manslayer,  for  he  that  kills  a  man 
destroys  but  one,  and  that  but  the  body  neither,  for  he  cannot 
any  way  infringe  the  union  of  his  soul,  that  it  had  with  its 
Maker.  But  he  that  goes  about  to  suborn  and  procure  false 
witnesses,  he  at  one  time  destroys  two  souls,  both  his  own, 
and  the  soul  of  him  that  he  so  in  that  kind  intermeddles 
withal;  and  unless  he  be  rejoined  again  by  the  renewing  of 
faith,  and  serious  and  hearty  repentance,  he  sets  God  and 
both  their  souls  at  odds. 

Afterwards  you  find  it  in  the  western  parts  of  England ; 
and  in  France,  in  the  seventeenth  [canon  of  the]  Council  of 
Agatha,  you  have  a  tamperer  with  witnesses  adjudged  to 
death  y ;  even  in  the  time  of  Alaricus,  who  was  no  better 
than  a  barbarous  Goth,  this  crime  was  disallowed,  made  horrid 
and  abominable,  and  held  severely  to  be  punished. 

You  may  find  it  in  St.  Augustine,  who  lived  about  some 
400  years  after  our  Saviour  Christ,  and  indeed  he  most  excel 
lently  sets  it  out,  in  his  28th  Sermon,  De  Nativitate  Domini7", 
either  he  had  it  out  of  that  Council,  or  the  Council  out  of 
him,  being  much-what  both  at  one  time,  and  in  one  age. 

Some  parts  of  Greece,  I  find,  did  affect  and  patronise  lying, 
but  Tully  wittily  girds  them  for  it,  saying  they  were  not  wise 
to  countenance  folly b  ;  yet  I  find  that  Aristotle,  in  his  Rheto- 

*  [The  Council  of  Macon  contains  >'  [The  seventeenth  canon  of  the 
no  statement  of  the  kind.  See  Decret.  Council  of  Agde  states  nothing  of 
par.  ii.  Caus.  xxii.  Queest.  v.  cap.  vii.  the  kind.  The  statement  that  parri- 
It  seems  to  be  a  reference  to  the  fol-  cides  and  perjurers  are  to  be  con- 
lowing  passage  of  S.  Aug.  quoted  in  demned  to  death  is  found,  Decret.  par. 
the  same  Quaest.  cap.  v. :  "  Ille  autem  ii.  Caus.  xxiii.  Qnoest.  v.  cap.  xl.  '  Rex 
qui  hominem  provocavit  ad  juratio-  debet.' — Corp.  Jur.  Can.  torn.  i.  col. 
nem  et  scit  eum  falsum  esse  juratu-  1350.] 

rum,  vincit  homicidam.     Quia  homi-  z  [S.Aug.  Serm.  clxxx.  (al.  De  Yer- 

cida  cospus  occisurus  est,  ille  animara ;  bis  Apost.  xxviii.)   Op.,  torn.  v.  col. 

imo  duas,  et  ejus  quern  jurare  provo-  1248.] 

cavit,  et  suam." — S.  Aug.  Serm.  cccviii.  a  [See  Orat.  pro  L.  Flacco,  cap.  iv.] 
cap.  4.  Op.,  torn.  v.  col.  1836.  A.] 


OF  BISHOP  WILLIAMS.  79 

rics,  concerning  the  interrogatories  to  witnesses,  gives  admi 
rable  rules,  and  such  as,  though  short,  comprehends  the  most- 
what  of  the  most  settled,  and  the  wittiest,  and  the  safest 
ways  used  now-a-days  in  that  kind;  lib.  ii.  Rhet.  you  may 
read  the  ways  of  prevention  herein  by  him  set  down. 

And  to  come  into  our  own  country,  about  the  year  1222, 
in  the  reign  of  King  Henry  III.,  and  if  I  do  name  Henry  III. 
your  Lordships  know  that  it  was  a  troublesome  time,  yet  I  read 
that  Stephen  Langton,  my  predecessor,  (then  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,)  called  a  Council  to  be  held  at  Oxford :  the  main 
business  was  for  the  reformation  of  two  points ;  the  one  was 
concerning  marriage,  the  other  concerning  exhereditation, 
&c. ;  where  I  find  a  foul  penance  inflicted  and  set  out  for  him 
that  shall  either  bear  false  witness  by  himself,  or  procure  it 
in  another  b. 

For  he  that  is  a  tamperer  this  way,  he  is  guilty  of  no  small 
crime,  doing  (at  one  and  the  same  time)  wrong  to  three  of  the 
greatest  persons  in  the  world,  namely,  1,  to  God ;  2,  to  the 
King ;  3,  to  the  innocent,  who,  in  conspectu  Dei,  in  the  sight 
of  God,  is  a  person  of  no  small  esteem. 

First,  he  manifestly  wrongs  God  by  a  notorious  contempt, 
by  a  very  slighting  and  vilifying  His  omniscience,  omnipre 
sence,  and  omnipotency. 

He  disrobes  God  of  that  which  is  His  very  essence,  for  God 
is  truth.  And  he  that  dares  thus  outface  God's  truth,  and  wit 
tingly  deviseth  and  practiseth  to  lay  it  aside,  and  keep  it  from 
the  light ;  I  find  him  in  very  nature  to  be  abhorred,  and  held 
unfit  for  human  society.  Aristotle  himself,  in  that  glimmering 
he  had  of  divine  learning,  deciphers  such  a  one,  and  sets  him 
out  by  these  very  characters ;  he  must  be  one  qui  pietatem 
non  curat c,  a  man  that  matters  not  at  all  for  piety ;  he  must 
either  deny  the  Deity,  or  else  think  he  can  escape  the  reach 
of  the  celestial  powers,  such  a  one  qui  putat  se  latere  Deo, 
he  must  be  able  to  skulk  on  the  one  side,  and  absent  himself 
from  the  hand  of  God  at  his  pleasure. 

Secondly,  in  the  next  place,  another  great  person  unto 
whom  he  doth  injury,  is  the  King,  whom  he  plainly  cheateth 
to  his  face,  and  wrongeth  him  in  the  very  seat  of  justice,  even 
forcing  his  officers,  the  grave  and  learned  judges,  will  they, 
nill  they,  to  do  injustice;  for  if  the  witnesses  be  suborned, 

b  [Wilkins'  Cone.  torn.  i.  p.  585.]        c  [Arist.  Rhet.  ad  Alexand.  cap.  xviii.] 


80  SPEECH   AT   THE   TRIAL 

and  give  in  false  evidence,  the  juror  cannot  come  near  the 
truth,  and  the  judge  must  needs  exact,  order,  and  sentence, 
what  otherwise  they  neither  would,  nor  ought  to  have  done. 

Last  of  all,  the  third  person  that  is  wronged,  in  conspectu 
Dei  is  a  person  of  no  small  esteem,  the  innocent  (one  little 
enough,  God  He  knows,  of  no  esteem,  or  of  very  little  many 
times  in  the  eye  of  the  world,  yet  is  he  gracious  and  great 
too  in  the  sight  of  God)  ;  and  he  is  also  most  shamefully 
wronged  and  abused,  nay,  perhaps  undone,  by  the  indirect 
practices  of  those  false  witnesses.  Sometimes  his  person 
is  traduced,  his  fame  and  credit  either  stained,  or  else  quite 
taken  away,  or  so  shaken,  that  it's  a  shrewd  matter  to 
deal  with  him ;  another  while  his  estate,  his  birthright,  is 
wrested  from  him,  or  else  withdrawn,  and  for  a  time  with 
held  from  him;  one  while  his  goods,  another  while  his 
lands,  a  third  time  himself  is  at  stake;  so  life,  lands,  goods, 
and  all  are  in  danger :  well,  though  such  witnesses  be  against 
him,  his  plea  is  never  a  whit  the  worse  in  foro  cceli,  his 
inheritance  is  laid  up  amongst  the  saints,  testimonium  ejus 
est  in  ccelis  d:  {  Doubtless  there  is  a  reward  for  the  righteous, 
verily  there  is  a  God  that  judgeth  the  earth e :'  '  for  there  is 
nothing  hid  which  shall  riot  be  revealed  V 

And  thus,  my  Lords,  have  I  said  what  I  thought  fit,  though 
not  so  much  as  the  crime  deserves,  for  my  time  being  scanted, 
I  have  laid  it  out,  though  roughly,  yet  so  as  it  may  easily  be 
seen  of  what  a  vile  nature  this  cankered  and  pestilent  weed  is, 
and  from  whence  it  had  its  original,  and  how  odious  and 
detestable  it  hath  been  to  all  ages,  how  dangerous  the  effects 
be  that  proceed  from  it,  and  therefore  how  carefully  it  ought 
to  be  looked  unto,  and  suppressed  in  all  good  commonwealths. 

I  shall  make  my  word  good  in  my  brevity  concerning  the 
last  thing  I  am  to  perform,  and  shall  pass  over  the  sentence 
very  speedily :  to  make  any  repetitious  were  but  actum  agere 
(as  my  Lord  of  London  said),  therefore  T  will  be  very  short 
in  this. 

I  find  much  tampering  and  striving  by  my  Lord  Bishop' s 
agents  for  to  suppress  and  decline  a  truth. 

I  wonder  that  Lake  should  be  sent  to  the  University  of 
Cambridge  presently  to  take  the  degree  of  Doctor,  and  that 
they  would  let  him  pass. 

d  [Job  xvi.  19.]  «  [Psal.  Iviii.  10.]  '  [Matth.  x.  26.] 


OF  BISHOP   WILLIAMS.  81 

I  cannot  commend  Mosteyn  (though  otherwise  a  very  civil 
and  deserving  man,  and  I  think  very  true  and  trusty  to  his 
master) ;  yet  to  be  present  when  a  blank  is  to  be  put  up,  and 
an  affidavit  to  be  made  to  a  blank  by  his  privity,  and  in 
his  presence,  this  is  not  honest ;  he  might  have  done  well 
to  have  disallowed  the  proceedings,  or  at  least  not  been 
present,  and  have  countenanced  the  same.  And  Walter 
Walker,  though  he  be  a  solicitor,  and  must  and  ought  to 
follow  the  causes  he  undertakes,  with  as  much  skill,  industry, 
and  advice  as  he  may,  yet  he  might  have  been  ashamed  of 
this  blank  affidavit,  and  he  ought  indeed  to  have  suppressed  it. 
And  Mosteyn  must  bring  him  in  at  the  back  door,  an  un 
worthy  part ;  if  the  business  be  such,  as  will  redound  to  the 
shame  of  my  Master,  he  should  have  come  in  at  no  door,  by 
my  being  usher  unto  him :  and  if  the  business  and  bringer 
be  justifiable,  the  fore-door  had  better  fitted. 

If  Walker  had  been  a  good  servant,  it  had  gone  better 
with  the  Bishop  than  now  it  is  like  to  do ;  and  if  Walker 
do  escape  sentence,  it 's  more  by  hap  than  skill,  more,  by  luck 
than  honesty.  I  find  him  to  be  a  very  arrant  honest  man  in  all 
the  business,  and  my  Lord  Bishop  is  a  very  miserable  man, 
thus  to  defend  Prigeon's  good  name  with  the  loss  of  his  own. 

Catlin,  he  must  have  a  living  given  him,  and  well  he  de 
served  it,  but  as  yet  he  had  not  played  his  part  to  the  full, 
and  therefore  stay  your  hand,  my  Lord,  (saith  Walker,)  till 
the  business  be  done.  A  manifest  plain  proof  that  there  was 
some  use  to  be  made  of  this  cunning  and  crafty  fellow,  to 
countenance  the  business  in  hand.  And  I  can  say  no  less 
than  that  I  find  Catlin  to  be  a  very  lewd  man,  a  very  incen 
diary,  and  truly  to  be  paralleled  with  that  Catlin  of  Rome, 
against  whom  so  many  learned  and  eloquent  Orations  were 
writ  by  Cicero,  that  famous  orator. 

For  Lunn,  let  him  go  on  in  God's  name,  to  be  put  off  from 
the  place  and  offices  that  he  hath ;  and  for  Powell,  I  could 
go  deeper  than  any  before  me  hath  yet  done,  who  prosecutes 
an  unjust  act  so  long,  so  oft,  and  never  repents  of  it. 

For  Kilvert's  affronting  of  my  Lord  Bishop  in  that  manner 
he  did,  I  must  set  that,  and  the  Bishop's  offering  to  be 
present  at  the  examination  of  the  witnesses,  both  in  one 
distance,  and  they  may  very  well  the  one  of  them  quit  the 
other.  For  if  Kilvert,  being  upon  so  weighty  a  business,  and 

LAUD. — VOL.  VI.  p 


82  SPEECH  AT  THE  TRIAL  OF  BP.  WILLIAMS. 

concerning  so  great  a  matter,  interessed  into  it  by  no  worse 
than  the  King's  Majesty,  and  in  a  cause  that  concerned  him 
self  ;  if  Kilvert,  I  say,  should  have  gone  puningly,  faintly,  and 
cowardly  have  put  his  finger  in  a  hole,  if  he  had  upon  my  Lord's 
presence,  and  by  the  terms  he  used,  gone  sheepishly  on  in  his 
business,  the  matter  might  have  failed.  Some  of  your  Lord 
ships  have  condemned  him  for  his  bold  carriage  toward 
a  bishop  in  his  own  diocese ;  but  I  cannot,  for  my  Lord  and 
his  passions  were  more  to  be  condemned.  A  temper  would 
better  have  befitted  him,  and  indeed  he  ought  not  to 
have  given  any  such  occasion,  and  therefore  it  may  be  said, 
Etiamsi  ego  dignus  sum  hac  contumelia,  indignus  tamen,  qui 
fecerit  %}  I  pass  that  by  as  to  be  excused,  by  reason  of  the 
weightiness  of  the  matter. 

For  the  gaining  of  papers  from  the  Council- table,  I  find  my 
Lord  Bishop  had  them  long  enough  in  his  custody,  and  they 
were  returned  unsealed;  and  I  do  find  that  he  proceeds  to 
counter-proofs  directly,  according  as  he  was  informed  by 
these  papers,  which  in  my  mind  shows  apparently,  that  he 
both  had  them  and  perused  them. 

For  Sir  John  Mounson,  the  King  is  wounded  through  his 
sides.  I  have  known  him  a  long  time,  and  I  never  knew  nor 
heard  anything  of  him  but  good,  and  therefore  do  hold  one 
thousand  marks  little  enough  for  reparation  of  his  credit, 
who  did  nothing  but  that  which  was  his  duty,  and  belonged 
to  his  place. 

For  my  Lord  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  truly  I  am  heartily  sorry 
to  do  that  which  I  must  do,  both  by  reason  he  is  of  my  own 
coat,  and  also  by  reason  of  the  place  he  hath  in  former  time 
sustained  in  this  court  amongst  your  Lordships,  and  in  this 
commonwealth ;  but  I  must  not  forbear  to  do  that  which  my 
conscience  leads  me  unto,  and  less  I  must  not  do,  than  for  to 
discharge  that  as  I  ought  to  do. 

Wherefore  I  shall  agree  with  my  Lord  Cottington,  and  the 
rest  that  have  gone  before  me,  in  the  fine  of  10,000/.  to  his 
Majesty,  and  likewise  for  his  imprisonment  in  the  Tower  during 
the  King's  pleasure,  as  also  to  be  suspended  from  the  exercise 
of  his  ecclesiastical  function,  tarn  a  beneficiis,  quam  officiis, 
and  to  be  referred  over  to  be  proceeded  against  in  the  High- 
Commission  Court,  as  the  merit  of  his  offence  shall  deserve. 

*  [Terent.  Eun.  v.  2.  27.] 


THE   ANSWER 

OF 

THE    MOST    REVEREND    FATHER    IN    GOD, 

WILLIAM, 

LOUD  ARCHBISHOP  OF  CANTERBURY, 

TO    THE 

SPEECH    OF   THE    LORD    SAY   AND  SEAL, 

TOUCHING  THE   LITURGY'. 


THE  speech  begins  thus  : 

My  Lords,  I  have  waited  to  find  you  free  from  greater  busi 
nesses,  that  I  might  crave  leave  to  speak  of  something  that 
concerns  myself.  And  this  I  have  the  more  desired,  since 
my  Lord  of  Canterbury's  last  speech,  who  expressing  his 
troubles,  and  bewailing  the  misery  of  his  condition,  and  of 
the  condition  of  the  Church  of  England,  (for  he  would 
needs  join  them  together,  which  I  think  he  may,  as  the 
cause  and  the  effect^  for  the  miseries  of  the  Church  have 
certainly  risen  from  him, )  he  insisted  much  upon  this : 
that  these  troubles  had  befallen  him  through  the  malice  of 
two  parties,  the  Papists  and  the  Sectaries,  and  by  those 
he  said  the  Church  was  greatly  afflicted. 

My  Lords,  and  all  Christian  readers,  those  great  businesses 
which  my  Lord  speaks  of  are  now  ended ;  and  I  hope  as  you 
are  free  from  business,  so  you  will  be  free  from  prejudice, 
while  I  also  crave  leave  to  speak  something  concerning  my 
self.  And  this  I  also  have  the  more  desired,  since  I  saw  this 
honourable  Lord  had  put  his  speech  in  print,  which  I  find  as 

11  [This  Answer  is  reprinted  from      bishop's  History  of  his  Troubles  and 
the  first  volume  of  Laud's  Works  (Lond.      Trial.     The  pages  of  this  volume  are 
1695),  where  it  was  inserted  by  H.      noted  in  the  margin.] 
Wharton,  at  the   end   of  the   Arch- 

G2 


84  ANSWER  TO   THE    LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

much,  if  not  more,  against  me  than  for  himself.  This  speech 
was  not  put  in  print  till  near  six  months  after  it  was  spoken ; 
and,  I  conceive,  was  printed  then  to  renew  the  business,  and 
to  whet  the  malice  of  those  Sectaries  against  me.  'Tis  true 
that  after  I  was  impeached  by  the  House  of  Commons  for 
high  treason,  there  came  no  articles  up  against  me  in  full  ten  4 
weeks  after ;  then  they  came  up  in  generals  only ;  and  I  was 
called  to  the  House  to  hear  them  on  Friday,  February  the 
26th,  164^.  Now,  by  these  articles  I  found  that  there  was 
great  but  (I  humbly  praise  God  for  it)  causeless  jealousy  of 
me  in  point  of  religion.  This  made  me  labour  more  to  clear 
myself  from  that,  than  from  anything  else  objected  against 
me,  as  ever  hating  to  seem  other  in  religion  than  what  I  truly 
and  really  am.  For  of  all  simulations  or  dissimulations,  that 
is  the  basest,  when  a  man,  for  poor,  temporary,  fading  ends, 
shall  shift  his  religion  or  his  judgment  concerning  it,  with  the 
time  if  not  with  the  tide,  as  if  at  all  times  he  had  somewhat 
to  seek  before  he  would  express  :  whereas  it  is  most  true  which 
St.  Hilary  speaks  in  matter  of  religion,  Non  opus  est  intervallo 
aliquo  inter  cor  et  os  b :  '  There 's  no  need  of  a  distance  between 
the  heart  and  the  mouth ;  as  if  a  man  were  to  bethink  him 
self  of  some  faithless  ambiguity,  before  he  would  speak  that 
which  belonged  to  the  profession  of  his  faith.' 

Now,  if  seeing  myself  under  so  great  a  pressure,  and  the 
Church  of  England  so  hard  laid  at,  as  then  it  was,  I  did 
bewail  the  condition  of  both,  I  think  I  did  what  became  me ; 
and  I  hope  I  offended  no  man  in  'joining  our  conditions  to 
gether/  And  whereas  this  honourable  Lord  thinks,  '  that  I 
might  well  join  them,  as  the  cause  and  the  effect/  I  think  so 
too  myself,  but  in  another  sense. 

For  his  Lordship  says  too  peremptorily,  that  '  the  miseries 
of  the  Church  have  certainly  risen  from  me/  No,  certainly ; 
the  miseries  of  this  Church  have  proceeded  from  the  Sepa 
ratists,  and  from  such  as  for  private  at  least,  if  not  for  worse 
ends,  have  countenanced  them  and  their  strange  proceedings 
against  the  government  and  governors  of  the  Church  :  and 
this  so  long,  till  they  brought  the  Church's  condition  (which 

b  ["Non  tardo  opus  est  petitoque  loquendum  sit,  per  infidelcm   ambi- 

longe   verbo   confessionis,  nee   inter-  guitatem  cogitetur."] — St.  Hilary,  1. 

vallo  aliquo  inter  cor  atque  os  relicto,  x.  de  Trin.  p.  1G5.    [$  70,  col.  1080.  B. 

ut  quod  ad  protestationein  religion!,-;  Paris.  1693.] 


TOUCHING  THE  LITURGY.  85 

flourished  before)  to  be  the  cause  of  my  condition,  such  as  it 
now  is ;  and  I  fell  into  this  condition  by  labouring,  by  all 
good  means,  to  uphold  the  Church  of  England  from  that 
misery  into  which,  I  fear,  it  is  now  falling. 

And  I  doubt  not  but  God  will  open  the  eyes  of  all  good 
men,  to  see  clearly  in  time,  that  this  was  the  cause  which  laid 
both  me  and  this  Church  so  low,  and  not  any  actions,  much 
less  practices  of  mine.  This  being  so,  if  '  I  insisted  much  upon 
this,  that  these  troubles  have  befallen  me  through  the  malice 
of  two  parties,  the  Papists  and  the  Sectaries '  (as  this  honour 
able  Lord  says  I  did),  I  had  great  reason  so  to  do.  For,  cer 
tainly,  the  Church  of  England  is  '  greatly  afflicted  '  by  them  ; 
and  I  pray  God,  in  the  end  it  be  not  torn  in  pieces  between 
them.  That  which  I  then  said,  in  my  sudden  speech  to  the 
Lords  to  this  particular,  was  as  follows0: — 

"  I  am  very  unfortunate  in  this  business,  between  the  ma 
lignity  of  two  parties  against  me,  the  Papist  and  the  Sepa 
ratist.  And  shall  I  suffer  on  both  sides  at  once  ?  Shall  I  be 
accounted  a  deadly  enemy  to  the  Papist,  as  I  am  reputed  by 
them  both  at  home  and  abroad  ;  and,  in  the  meantime, 
accused  for  no  less  than  treason  for  favouring  and  complying 
with  them  ?  Well,  if  I  do  suffer,  -'tis  but  because  truth  usu 
ally  lies  between  two  sides,  and  is  beaten  on  both  sides  (as 
the  poor  Church  of  England  is  at  this  day  by  these  factions). 
But  in  this  and  all  things  else,  and  in  despite  of  malice,  truth 
2  shall  either  be  my  protection  from  suffering,  or  my  comfort 
while  I  suffer :  and  by  God's  gracious  assistance  I  shall  never 
depart  from  it,  but  continue  at  the  Apostle's  ward,  Nihil  pos 
sum  contra  veritatem  :  'I  can  do  nothing  against  the  truth V 
and  for  it,  I  hope,  God  will  enable  me  patiently  to  suffer  any 
thing." 

This,  or  to  this  effect,  I  then  spake,  and  I  hope  without 
any  offence ;  sure  I  am,  without  reflecting  upon  any  particular 
person.  Yet  my  Lord  seems  to  think  otherwise  ;  for  he  says — 

How  far  this  man  will  extend  this  word  Sectary,  and  whom 
he  will  comprehend  under  it,  I  know  not ;  but  I  have  some 
cause  to  fear  that  I  may  lie  under  some  misapprehension 

c  [This  part  of  the   Archbishop's      vii.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  415.] 
speech  is  recorded  by  him  in  the  His-          d  2  Cor.  xiii.  8. 
tory  of  his  Troubles  and  Trial,  chap. 


86  ANSWEK  TO  THE  LORD  SAY'S  SPEECH 

in  respect  of  matters  of  this  nature,  which  how  far  it  con 
cerns  him,  your  Lordships  will  perceive  by  what  I  shall 
say. 

My  Lord,  it  seems,  '  knows  not  how  far  I  will  extend  the 
word  Sectary/  Truly,  no  further  than  the  Church  of  Christ 
extended  it,  ever  since  sects  and  schisms  broke  in  upon  it,  to 
help  despoil  it  of  peace  and  unity.  And  a  Sectary  is  hee  .  . 

The  next  thing  which  my  Lord  knows  not  is,  '  whom  I  will 
comprehend  under  that  name ;'  and  that  his  Lordship  may 
easily  know.  For  I  comprehend  none  under  it  but  such  as 
divide  from  the  Church,  and  either  make  or  follow  a  breach, 
where  no  just  cause  is  given  by  the  Church,  or  where,  though 
cause  were  given,  ways  of  division  are  preferred  before  ways 
of  peace.  But  that  which  troubles  my  Lord  about  these 
things,  which  he  professes  he  knows  not,  is,  that  he  hath 
some  cause  to  fear  (for  so  he  confesses)  '  that  he  may  lie  under 
some  misapprehensions  in  respect  of  matters  of  this  nature/ 
And  this  I  think  may  trouble  him  indeed ;  for  there's  cause 
enough  why  he  should  fear  that  he  may  lie  under,  not  misap 
prehensions,  but  very  just  apprehensions,  in  respect  of  matters 
of  this  nature,  since  His  manifest  that  he  separates  himself,  as 
Sectaries  use  to  do,  from  the  common  prayers  of  the  Church  ; 
and  those  such  as  were  composed  by  such  bishops  and  other 
divines  as  suffered,  some  of  them  to  martyrdom,  for  the  truth 
of  Christ ;  and  those  such  also  as  were  a  second  time,  under 
the  prosperous  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  confirmed  by  Act  of 
Parliament.  So  that  his  Lordship,  separating  himself  from 
those  prayers  which  were  made  by  the  one  and  confirmed  by 
the  other,  must  needs  be  apprehended  as  a  Sectary,  whether 
you  look  upon  Church  or  State.  But  my  Lord  tells  you, 
'  that  you  will  perceive  by  that  which  he  shall  say,  how  far  this 
concerns  me/  And  therefore  I  pray  you  observe  it  diligently ; 
for  I  cannot  yet  conceive  how  anything  else  that  belongs  to 
a  Sectary  can  concern  me,  or  anything  else,  much,  which  his 
Lordship  can  say  against  me. 

My  Lord  of  Canterbury  !  a  man  of  mean  birth,  bred  up  in 
a  College,  (and  that  too  frequently  falls  out  to  be  in  a 

e  The  definition  or  description  of  a  Sectary  is  wanting  in  the  original. — H.  W. 


TOUCHING   THE  LITURGY.  87 

faction,}  whose  narrow  comprehension  extended  itself  no 
further  than  to  carry  on  a  side  in  a  College,  or  canvass 
for  a  Proctor's  place  in  the  University. 

This  concerns  me  indeed,  and  very  nearly ;  for  I  see  his 
Lordship  resolves  to  rake  me  up  from  my  very  birth,  a  way 
unusual  for  men  well-bred,  and  little  beseeming  a  person  of 
honour,  especially  thus  to  insult  upon  a  fallen  fortune.  But 
yet  it  concerns  me  not  in  any  relation  to  a  Sectary,  unless  his 
Lordship  would  possess  the  world  that  I  was  bred  in  faction, 
and  so  like  enough  to  prove  one.  But  how  my  Lord  is  mis 
taken  in  this  will  plainly  appear.  \First,  then,  'tis  true  I  am 
a  man  of  ordinary,  but  very  honest  birth  ;  and  the  memory  of 
my  parents  savours  very  well  to  this  day,  in  the  town  in 
Reading,  where  I  was  born.  Nor  was  I  so  meanly  born  as 
perhaps  my  Lord  would  insinuate ;  for  my  father  had  borne 
all  offices  in  the  town,  save  the  mayoralty;  and  my  imme 
diate  predecessor  (whom  I  am  sure  my  Lord  himself  accounted 
very  worthy  of  his  place)  was  as  meanly  born  as  myself,  his 
father  being  of  the  same  trade  in  Guilford  that  mine  was  of 
in  Reading.  But  all  this  of  my  birth  might  well  have  been 
spared  ;  for  my  Lord  knows  well  enough — 

*  Miserum  est  aliorum  incumbere  famse ; 
Ne  collapsa  ruant  subductis  tecta  columnisf;' 

and  that  which  follows  in  the  satirist.  And  had  my  birth 
been  meaner  than  it  was,  that  would  not  have  impaired  me 
among  men  of  understanding.  And  howsoever,  this  advan 
tage  I  have ;  I  have  done  honour  to  my  birth,  which  every 
man  hath  not  done,  that  hath  had  an  honourable  descent^ 
To  my  birth,  his  Lordship  adds  that  I  was  bred  up  in  a 
College.  That's  true.  But  'tis  as  true  that  his  Lordship 
was  bred  up  in  a  College  also^,  and  of  the  same  University ; 
and  therefore,  so  far  he  speaks  as  much  against  himself  as 
me.  But  I  hope  he  intends  not  to  charge  being  bred  in  a 
College,  as  a  fault  upon  either  of  us ;  and  though  '  it  too  fre 
quently  falls  out  that  Colleges  be  in  a  faction,'  (for  that  also 
is  too  truly  observed  by  his  Lordship,)  yet  that  is  no  fault  in 
any  man  who  neither  causes  nor  nourishes  the  faction.  But 
that  which  his  Lordship  charges  next  upon  me  is  both  a 

f  Juven.  Satir.  viii.  [76,  77.]  *  [In  New  College.] 


88  ANSWEE  TO    THE  LORD   SAY'S  SPEECH 

weakness  and  a  fault,  if  true  :  weakness,  that  '  my  compre 
hensions  are  narrow ; '  and  a  fault,  because  '  they  extended  no 
further  than  to  carry  on  a  side  in  the  College,  or  a  canvass 
for  a  Proctor's  place  in  the  University/ 

For  the  weakness  first.  My  comprehensions,  as  narrow  as 
they  are,  are  yet  as  large  as  God  hath  been  pleased  to  make 
them,  and  as  large  as  my  hard  study,  accompanied  with  His 
grace,  hath  been  able  to  stretch  them ;  and  so  large  I  am 
sure  they  are,  as  that  I  have  ever  looked  carefully  upon  the 
whole  Catholic  Church  of  Christ,  spread  upon  the  face  of  the 
whole  earth. 

And  therefore  certainly  my  comprehensions  are  not  so 
narrow  as  theirs,  whose  largest  cannot,  or  will  not,  look  upon 
one  entire  national  Church ;  nay,  a  parochial  is  too  big  for 
them,  and  a  conventicle  big  enough.  Nor  did  my  '  narrow 
comprehensions '  ever  reject  that  great  body,  the  Catholic 
Church,  out  of  the  Creed,  as  some  of  late  have  done,  whose 
comprehensions  are  not,  for  all  that,  censured  by  his  Lord 
ship  for  their  narrowness. 

Next  for  the  fault.  That's  twofold.  First,  my  compre-  4! 
hensions  went  no  further  (says  my  Lord)  than  '  to  carry  on  a 
side  in  a  College/  Here  my  Lord  is  either  utterly  mistaken, 
or,  which  is  worse,  in  a  wilful  error ;  for,Xvhile  I  was  Fellow 
of  St.  John  Baptist's  College,  where  I  was  bred,  it  is  well 
known  I  never  made  nor  held  up  any  side.  Indeed,  when  I 
was  chosen  President  of  that  College,  there  was  a  bitter 
faction  both  raised  and  countenanced  against  me  (I  will  for 
bear  to  relate  how  and  by  whom) .  But  this  is  certain,  I  made 
no  party  then;  for  four  being  in  nomination  for  that  head 
ship,  I  lay  then  so  sick  at  London,  that  I  was  neither  able  to 
go  down,  nor  so  much  as  write  to  my  friends  about  it.  Yet, 
after  much  tumble,  a  major  part  of  the  votes  made  choice  of 
me.  Thus  I  was  chosen  President,  May  10,  1611  h.l  After 
this  my  election  was  quarrelled  at,  and  great  means  made 
against  me,  insomuch  that  the  most  gracious  king,  King 
James,  sat  to  hear  the  cause  himself,  for  the  space  of  full 
three  hours,  Aug.  28,  at  Tichburn  in  Hampshire,  as  he  re 
turned  out  of  the  western  progress.  Upon  this  hearing,  his 
Majesty  approved  my  election,  and  commanded  my  settle- 

h  [See  Diary  at  this  date,  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  135.] 


TOUCHING  THE  LITURGY.  89 

merit ;  which  was  done  accordingly  at  Michaelmas  following. 
But  the  faction  in  the  College  finding  such  props  above,  as 
they  had,  continued  very  eager  and  bitter  against  me.  The 
audit  of  the  College  for  the  year's  accounts,  and  choice  of 
new  officers,  followed  in  November :  there  so  God  blessed  me 
with  patience  and  moderation  in  the  choice  of  all  offices,  that 
I  made  all  quiet  in  the  College.  And  for  all  the  narrowness 
of  my  comprehensions,  I  governed  that  College  in  peace, 
without  so  much  as  the  show  of  a  faction,  all  my  time,  which 
was  near  upon  eleven  years.  And  the  truth  of  all  this  is 
notoriously  known,  and  many  yet  living,  of  great  worth  in 
the  Church,  able  and  ready  to  avow  it.  And  this,  I  hope, 
was  not  to  lead  on  a  side. 

Secondly,  my  Lord  charges  my  narrow  comprehensions  as 
reaching  no  further  than  '  a  canvass  for  a  Proctor's  place/  I 
was  (with  thanks  to  their  love  that  thought  me  worthy)  chose 
Proctor  of  the  University1,  so  soon  as  by  statute  I  was 
capable  of  it ;  but  I  never  meddled  in  the  managing  of  the 
canvass  for  it  for  myself,  nor  afterwards  for  any  other,  while  I 
continued  Fellow  of  the  College.  When  I  was  chosen  Pre 
sident,  I  continued  so  for  two  years,  and  meddled  not  in  that 
business ;  and  this  I  did,  because  in  some  things  I  did  utterly 
dislike  that  canvass,  and  the  carriage  of  it.  At  last  some  of 
the  senior  Fellows  came  to  me,  and  told  me  that  the  College 
had  been  many  years  without  the  credit  of  a  Proctor,  and 
that  the  Fellows  began  to  take  it  ill  at  my  hands  that  I 
would  not  show  myself,  and  try  my  credit  and  my  friends  in 
that  business.  Upon  this,  rather  than  I  would  lose  the  love 
of  my  companions,  I  did  settle  myself  in  an  honest  and  fair 
way  to  right  the  College  as  much  as  I  could ;  and  by  God's 
blessing  it  succeeded  beyond  expectation k.  But  when  we 
were  at  the  strongest,  I  made  this  fair  offer  more  than  once 
and  again,  that  if  the  greater  Colleges  would  submit  to  take 
their  turns  in  order,  and  not  seek  to  carry  all  from  the  lesser, 
we  would  agree  to  any  indifferent  course  in  Convocation,  and 
75  allow  the  greater  Colleges  their  full  proportion  according  to 
their  number.  This  would  not  be  hearkened  unto ;  whereupon 
things  continued  some  years. 

1  [In  1603.]  as  mentioned  above   (vol.  v.  p.  143, 

k  [Richard  Baylie,  of  St.  John's  Col-      note  !),  Laud's  principal  opponent  in 
lege,  was  Proctor  in  1615.     He  was,      his  election  to  the  Presidentship.] 


90  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD  SAY'S  SPEECH 

After  this,  by  his  Majesty's  grace  and  favour,,  I  was  made 
Bishop  of  St.  David's;  and  after  that  of  Bath  and  Wells. 
When  I  was  thus  gone  out  of  the  University,  the  election  of 
the  Proctors  grew  more  and  more  tumultuous,  till  at  the  last 
the  peace  of  the  University  was  like  to  be  utterly  broken ; 
and  the  divided  parties  brought  up  a  complaint  to  the  Council- 
table.  The  Lords  were  much  troubled  at  it,  especially  the 
right  honourable  William,  Earl  of  Pembroke,  Lord  Steward, 
and  their  honourable  Chancellor.  I  had  by  that  time,  and 
by  the  great  grace  of  his  now  Majesty,  the  honour  to  be  a 
Councillor,  and  was  present.  There  I  acquainted  the  Lords 
what  offers  I  had  made,  during  my  time  in  the  University, 
which  I  did  conceive  would  settle  all  differences,  and  make 
peace  for  ever.  The  Lords  approved  the  way ;  and  after  the 
Council  was  risen,  my  very  honourable  Lord  the  Earl  of 
Pembroke  desired  me  to  put  the  whole  business  in  writing, 
that  he  might  see  and  consider  of  it.  I  did  so  :  his  Lordship 
approved  of  it,  and  sent  it  to  the  University,  with  all  freedom 
to  accept  or  refuse,  as  they  saw  cause.  The  University  approved 
all,  only  desired  the  addition  of  a  year  or  two  more  to  the 
circle  ;  which  would  add  a  turn  or  two  more,  to  content  some 
of  the  greater  Colleges.  This  that  honourable  Lord  yielded 
unto;  and  that  form  of  election  of  their  Proctors  was  by 
unanimous  consent  made  a  statute  in  Convocation,  and  hath 
continued  the  University  in  peace  ever  since1.  And  this  is 
all  '  the  carrying  on  of  a  canvass  for  a  Proctor's  place  '  which 
any  truth  can  challenge  me  withal.  And  it  may  be,  my  Lord 
is  pleased  to  impute  'narrow  comprehensions'  to  me,  because 
my  advice  enclosed  the  choice  of  the  Proctors  within  a 
circle.  I  am  heartily  sorry  I  should  trouble  the  reader  with 
these  passages  concerning  myself;  but  my  Lord  forces  me  to 
it,  by  imputing  so  much  un worthiness  to  me.  But  my  Lord 
leaves  not  here,  but  goes  on,  and  says  worse  of  me  : — 

Being  suddenly  advanced  to  highest  places  of  government  in 
Church  and  State,  had  not  his  heart  enlarged  by  the 
enlargement  of  his  fortune ;  but  still  the  maintaining  of 
his  party  was  that  which  filled  all  his  thoughts ;  which  he 
prosecuted  with  so  much  violence  and  inconsiderateness, 

1  [See  Wood's  Annals,  ad  ann.  1628,  1629,  pp.  360,  seq.] 


TOUCHING  THE  LITTJEGY.  91 

that  he  had  not  an  eye  to  see  the  consequences  thereof  to 
the  Church  and  State,  until  he  had  brought  both  into  those 
distractions,  danger,  and  dishonour,  which  we  now  find 
ourselves  encompassed  withal. 

The  next  thing  which  my  Lord  charges  me  with  is,  that 
'  I  was  suddenly  advanced  to  highest  places  of  government  in 
Church  and  State/  This  is  like  the  rest.  And  I  dare  say, 
when  my  Lord  shall  better  consider  of  it,  he  will  neither 
re-affirm  nor  avouch  such  an  untruth.  '  Suddenly  advanced  !' 
What  does  my  Lord  call  '  suddenly?'  Jl  was  eleven  years 
his  Majesty's  Chaplain  in  Ordinary,  before  I  was  made  a 
Bishop.  I  was  a  Bishop  twelve  years  before  I  was  preferred 
to  be  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  that  highest  place  my  Lord 
mentions.  When  I  was  made  Archbishop,  I  was  full  three- 
'6  score  years  of  age,  within  less  than  one  month*  Whereas 
my  immediate  predecessor  was  not  any  one  month  in  his 
Majesty's  ordinary  service  as  chaplain,  but  far  from  that 
honourable  indeed,  but  yet  painful  and  chargeable  service, 
and  was  made  Bishop  of  Lichfield,  of  London,  and  of  Canter 
bury,  within  the  compass  of  two  years,  he  being  at  the  time 
of  his  translation  to  Canterbury  but  forty-nine  years  of  age ; 
and  yet  never  charged  as  a  man  '  suddenly  advanced/  But 
my  advancement,  which  it  seems  pleased  not  my  Lord  so  well 
as  his  did,  was  very  sudden ;  which  I  leave  to  the  impartial 
reader  to  judge. 

Next  being  advanced  to  this  '  high  place/  as  my  Lord  calls 
it,  (but  now  made  low  enough  by  his  Lordship,  and  other  of 
the  same  feather,)  he  says,  <  I  had  not  my  heart  enlarged  with 
the  enlargement  of  my  fortune/  Sure  my  Lord  is  mistaken 
again.  For  my  heart  (I  humbly  thank  God  for  it)  was 
enlarged  every  way  as  much  as  my  fortune,  and  in  some 
things  perhaps  more.  But  it  may  be  my  Lord  meant,  that 
my  heart  was  not  sufficiently  enlarged,  because  I  could  not 
receive  those  separatists  into  it  (further  than  to  pray  for  them) 
which  would  not  suffer  the  open  bosom  of  the  Church  of 
England  to  receive  them;  but  ' neglecting  their  father's 
commandment,  forsook  also  their  mother's  instruction"1.' 
Nor  did  I  '  maintain  any  party  •/  but  any  Churchman,  or 

m  Prov.  i.  8,  and  vi.  20. 


92  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

any  man  else  that  loved  order  and  peace  in  the  Church,  was 
very  welcome  to  me.  And  I  leave  the  world  to  judge,  by 
what  they  now  see,  whether  I  or  this  Lord  have  practised  or 
studied  most  '  the  maintenance  and  advancement  of  a  party/ 
And  as  I  did  not  '  maintain  a  party/  so  much  less  '  did  it  fill 
all  my  thoughts'  (as  narrow  as  my  Lord  thinks  them).  Nor 
did  I  prosecute  these  or  any  other  my  thoughts  either  with 
e  violence'  or  'inconsiderateness.'  Not  with  ' violence/  for  I 
can  name  many,  of  whose  preferment,  under  God  and  the 
King,  I  was  cause,  who  yet  went  not  with  them  which  my 
Lord  will  needs  miscall  '  my  party/  Nor  did  I  punish  either 
more,  or  more  severely,  any  that  were  brought  before  me  in 
the  Commission,  than  were  punished  for  the  like  offences  in 
any  the  same  number  of  years  in  my  late  predecessor's  time; 
as  will  manifestly  appear  by  the  Acts  of  the  Court.  Nor  with 
( inconsiderateness.'  For  I  have  many  witnesses  that  mine 
eye  was  open,  and  did  plainly  see,  and  as  freely  tell  (where  I 
then  hoped  there  might  have  been  remedy)  what  was  coming 
both  upon  Church  and  State,  though  not  as  consequences 
upon  my  proceedings ;  and  I  wish  with  all  my  heart  they 
were  no  more  consequences  upon  my  Lord's  proceedings  than 
they  have  been  upon  mine. 

And  my  Lord  is  extremely  mistaken,  to  say  that  c  I  brought 
both  into  those*  distractions,  danger,  and  dishonour,  with 
which  they  are  now  encompassed.'  For  'tis  not  I  that  have 
troubled  this  Israel  of  God.  For  God  is  my  witness,  I 
laboured  nothing  but  the  settlement  of  the  decent  external 
worship  of  God  among  us,  which,  whatever  some  other  men 
think,  I  know  was  sunk  very  low ;  and  if  in  labouring  this  I 
did  err  in  any  circumstance,  (for  in  matter  of  substance  I  am 
sure  I  did  not,)  that  may  be  forgiven  me  for  humanity's  sake, 
which  cannot  free  itself  from  error.  But  that  which  brought 
all  these  distractions  both  upon  Church  and  State,  was  the 
bringing  in  of  the  Scots,  and  the  keeping  of  them  here  at  a 
vast  charge,  only  to  serve  turns,  and  those  very  base  ones :  47' 
and  to  the  debasing  and  dishonour  of  this  whole  nation,  as 
well  as  the  King.  And  how  far  this  Lord  had  his  hand  or 
his  head  in  this  treacherous  business,  he  best  knows.  Sure 
I  am,  his  Lordship  is  thought  one  of  the  chief  moulders  of 
this  leaven  of  the  Pharisees.  But  my  Lord  thinks  himself 


TOUCHING  THE  LITURGY.  93 

safe  enough ;  so  he  can  cry  me  up  among  the  rabble,  to  be 
the  author  of  all.  And  not  content  with  this,  he  insults 
further  upon  me,  as  follows  : — 

Yet,  to  magnify  his  moderation,  presently  after  the  breaking 
of  the  last  Parliament,  he  told  a  Lord,  who  sits  now  in 
my  sight,  that  if  he  had  been  a  violent  man,  he  wanted  no 
occasion  to  show  it.  For  he  observed  that  the  Lord  Say 
never  came  to  prayers,  and  added,  that  I  was  in  his  know 
ledge  as  great  a  separatist  as  any  was  in  England. 

Whatever  it  was  I  said,  was  not  '  to  magnify  my  modera 
tion/     Nor  do  I  remember  that  ever  I  spake  these  words. 
Yet  first,  if  any  Lord  will  say,  upon  his  honour,  that  I  did 
say  these  very  words,  I  will  bear  him  and  the  peerage  of  the 
realm  that  honour,  as  that  I  will  submit  and  believe  his  testi 
mony,  against  my  own  old  now  and  weak  memory.     Next, 
upon  inquiry  made  by  some  friends  of  mine,  I  find  that  the 
words  I  should  speak  are  said  to  be  these :  e  that  if  I  listed 
to  take  any  advantage  against  this  honourable  Lord,  I  had 
as  much  exception  to  him  as  to  any  separatist  in  England/ 
These  words  are  neither  so  bold  nor  so  uncivil  as  those  in  the 
charge ;  and  perhaps  I  might  speak  these,  though  I  remem 
ber  it  not.     For  during  the  last  Parliament,  not  so  few  as  ten 
or  a  dozen  several  Lords  came  to  me  of  themselves,  as  I  sat 
there,  and  complained  grievously  of  this   Lord's  absenting 
himself  from  the  prayers  of  the  Church ;  and  some  of  them 
wondered  he  was  not  questioned  for  the  scandal  he  gave  by  it. 
And  if  any  of  them  would  be  so  mean  as  to  urge  me  to  speak, 
by  speaking  broad  themselves,  and  then  carry  the  tale  to  this 
noble  Lord,  he  did  that,  whoever  he  were,  which  I  hope  was 
not  the  noblest  of  his  actions ;  and  if  I  did  say  these  latter 
words  of  this  great  Lord,  I  must  and  do  say  them  again  j  and 
I  heartily  beseech  God  that  this  sin  be  not  laid  to  my  charge, 
that  I  questioned  him  not  when  the  times  were  calmer;  for 
had  I  done  that,  I  had  done  my  duty  ;  and  if  I  had  not  cured 
him,  perhaps    I   might    have  prevented  so  much    common 
danger  to  this  Church,  as  his  Lordship  hath  procured  since 
that  time,  both  by  his  example,  his  counsel,  and  his  counte 
nance.     And  for  the  words,  I  doubt  not  but  he  himself  will 
be  found  to  have  made  them  good,  before  1  have  done  examining 


94  ANSWER   TO   THE  LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

this    speech  of  his  Lordship.     In  the  meantime,  my   Lord 
proceeds : — 

My  Lords,  how  far  he  hath  spit  this  venom  of  his  against 
me,  I  am  not  certain ;  but  I  may  well  fear,  where  it  might 
do  me  greatest  prejudice.  I  shall  therefore  entreat  your 
Lordships9  favour  and  patience,  that  I  may  give  you  in 
these  things,  which  so  nearly  concern  me,  a  true  account 
of  myself;  which  I  shall  do  with  ingenuity  and  clearness, 
and  so  as  that,  if  I  satisfy  not  all  men,  yet  I  hope  I  shall 
make  it  appear  I  am  not  such  a  one  as  this  waspish  man 
was  willing  to  make  the  world  believe. 

I  have  spit  no  '  venom '  against  his  Lordship,  much  less 
have  I  spit  anything  far.  For  this  report,  which  is  here 
called  '  venom,'  is  common  through  the  kingdom.  And  I 
have  already  told  you  what  divers  Lords  said  to  me  during 
the  last  Parliament.  And  that  is  no  more  than  hath  been 
avowed  unto  me  by  very  many  others,  and  some  of  very  good 
quality ;  so  the  spreading  was  to  me,  not  from  me.  But  yet, 
my  Lord  '  fears  I  spread  it,  where  it  might  do  him  greatest 
prejudice/  I  know  not  what  my  Lord  means  by  this,  unless 
it  be  that  I  should  spread  it  to  his  Majesty.  And  if  that  be 
his  meaning,  I  will  tell  his  Lordship  truth,  what  I  know 
therein.  I  was  present  when  I  heard  some  Lords,  more  than 
once,  tell  the  King,  that  the  Lord  Say  was  a  separatist  from 
the  Church  of  England,  and  would  not  come  at  her  common 
prayers.  And  one  of  these  Lords  afterwards  told  me,  '  he 
did  conceive  it  was  a  great  danger  to  this  kingdom,  when 
noblemen  should  begin  to  separate  in  religion  ;  and  that  his 
Majesty  had  need  look  to  it/  To  this  last,  which  was  spoken 
to  me  in  private  (but  I  will  depose  the  truth  of  it),  I  could 
not  but  assent.  And  to  the  former  I  then  said,  I  had  heard 
as  much  as  was  then  told  his  Majesty,  but  I  was  not  certain 
of  it.  And  I  doubt  not  but  these  Lords  '  sit  in  his  Lordship's 
sight/  as  well  as  that  Lord  who  told  him  the  other  of  me : 
and  not  in  his  sight  only,  but  in  his  affections  also,  as  things 
go  now.  But  however  they  carry  it  with  him  now,  this  they 
said  of  him  then.  Nor  will  I  here  pick  a  thanks,  to  tell  this 
Lord  what  service  I  did  him  to  his  Majesty,  when  he  was 
thought  to  be  in  danger  enough ;  though  I  was  chidden  by  a 


TOUCHING  THE  LITURGY.  95 

great  one  that  stood  by  for  my  labour.  I  shall  therefore 
entreat  the  Christian  readers  e  favour  and  patience/  that 
having  hitherto  given  him  a  most  true  and  clear  account  of 
that  which  my  Lord  charges  me  with,  and  doth  '  nearly  con 
cern  '  me,  so  I  may  proceed  to  the  rest,  which  I  do  with  all 
ingenuity  and  truth.  '  And  so  as  that  if  I  satisfy  not  all  men, 
yet  I  hope  I  shall  make  it  appear  that  I  am  not  such  a 
waspish  man  '  as  my  Lord  would  fain  render  me  to  the  world. 
But  if  I  have  been  a  wasp  in  any  court,  wherein  I  have  had 
the  honour  to  sit ;  yet  his  Lordship  should  not  have  called  me 
so,  considering  what  a  hornet  all  men  say  he  is  in  the  Court 
of  Wards  n,  and  in  other  places  of  business  :  where  he  pinches 
so  deep,  that  discreet  men  are  in  a  doubt  whether  his  aim  be 
to  sting  the  Wards,  or  the  Court  itself,  to  death  first.  For  no 
man  can  believe  'tis  for  the  good  of  the  King.  And  if  I  fail 
in  this  endeavour  of  mine  to  clear  myself,  I  must  desire  the 
courteous  reader  to  ascribe  it,  not  to  my  cause,  which  is  very 
good  against  his  Lordship,  but  '  to  the  narrowness  of  my 
comprehensions/  and  my  weakness  compared  with  his  Lord 
ship's  great  abilities.  And  now  my  Lord  charges  as  hard  as 
he  can.  Thus  : — 

For  the  first  of  these  which  he  charges  upon  me,  it  may  be, 
he  was  willing  to  have  it  thought  that  I  would  not  join  in 
prayer  with  your  Lordships,  but  refused  such  a  commu 
nion  ;  which  is  altogether  false.  For  I  should  most  willingly 
join  in  prayers  with  you.  And  further,  I  will  add,  that 
I  do  not  think  but  some  set  form  of  prayers,  by  some  men, 
in  some  cases,  may  be  lawfully  used. 

For  this  first ;  I  was  not  willing  to  have  anything  thought 
of  this  Lord  which  is  not  true ;  and  if  it  be  '  altogether  false/ 
(as  his  Lordship  says  it  is,)  '  that  he  will  not  join  in  prayers 
with  the  rest  of  the  Lords  in  Parliament,  but  refuses  such  a 
communion ; '  I  would  fain  know  why  his  Lordship  doth  not 
join  in  prayer  with  them.  For  most  undoubtedly  he  may  if 
he  will.  And  since  it  is  most  true,  that  he  hath  not  come  to 
prayers  in  the  House  with  the  rest  of  the  Lords,  not  so  much 
as  once,  either  in  the  last  Parliament,  or  this;  I  think  it 
may  reasonably  be  concluded  without  any  falsehood,  that  his 

n  [He  was  appointed  Master  of  the  vain  hope  of  securing  his  services  to 
Court  of  Wards,  May  17,  1641,  in  the  the  King.] 


96  ANSWER  TO   THE  LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

Lordship  '  will  not  join/  no,  not  in  '  such  a  communion ' 
with  them.  Where  it  is  to  be  observed,  he  says,  he  f  refuses 
not  such  a  communion  with  them/  He  refuses  not ;  yet 
he  will  not  join :  and  ( he  refuses  not  such  a  communion/ 
A  communion  I  have  cause  to  doubt  he  doth  refuse ;  but  not 
such  a  communion  as  goes  no  further  than  prayers ;  yet  to 
these  he  comes  not.  At  the  sacrament,  I  believe  he  will  be 
more  scrupulous,  of  whom,  or  with  whom,  he  receives  that. 

Indeed,  his  Lordship  adds,  that  '  he  would  most  willingly 
join  in  prayers  with  their  Lordships/  And  though  this  be 
most  strange,  that  he  should  never  do  that,  which  he  would 
most  willingly  do,  an  opportunity  being  offered  him  every 
day  :  yet,  my  Lord  is  pleased  to  add  further,  what  his 
judgment  is  f  of  set  forms  of  prayer/  And  he  tells  you,  that 
he  thinks  '  some  set  forms,  by  some  men,  in  some  occasions 
may  be  lawfully  used/  Surely,  the  Church  of  England  is 
much  beholding  to  this  Lord ;  very  much,  and  the  State  too. 
For  the  set  '  forms  of  prayer '  which  she  enjoins,  were  com 
piled  by  some  of  those  who  suffered  no  less  than  martyrdom 
for  the  reformation  of  religion:  the  same  form  of  prayer 
was  established  by  Act  of  Parliament  :  and  yet,  as  if 
Church  and  State  were  all  at  a  loss,  this  noble  Lord,  who 
confesses  '  some  set  forms  lawful/  condemns  this  form,  by 
his  actions  at  least,  in  continual  and  professed  abstaining 
from  it.  '  Some  forms/  but  not  this ;  by  '  some  men/  but 
not  these ;  in  '  some  cases/  but  not  in  God's  public  service 
in  the  Church,  'may  be  lawfully  used/  And  yet  for  all 
these  petty  ( somes  \  of  restraint,  I  know  his  Lordship's 
parts  so  great,  that  I  dare  not  say  (as  he  says  of  me) 
that  his  Lordship  is  of  '  narrow  comprehensions/  But  his 
Lordship  will  now  tell  us,  what  that  is,  in  which  he  is  not 
satisfied. 

But  this  is  that  which  I  am  not  satisfied  in,  that  a  certain 
number  of  men  should  usurp  an  authority  unto  themselves, 
to  frame  certain  prayers,  and  forms  of  divine  service ; 
and  when  that  is  done,  under  the  name  of  the  Church  to 
enjoin  them  upon  all  persons,  in  all  times,  and  upon  all 
occasions,  to  be  used,  and  no  other.  And  upon  this 
ground,  (which  makes  it  the  worse,}  because  these  come 
from  the  public  spirit  of  the  Church,  (when  the  bishop  or 


TOUCHING   THE   LITURGY.  97 

his  Chaplain  shall  frame  them,)  and  others  proceed  from 
the  private  spirit  of  this  or  that  particular  man. 

Now,  truly,  since  my  Lord  does  not  think  '  some  set  forms 
SO  of  prayer  unlawful/  I  am  very  sorry  his  Lordship  is  not 
satisfied  '  that  a  certain  number  of  men  should  frame  these 
forms  of  divine  service/  For  all  Churchmen  cannot  possibly 
meet  about  that,  or  any  other  Church  affair;  nor  can  any 
synod  or  assembly  be  called,  but  there  must  be  '  some  certain 
number  of  them/  Nor  do  these  '  men  usurp  any  authority 
to  themselves  herein : '  for  in  all  ages  of  the  Church,  from 
Christ  downward,  all  set  forms  of  prayer,  used  in  any  Church, 
have  been  either  made  by  '  a  certain  number  of  men/  or 
approved  by  them,  when  some  eminent  servant  of  God  hath 
composed  them  first,  and  then  tendered  them  to  the  judgment 
of  the  Church.  And  it  is  very  necessary  that  it  should  be  so. 
<Nor  would  the  Church  of  old  admit  any  prayers  in  the 
public  service  and  worship  of  God ;  but  such  as  were  so 
made,  and  so  approved;  lest  through  ignorance,  or  want  of 
care  and  circumspection,  something  might  slip  in  that  was 
contrary  to  the  faith  °.'  But  I  fear  here's  anguis  in  herba?. 
And  that  my  Lord  is  not  satisfied,  not  so  much  because  these 
set  forms  are  made  by  'a  set  number  of  men/  as  because 
they  are  Churchmen,  though  he  be  shy  to  express  it.  And 
if  that  be  his  meaning,  he  must  rest  unsatisfied  still.  For 
Churchmen,  and  none  but  Churchmen,  must  actually  do 
public  Church -work,  according  to  their  calling,  and  their 
warrant.  And  yet,  I  hope,  Churchmen  will  never  be  so 
proud,  but  that  if  any  lay  religious  man,  of  '  larger  compre 
hensions  than  themselves/  will  offer  in  private  any  help  to 
them,  they  will  lend  an  open  ear  to  it,  and  after,  with  a 
prudent  consideration,  do  what  is  fit. 

And  as  this  Lord  is  not  satisfied,  that  '  a  certain  number 
of  men '  should  make  these  set  forms ;  so  much  less  is  he 
satisfied,  that  when  this  is  done,  fthey  should  under  the 
name  of  the  Church,  enjoin  them  upon  all  persons,  in  all 
times,  and  upon  all  occasions,  to  be  used,  and  no  other/  No 

0  "  Nee  alise  (preces)  omnino  dican-  rantiam,  vel  per   minus  studium  sit 

tur  in  Ecclesia,  nisi  qnse  a  prudentio-  compositum." — -Concil.  Milevita.   II. 

ribus  traditse  [leg.  tractatee]  vel  com-  can.  12.  [Cone.  torn.  ii.  col.  1540.  E.] 
probatse  in  Synodo  fuerint  ;    ne  forte          P  [Virg.  Eel.  iii.  93.] 
aliquid  contra  fidem,  vel  per  igno- 

LA.UD. — VOL.  vi.  H 


98  ANSWER   TO  THE  LORD   SAYJS   SPEECH 

set  forms,  that  I  know,  are  enjoined  '  under  the  name  of  the 
Church/  but  such  as  the  Church  in  Synod  hath  approved, 
or  tolerated  till  a  Synod  may  be  called.  And  when  any 
national  Church,  in  a  kingdom  that  is  Christian,  hath 
approved  a  set  form;  yet  that  cannot  be  enjoined  upon  all 
persons,  till  the  sovereign  power  in  that  state  hath  weighed, 
approved,  and  commanded  it.  But  then,  though  framed  by 
'  a  certain  number  of  men/  that,  and  no  other,  lays  hold  '  on 
all  persons,  and  in  all  times,  and  upon  all  occasions '  that  are 
public;  if  men  will  live  in  obedience  to  the  Church  and 
State.  I  say  public,  leaving  '  all  persons,  at  all  times/  free 
to  use  any  form  of  prayer  agreeable  to  the  foundations  of 
Christian  religion,  which  shall  best  serve  their  several  private 
occasions. 

And  therefore  I  conceive,  my  Lord  is  in  a  great  error  in 
that  which  he  adds  next ;  namely,  '  that  this  ground  makes 
it  the  worse,  because  these  set  forms  are  said  to  come  from 
the  public  spirit  of  the  Church/ 

I  cannot  think  so  hardly  of  my  Lord,  as  if  he  could  like 
a  set  form  of  prayer  the  worse,  because  it  comes  '  from  the 
public  spirit  of  the  Church/  And  therefore  I  will  take  his 
words  in  another  sense,  (though  they  be  in  my  judgment 
very  obscurely  set  down,)  and  perhaps  that  is  his  Lordship's 
meaning :  that '  it  makes  the  matter  the  worse,  because  these 
forms  of  prayer  come  as  from  the  public  spirit  of  the  Church, 
when  it  is  but  the  bishop  or  his  chaplain,  or  some  private 
spirit,  that  frames  them/  If  this  be  my  Lord's  meaning; 
far  be  it  from  me,  or  any  other,  to  impose  any  form  of  set 
prayers  upon  the  Church.  But  it  is  one  thing  to  '  impose/  and 
quite  another  to  '  compose '  a  set  form  of  prayer.  ( Impose/ 
none  can  but  just  authority.  '  Compose/  all  together  cannot ; 
but  some  one  or  more  must  be  singled  out  to  take  that 
pains.  And  all  or  most  may  approve,  what  one  or  few  have 
compiled.  When  it  is  so  approved,  then  it  can  no  more  be 
said  to  proceed  from  '  any  private  spirit  of  this  or  that  man, 
be  it  the  bishop  or  his  chaplain  /  but  from  the  spirit  and 
power  of  the  Church.  My  Lord  himself  being  a  prudent 
man,  hath  had  the  happiness  to  make  motions  in  Parliament, 
which  have  taken  the  House,  been  approved,  and  orders  drawn 
up  upon  them :  when  the  order  is  so  agreed  on,  no  man 


TOUCHING   THE   LITURGY.  99 

may  say,  it  is  an  order  of  my  Lord's  '  private  spirit/  but  the 
order  of  the  House,  and  approved  by  the  '  public  spirit/  and 
imposed  by  the  public  authority  of  the  State.  And  there 
fore  to  me  it  seems  strange,  that  my  Lord,  who  understands 
these  things  so  well,  should  neither  like  of  a  set  form  of 
prayers,  composed  by  private  men,  nor  by  '  a  certain  number 
of  men/  and  after  publicly  confirmed.  Sure,  this  would  make 
any  man  think  my  Lord  likes  none,  however  he  minces  it. 
But  my  Lord  goes  further,  and  says, — 

This  injunction  is  an  usurpation  of  power  over  the  Churches 
of  Christ,  and  over  the  gifts  and  graces  which  Christ  hath 
given  unto  men ;  which  the  Apostles  never  exercised,  nor 
would  assume.  And  yet  they  might  much  better  have 
done  it.  And  the  same  reasons  might  have  been  alleged 
for  it  that  are  now.  This  turns  such  forms,  instead  of 
being  directions,  into  superstition. 

It  seems  by  this  (for  I  am  most  willing  to  take  my  Lord's 
meaning  at  the  fairest)  that  my  Lord  can  digest  f  some  set 
forms  of  prayer;'  but  he  would  have  no  ' injunction'  upon 
them.  So  he  that  would  use  them  might,  and  he  that  would 
not  might  choose ;  and  this  in  short  time  would  bring  mere 
confusion  into  the  Church  of  God,  which  I  hope  is  not  my 
Lord's  intention  to  do.  Besides,  my  Lord  cannot  but  know 
that  'this  injunction  for  our  set  forms  of  service'  comes  not 
from  the  Church's  direction  and  constitution,  (though  her 
wisdom  and  piety  framed  it,)  but  from  the  authority  and 
power  of  King  and  Parliament.  So  that  all  the  arguments 
which  his  Lordship  brings  here  against  the  Church,  are 
equally,  if  not  more,  set  against  the  King  and  the  Parlia 
ment.  Well ;  why  then  is  not  an  injunction  of  set  form  of 
prayers  fit  ?  Why,  my  Lord  tells  you  :  First,  because  '  it  is 
an  usurpation  of  power  over  the  Churches  of  Christ.'  'Tis 
indeed  an  act  of  power,  but  no  usurpation.  The  Church 
directing,  and  the  Sovereign  enacting,  ever  had  this  power 
since  States  became  Christian.  And  should  I  have  called  it 
an  '  usurpation  of  power,'  his  Lordship,  I  fear,  would  have 
called  it  treason  against  the  King's  supremacy.  But  I  doubt 
my  Lord  would  have  the  Churches  free  from  regal  power 
having  aught  to  do  with  them,  durst  he  speak  out. 

H  2 


TOO  ANSWER   TO   THE   LORD   SAY'S    SPEECH 

Secondly,  because  it 's  '  an  usurpation  of  power  over  the 
gifts  and  graces  which  God  hath  given  unto  men/  Not  so 
neither.  For  whatsoever  gifts  or  graces  God  hath  given  unto  4! 
men,  they  may  all  have  time,  place,  and  occasions  enough, 
to  use  them  to  God's  glory,  and  the  comfort  of  themselves 
and  others ;  and  yet  in  the  public  service  of  God,  submit  to 
that  set  form  of  God's  worship,  which  is  enjoined  for  unity 
and  decency  in  that  external  service.  So  this  lays  no 
restraint  upon  the  '  gifts  and  graces  '  of  pious  and  religious 
men  :  but  it  keeps  off  bold,  ignorant,  and  audacious  men, 
from  '  foaming  out  their  own  shame  V  to  the  great  disorder 
,  and  scandal  of  the  Church  of  Christ.  As  we  may  see  at  this 
day,  now  that  injunction  begins  to  be  but  a  little  loosed, 
what  froth  and  base  stuff  is  preached  to  the  consciences  of 
men.  And  yet  these  men,  which  preach  thus  scandalously, 
talk  of  '  gifts  and  graces ;'  none  more. 

Thirdly,  because  '  the  Apostles  never  exercised,  nor  would 
assume  this  power  of  enjoining  a  set  form,  and  yet  they 
might  better  have  done  it.'  But  how  doth  my  Lord  know 
the  Apostles  never  exercised,  nor  would  assume  this  power? 
Out  of  all  doubt  the  Apostles  did  exercise  and  assume  many 
things,  which  are  not  come  down  to  our  knowledge.  And 
since  the  Apostles  did  enjoin  a  form  of  doctrine  to  the 
Church  of  Rome r,  and  delivered  it  too.  And  since  St.  Paul 
enjoined  the  Church  at  Philippi,  to  '  walk  by  a  set  rule/  (for 
a  rule  it  cannot  be,  unless  it  be  set,)  '  that  so  they  might  learn 
to  mind  the  same  things s/  Phil.  iii.  And  a  form  of  ordina 
tion  by  imposition  of  hands  *,  1  Tim.  v.,  for  such  persons  as 
should  instruct  the  people  in  these  things.  And  this  with 
a  stiff  injunction,  v.  21,  and  '  a  form  of  wholesome  words  V 
2  Tim.  i.  And  since  St.  John  the  Baptist  taught  his  dis 
ciples  to  pray  v,  St.  Luke  xi. ; — and  that-  it  was  by  some  set 
form  of  prayer,  I  have  some  reason  to  think.  First,  because 
if  they  did  pray  by  the  motion  of  the  Spirit  only,  St.  John 
could  not  teach  them  that,  but  the  Spirit  only.  So  either 
St.  John  taught  them  not  at  all  to  pray,  which  I  hope  this 
Lord  will  not  say  against  a  plain  text ;  or  else  he  taught 

i  [Jude,  ver.  13.]  *  1  Tim.  v.  22. 

r  Rom.  vi.  17.  u  2  Tim.  i.  13. 

•  Phil.  iii.  16.  v  St.  Luke  xi.  1. 


TOUCHING  THE  LITURGY.  101 

them  some  set  form,  which  was  in  his  power  and  theirs,  to 
teach  and  learn.  Secondly,  because  Christ's  disciples  seem 
to  intimate  so  much.  For  they  desire  Christ  to  '  teach  them 
to  pray,  as  St.  John  taught  his  disciples  w.'  And  Christ 
instantly  granting  their  request,  taught  them  a  set  form  of 
prayer  :  therefore  it  is  more  than  probable,  that  St.  John 
taught  his  so  too,  though  the  form  be  not  recorded  in  Scrip 
ture.  Upon  all  which  laid  together,  it  is  probable  enough 
(by  my  Lord's  leave)  that  the  Apostles  did  '  exercise '  some  set 
form,  that  at  least  which  Christ  taught  them.  And  '  assumed ' 
power  to  enjoin  it  upon  their  followers.  But  herein  yet  the 
Apostles  are  somewhat  beholding  to  this  Lord,  that  he  re- 
allows,  '  they  might  better  have  done  it '  than  any  nowadays. 
Well ;  I  will  not  dispute  what  they  might  better  have  done ; 
sure  I  am,  it  may  and  ought  to  be  done  now. 

Fourthly,  because  fthe  same  reasons  might  then  have 
been  alleged  for  it,  that  are  now.'  The  same  might,  but 
not  all  the  same.  In  particular,  the  Church  was  small  then, 
and  might  with  ease  be  ordered,  in  comparison  of  the  great 
congregations  that  are  now.  But  especially  the  Apostles  and 
Apostolical  men  were  then  present,  and  could  in  another 
manner,  and  with  a  greater  power  than  men  nowadays,  both 
judge  and  order  the  '  gifts  and  graces  of  other  men/  to 
the  avoiding  of  confusion  in  the  Church,  which  God  by  His 
Apostles  would  none  of x.  1  Cor.  xiv. 

33  Besides,  the  Apostles  and  some  others  in  those  times  had 
the  grace  and  the  gift  of  prayer,  as  well  as  other  graces.  And 
there  was  then  as  peculiar  a  gift  by  inspiration  to  pray,  as  to 
foretell  things  to  come,  or  to  do  miracles  :  as  is  evident  in 
St.  Chrysostom,  who  says  that  '  these  men  made  use  of  this 
gift,  and  prayed  publicly  in  their  assemblies *.'  But  so  soon 
as  this  gift  with  others  ceased,  there  was  a  set  form  from  the 
beginning.  Neither  is  it  hard  to  prove,  that  some  parts  of 
our  Liturgy  hath  been  as  ancient  as  the  Church  hath  any 
records  to  show,  and  some  both  practised  and  prescribed  by 

w  [St.  Luke  xi.]  2.  ^KK\r]<rias  dirdff^s  avros  re  virep  dirdvT&v 

x  1  Cor.  xiv.  33.  fcrraTo  alrcSv,  Kal  TOLS  aAAovs  eVc^Seue.] 

y  ['ETreiSrj  yap  TroAAoi  T£I>  crvpfyepov-  — St.  Chrysost.  in  Rom.  viii.  26.  [Op., 

TWI/  rnj.1v  dyvoovvTts  TO.  p.-/)  a-vfj.(p^poura  torn.  ix.  p.  586.  B.  Ed.  Bened.] 

aiTov/j.fi',  tfpxtro  xdpia/j.0.  eu^vjs  ets  era 

rtj/a  rcSi/  T(JTe,  Kal  TO  nowy  ffv^epov  rrjs 


102  ANSWER   TO   THE    LORD    SAY'S   SPEECH 

the  Apostle  St.  Paul  for  the  substance  of  them.  And  the 
true  reason  why  we  cannot  show  the  exact  primitive  forms 
then  in  use  is,  because  they  were  continually  subject  to  alter 
ations  both  in  times  and  places.  Now,  if  this  Lord  can 
furnish  us  with  such  men,  as  shall  be  enabled  to  pray  by  the 
immediate  inspiration  of  God's  Spirit,  we  will  bind  them  up 
to  no  form.  But,  till  he  can,  I  hope  we  shall  be  so  happy  as 
to  retain  the  set  prayers  of  the  Church. 

Fifthly,  because  '  this  (enjoining)  turns  such  forms,  instead 
of  being  directions,  into  superstition/  This  is  so  wild  a 
conceit,  that  I  wonder  how  it  fell  into  the  thought  of  so  wise 
a  man  as  my  Lord  is  taken  to  be.  For  can  a  command  or  an 
injunction  alter  the  very  nature  of  a  thing  so  far,  as  to  turn 
that  which  is  a  direction  into  a  superstition  ?  Then  belike  it 
is  superstition  for  any  Christian  to  obey  the  decrees  and 
injunctions,  whether  for  belief  or  practice,  made  by  any  the 
four  first  General  Councils.  And  my  Lord  knows  well  that 
^tis  heretical  for  any  man  to  profess  against  any  of  these 
Councils,  and  this  not  only  by  the  Church  law,  (which  his 
Lordship  so  much  slights,)  but  by  the  laws  of  England2.  So 
by  this  reason  of  my  Lord's,  it  shall  be  heretical  to  deny  the 
injunction,  and  superstition  to  obey  it. 

If  this  will  not  serve,  my  Lord  may  be  pleased  to  remember 
that  in  the  Council  held  at  Jerusalem  by  the  Apostles  them 
selves  a,  they  gave  a  command,  though  no  such  command  as 
might  trouble  the  believing  Gentiles  ;  and  therefore  decreed 
that  they  would  lay  no  greater  burthen  on  them,  no  more 
grievous  injunction,  than  'that  they  abstain  from  things 
offered  unto  idols,  and  from  blood,  and  from  things  strangled, 
and  from  fornication15/  Where,  first,  it  is  most  evident  that 
the  Apostles  did  '  assume'  this  power  of  enjoining,  and  l  exer 
cise5  it  too.  And  I  hope  my  Lord,  for  very  reverence  to  the 
Scripture,  (for  as  for  the  Church,  he  valueth  it  not,)  will  not 
say  this  wholesome  direction  to  avoid  fornication  is  made 
superstition  by  the  Apostles'  injunction.  If  this  doctrine  may 
hold,  I  doubt  very  few  will  be  superstitious  in  this  point. 
And  many  men  that  are  very  strict,  and  hate  superstition 
perfectly,  will  rather  not  abstain  from  fornication,  than  be 

•'•  1  Eliz.  c.  1.  *  Acts  xv.  24,  29.  b  Ver.  28. 


TOUCHING   THE   LITURGY.  103 

superstitious  by  abstaining.  And  no  question  can  be  made 
by  a  reasonable  man,  but  that  the  Church  of  Christ  had  and 
hath  still  as  much  power  to  enjoin  a  set  form  of  prayers  as 
any  of  these  things.  But  my  Lord  hath  more  reasons  than 
these,  and  truly  they  had  need  be  better  too ;  but  such  as 
they  are,  they  follow  : — 

This  sets  aside  the  gifts  and  graces  which  Christ  hath  given, 
and  thrusts  out  the  exercise  of  them,  to  substitute  in  their 
places  and  introduce  a  device  of  man. 

Sixthly,  then,  this  injunction  of  a  set  form  is  unlawful, 
because  '  it  sets  aside  the  gifts  and  graces/  &c.  This  is  upon 
the  matter  all  one  with  my  Lord's  second  reason ;  and  there 
'tis  answered.  Yet  truly  I  know  no  '  gifts  or  graces  set  aside, 
much  less  thrust  out/  but  such  as  are  neither  gifts  nor  graces 
of  Christ,  but  the  bold  and  impudent  attempts  of  weavers, 
cobblers,  and  felt-makers,  taking  on  them  to  preach  without 
knowledge,  warrant,  or  calling.  Much  like  the  gifts  which 
Alexander  the  coppersmith  had  in  St.  Paul's  time.  And  such 
gifts  and  graces  as  these  cannot  be  said  to  be  '  thrust  out/ 
But  my  Lord  and  his  adherents  thrust  them  into  the  Church, 
to  help  cry  down  all  truth  and  order.  Much  less  can  they  be 
said  to  be  '  thrust  out  to  make  room  for  a  device  of  man/ 
meaning  the  set  form  of  Common  Prayer.  Now  surely  I 
think,  and  upon  very  good  grounds,  that  they  which  composed 
the  Common  Prayer-book,  had  as  good  gifts  and  graces  of 
Christ  as  these  men  have ;  and  that  the  conceived  and  often 
times  senseless  prayers  of  these  men,  are  as  much  or  more  the 
'  device  of  man'  than  the  set  form  of  Common  Prayer  is.  Yea, 
but  for  all  that,  my  Lord  says  : — 

This  injunction  of  such  forms  upon  all  men,  turns  that  which 
in  the  beginning  necessity  brought  in  for  the  help  of  insuf 
ficiency,  to  be  now  the  continuance  and  maintenance  of 
insufficiency,  and  a  bar  to  the  exercise  of  able  and  suffi 
cient  gifts  and  graces.  As  if,  because  some  men  had  need 
to  make  use  of  crutches,  all  men  should  be  prohibited  the 
use  of  their  legs,  and  enjoined  to  take  up  such  crutches  as 
have  been  prepared  for  those  who  had  no  legs. 

In  the  seventh  and  last  place,  my  Lord  is  pleased  to  tell  us, 


104  ANSWER  TO  THE   LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

'  This  injunction  of  such  forms  upon  all  men,  turns  that  which 
in  the  beginning  necessity  brought  in  for  the  help  of  insuffi 
ciency,  to  the  maintenance  of  it/  My  Lord  told  us  a  little 
before,  of  a  '  turning  into  superstition /  now  here'^s  another 
'  turning  into  the  maintenance  of  insufficiency  •'  two  very  bad 
turnings,  were  either  of  them  true.  But  God  be  thanked 
neither  is.  In  the  meantime,  my  Lord  confesses  that  neces 
sity  brought  in  this  injunction  of  set  forms.  And  I  believe 
there  now  is,  and  ever  will  be  to  the  end  of  the  world,  as  great 
a  necessity  to  continue  them.  But  I  cannot  agree  with  my 
Lord  in  this,  that  it  was  '  a  necessity  for  the  help  of  insuffi 
ciency' that  brought  them  in;  for  when  these  were  first 
enjoined  in  the  Church  of  Christ,  men  were  endued  with  as 
great  gifts  and  graces  as  any  now  are,  and  perhaps  greater. 
But  necessity  brought  them  in  when  Christianity  multiplied, 
to  preserve  unity  and  order,  and  to  avoid  confusion,  and  sects 
and  schisms  in  the  Church,  and  that  all  sorts  of  men  might 
be  acquainted  with  that  which,  was  used  in  the  public  worship 
and  service  of  God. 

Now  that  which  follows  is  an  unjust  and  foul  scandal  upon 
the  Church;  namely,  'that  this  injunction  is  made  the  con 
tinuance  and  maintenance  of  insufficiency/  For  I  believe 
few  Churches  in  many  ages  have  had  more  sufficient  preachers 
than  this  of  late  hath  had ;  and  therefore  'tis  evident,  this  in 
junction  here  hath  neither  been  the  '  maintenance '  nor  '  con 
tinuance  of  insufficiency/  This  ground  failing,  my  Lord's  481 
fine  simile  hath  neither  crutch  nor  leg  to  stand  on ;  but  it  is 
as  all  such  fine  fetches  are,  when  they  have  no  ground  to  rest 
on.  Nor  is  any  thing  more  poor  in  learning  than  a  fine, 
handsome  similitude  such  as  this,  when  it  hath  no  truth  upon 
which  to  rest ;  for  the  best  that  can  be  said  of  it  is,  that  it  is 
a  pretty  fine  thing,  if  it  were  to  the  purpose. 

But  to  come  nearer  to  the  business ;  I  would  have  his 
Lordship  remember,  that  Christ  taught  His  Apostles  a  set 
form  of  prayer,  St.  Luc.  xi.c;  and  I  believe  they  were  so 
religiously  dutiful,  as  that  they  would  not  beg  of  Christ  to 
teach  them  to  pray,  and  when  He  had  taught  them,  then 
neglect  or  not  practise  the  very  form  He  taught.  If  my  Lord 
can  think  this  of  the  Apostles,  he  may  ;  I  cannot.  Nor  can 
c  St.  Luc.  xi.  2. 


TOUCHING   THE   LITURGY.  105 

I  think  that  Christ  taught  them  this  form,  to  be  used  as 
crutches  till  their  legs  were  grown  stronger.  For  our  Saviour 
doth  not  say,  till  ye  be  stronger,  and  have  better  gifts,  pray  as 
I  teach  you ;  but  simply  and  absolutely,  '  When  you  pray,  say, 
Our  Father/  &c.  :  that  is,  say  these  very  words,  this  very 
form.  And  what  ?  will  my  Lord  say  that  Christ  taught 
them  this  form  to  maintain  them  in  insufficiency  ?  Or  did 
He  make  crutches  for  their  lameness  ?  Or  thereby  prohibit 
the  use  of  their  legs  ?  This  speech  savours  of  more  profane- 
ness  than  well  becomes  such  a  professor. 

His  Lordship  speaks  better  of  them  in  another  place.  There 
he  can  say,  '  There  never  were,  nor  ever  will  be,  men  of  so 
great  abilities  and  gifts  as  they  were  endued  withal  V  And  I 
think  he  dares  not  say,  I  am  sure,  nor  he,  nor  any  man  living 
can  prove,  that  the  Apostles,  when  their  gifts  were  at  fullest, 
did  neglect  or  not  use  this  form  of  prayer  which  Christ  taught 
them.  Therefore,  either  to  use  a  set  form  of  prayer  is  not  to 
use  crutches ;  or  if  it  be,  'tis  to  use  the  same,  or  the  like 
crutches  which  Christ  made,  and  His  Apostles  used.  And  they 
will  better  beseem  any  good  Christians  to  use,  than  his  own 
legs,  be  they  never  so  good.  And  for  the  set  prayers  of  the 
Church,  this  I  think  I  am  sure  of,  that  the  men  which  are 
cried  up  by  my  Lord  to  have  such  excellent  gifts  and  graces, 
are  in  as  much  need  of  these  crutches  as  other  men.  In  the 
meantime,  my  Lord  every  way  shows  his  love  to  the  set  Liturgy 
of  the  Church,  that  makes  nothing  of  it  but  crutches,  which 
a  man,  if  the  bath  cure  him,  would  gladly  hang  up  and  leave 
behind  him.  I  well  hoped  to  have  found  that  my  Lord 
had  entertained  more  moderate  thoughts  of  things  apper 
taining  unto  religion  ;  but  since  he  himself  thus  proclaims 
it  otherwise,  let  us  see  how  he  goes  forward  without  these 
crutches. 

This,  I  confess,  I  am  not  satisfied  in  ;  yet  will  further  say 
thus  much.  Here  are  with  your  Lordships  some  Bishops, 
men  of  great  parts,  able  to  offer  up  this  worship  unto  God, 
in  the  use  of  those  gifts  which  God  hath  endued  them  with. 
And  certainly  they  ought  to  serve  Him  with  the  best  of 
their  abilities  which  they  have  received.  Let  them  make 

d  In  his  Speech  against  the  Bishops'  Votes  in  Parliament,  p.  3.  [Lond.  1641.] 


108  ANSWER    TO   THE   LORD   SAY'S    SPEECH 

use  of  their  own  gifts  ;  nay,  let  them  but  profess  that  they 
account  not  themselves  bound  to  use  forms,  nor  to  this  form 
they  use,  more  than  any  other,  but  that  it  is  free  for  them 
to  conceive  prayer,  or  to  help  themselves  by  the  use  of  any 
other  form  they  please,  as  well  as  this  prescribed.  And 
let  them  practise  the  same  indifferently,  that  so  it  may  be  48 
manifest  the  fault  rests  in  the  person,  and  not  in  the  service; 
in  the  negligence  of  him  that  may  offer  better  if  he  will, 
not  in  the  injunction  of  that  ivhich  is  offered.  And  I  will 
not  refuse  to  come  to  prayers.  For  I  take  the  sin  then  to 
be  personal,  and  to  reside  in  the  person  officiating  only. 

Now,  my  Lord  goes  on  further,  and  tells  us  '  that  there  are 
with  your  Lordships  some  Bishops,  men  of  great  parts,  able 
to  offer  this  worship  unto  God/  &c.  Indeed,  my  Lord  goes 
far  here;  and  I  am  glad  to  hear  that  any  Bishops  can  please  him. 
Are  Bishops,  even  as  such,  members  of  Antichrist  (so  I  am 
sure  my  Lord  and  his  followers  have  accounted  them,  and 
their  libels  print  them  for  such  every  day)  ;  and  now  can 
any  '  offer  this  worship  unto  God'  which  his  Lordship  would 
have  ?  Why,  then,  my  Lord  can  be  pleased,  I  see,  that  even 
in  this  Church  God  should  be  worshipped  by  the  members 
of  Antichrist  ;  or  if  not,  then  in  this  passage  he  grossly 
dissembles. 

But  what  is  this  worship  which  his  Lordship  would  have  ? 
Why,  it  is  to  pray  in  public,  and  not  by  a  set  form  enjoined, 
but  '  in  the  use  of  those  gifts  which  God  hath  endued  them 
with/  And  it  is  most  undoubtedly  true  which  follows,  '  that 
they  ought  to  serve  God  with  the  best  of  the  abilities  they 
have  received/  but  'tis  as  true  that  Bishops,  and  all  ministers 
else,  ought  to  serve  God  with  the  best  abilities  which  the 
Church  of  Christ  can  furnish  them  with.  And  I  presume  I 
shall  not  wrong  any  my  brethren,  not  those  of  the  greatest 
parts,  if  I  say  (as  I  must)  that  those  Bishops  and  other  divines 
which  composed  the  set  form  of  our  service,  and  enjoined  it 
too  (as  far  as  their  power  reached),  were  men  of  as  great 
piety  and  learning,  and  all  other  good  parts,  as  any  now 
living.  Arid  it  can  be  no  disparagement,  much  less  any  fault 
or  dulling  of  their  own  gifts,  for  the  best  of  Bishops  to  use 
the  set  forms  ordered  by  them.  And  the  phrase  which  my 


TOUCHING   THE   LITURGY.  107 

Lord  uses  is  somewhat  unusual :  '  to  offer  this  worship  unto 
God/  We  are  said,  indeed,  to  offer  up  our  prayers  unto 
God,  and  by  so  doing  to  worship,  honour,  and  serve  Him, 
and  Him  alone  in  that.  But  to  offer  worship  to  God,  I 
think,  is  an  improper  phrase  at  least.  And  Psal.  cx.e  the 
people  are  said  '  to  offer  their  freewill  offerings  with  an  holy 
worship/  or  fin  the  beauties  of  holiness  /  and  though,  perhaps, 
his  Lordship  will  not  allow  of  this  translation,  yet  so  far  he 
may  as  to  see  the  use  of  the  phrase.  And  *  in  the  beauties  of 
holiness f/  (which  keeps  close  to  the  original,)  will  please 
him  less ;  since  a  barn  with  them  is  as  good  as  a  church ;  and 
no  church  holy  with  them,  but  that  which  is  slovenly  even  to 
nastiness  ;  but  then  'tis  void  of  all  superstition. 

Next,  my  Lord  proposes  some  conditions,  which  being 
observed,  his  Lordship  will  not  refuse  to  come  to  common- 
prayer. 

Fll  examine  these,  then ;  for  I  would  have  all  just  demands 
of  his  granted,  that  he  may  come. 

1.  The  first  is,  '  Let  these  Bishops '  (and  others  I  suppose  he 
means)  '  make  use  of  their  own  gifts/  Well,  let  them  on 
God's  name,  in  that  dutiful,  peaceable,  and  orderly  way, 
make  use  of  their  own  gifts,  not  crossing  what  the  Church 
justly  prescribes. 

17  2.  Secondly,  '  Let  them  but  profess,  that  they  account  not 
themselves  bound  to  use  forms/  This  condition  is  some 
what  hard.  For  if  they  shall  acknowledge  they  hold  them 
selves  bound  to  no  forms,  they  must  be  bound  to  no  order : 
and  how  Bishops  will  keep  the  Church  in  order,  if  they  will 
be  bound  to  observe  none  themselves,  I  cannot  tell.  Besides, 
if  they  shall  profess  this,  they  must  profess  against  the  con 
stant  and  continued  practice  of  the  whole  Church  of  Christ. 

3.  Thirdly,  '  Let  them  profess  they  are  not  bound  to  this 
form  they  use  more  than  any  other,  but  that  it  is  free  for 
them  to  conceive  prayer/  &c.  Harder  and  harder.  For 
they  stand  bound  not  only  by  Church-ordinance,  but  by 
injunction,  and  command  of  the  State  in  Parliament,  strictly 
to  observe  this  form.  And  they  are  therefore  bound  to  this 
form  more  than  any  other.  And  therefore  so  long  as  this 

e  Psal.  ex.  3. 

f  '  In  decoribus  sanctitatis.'  Ar.  Mont.  Ibid.  [p.  42.  Antv.  1584.] 


108  ANSWER   TO   THE   LORD   SAY'S    SPEECH 

Act  of  Parliament  remains  in  force,  with  what  honour  of 
conscience  can  this  Lord  (who  seems  to  stand  so  much  upon 
law)  ask  this  at  the  Bishops'  hands,  that  they  should  profess 
that  they  are  not  bound  to  any  forms  ?  Nor,  to  this  more 
than  any  other ;  when  his  Lordship  must  needs  know  they 
are  bound  to  this,  and  no  other,  and  that  by  an  Act  of  Parlia 
ment  ?  Besides,  what  a  coil  hath  been  kept  by  some  of  this 
Lord's  favourites,  against  innovations  of  religion,  as  contrary 
to  law  !  No  rails  to  fence  the  holy  table  from  profanation; 
though  that  be  no  ceremony,  nor  forbidden  by  law.  No 
coming  up  to  it,  or  the  steps-  of  the  chancel,  to  receive  the 
Communion ;  though  most  decent,  and  in  ancient  usage,  and 
forbidden  by  no  law  that  I  know.  No  reverence  to  God 
Himself  at  coming  in  or  going  out  of  His  temple ;  though  that 
of  the  Psalmist  began  the  ancient  Liturgies  of  the  Church, 
and  is  continued  in  our  'O  come,  let  us  worship  and  fall 
down,  and  kneel  before  the  Lord  our  Maker/  &c.  Psal.  xcv.s 
The  communion-table  must  not  stand  north  and  south,  though 
the  Queen's  Injunction  commanded  it  to  be  set  just  in  that 
place  in  which  the  altar  then  stood11.  So  they  innovate  them 
selves,  and  then  cry  out  of  innovation.  And  if  this  Lord's 
doctrine  be  good,  let's  have  no  injunction  for  north  and 
south,  and  all's  well.  But  then  we  must  have  no  injunction 
for  east  and  west  neither.  For,  if  there  be  an  injunction,  east 
and  west  is  superstition,  as  well  as  north  and  south. 

But  then,  if  my  Lord  would  have  all  free,  what  would  he 
have  in  this  particular  ?  Why,  first,  he  would  have  it  '  free 
for  these  men  to  conceive  prayer.'  Let  them  in  due  time 
and  place  '  conceive  prayer '  on  God's  name  :  but  let  them  not 
make  public  abortion  in  the  Church.  "Pis  an  over-hasty 
mother,  that  brings  forth  so  soon  as  she  has  conceived  :  and 
yet,  extemporary  men  outrun  these  mothers;  and  conceive 
and  bring  forth  their  unnatural  monsters,  both  at  once. 

Next,  he  would  have  '  these  men  to  help  themselves  by  the 
use  of  any  other  forms  they  please,  as  well  as  this  which  is 
prescribed.'  So  then  belike,  these  great  'men  of  gifts'  in  my 
Lord's  eye,  are  not  so  perfect  in  the  Spirit,  but  that  they  may 
need  helps.  And  if  my  Lord  be  so  indifferent,  that  these  may 

«  Psal.  xcv.  6. 

h  [See  Queen  Elizabeth's  Injunctions,  Wilkins'  Cone.  torn.  iv.  p.  188.] 


TOUCHING   THE   LITURGY.  109 

help  '  themselves  by  the  use  of  any  other  forms,  as  well  as  this 
which  is  prescribed/  let  him  be  as  fair,  at  least,  to  the  Church 
that  made  him  a  Christian,  as  to  others ;  and  give  men  leave 
to  help  themselves,  by  the  use  of  this  form  which  is  prescribed, 
as  well  [as]  any  other.  And  if  it  be  the  injunction  only  that 
188  sticks  in  his  stomach,  I  am  sorry  he  should  show  himself  so 
guilty  of  the  great  sin  of  disobedience. 

4.  Fourthly,  'Let  them  practise  the  same  indifferently, 
that  so  it  may  be  manifest  the  fault  rests  in  the  person,  and 
not  in  the  service/  &c.  This  is  his  Lordship's  last  condition. 
And  either  I  am  dulled  with  this  business,  or  the  expression 
is  somewhat  obscure  :  but  I  will  take  it  as  right  as  I  can.  It 
seems,  my  Lord  would  not  refuse  coming  to  the  prayers  of 
the  Church,  for  the  personal  fault  of  him  that  officiates.  And 
that's  well.  It  seems,  likewise,  that  to  manifest  this,  whether 
the  sin  lies  in  the  person  that  offers,  or  in  the  service  that  is 
offered  up,  his  Lordship  would  have  an  indifferent  practice  of 
that  which  is  enjoined,  and  other  forms.  And  that's  stark 
naught.  For  by  this  we  shall  have  no  certain  service  of  God 
for  the  people.  It  shall  differ,  and  perhaps  more  dangerously 
than  is  fit,  not  only  in  different  parishes,  but  in  the  same 
congregation  at  different  times.  And  were  not  this  so,  yet 
I  cannot  assent  to  my  Lord  in  this,  that  these  men  he  means 
can  so  easily  offer  better  if  they  will,  and  that  when  they  do 
not,  it  is  their  negligence  that  is  the  only  cause.  And  besides, 
it  is  useless :  for  it  is  known  already  to  sober  minds,  that  the 
fault  (when  any  arises  in  that  work)  is  neither  in  the  service, 
which  is  very  good;  nor  in  the  injunction,  which  is  very 
lawful;  but  in  the  person  which  officiates,  if  he  do  not  his 
duty :  and  so  there  is  no  need  of  a  confused  practising  of 
divers  forms  indifferently,  to  manifest  that  which  is  known 
already.  And  if  my  Lord  brings  no  worse  sins  about  him 
when  he  comes  to  church,  than  he  will  find  faults  in  the 
Liturgy,  he  may  safely  come  to  church,  and  be  a  happy  man 
in  so  doing.  And  I  might  well  doubt  of  my  Lord's  meaning 
herein,  for  himself  is  jealous  of  his  auditors.  Therefore  he 
adds : — 

/  know  not  whether  I  express  myself  clearly,  to  be  understood 
in  this,  or  not ;  and  it  may  seem  to  be  a  nice  scrupulosity : 


110  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD  SAY'S   SPEECH 

give  me  leave,  therefore,  to  endeavour  to  clear  it  by  an 
instance  or  two . 

Truly  my  Lord  takes  himself  right.  For  neither  hath  he 
Expressed  himself  very  clearly,  nor  is  the  matter  so  material 
in  itself,  but  that  it  may  be,  as  it  seems,  '  a  very  nice  scrupu 
losity/  and  altogether  unable  to  warrant  his  Lordship's 
separation  from  the  prayers  of  the  Church.  Yet  since  my 
Lord  desires  to  '  clear  it  by  an  instance  or  two/  I  shall 
be  well  content  to  hear  and  consider  of  them.  His  first 
instance  is, — 

In  the  time  of  the  Law,  when  God  appointed  Himself  to 
be  worshipped  by  offerings  and  sacrifices,  the  shadows  and 
types  of  those  truths  which  were  to  come,  if  a  poor  man, 
which  had  not  ability  to  bring  a  bullock,  or  a  ram,  or  a 
lamb,  had  brought  a  pair  of  turtle-doves,  or  two  young 
pigeons,  it  would  have  been  in  him  an  acceptable  service. 
But  if  a  man  of  ability,  who  had  herds  and  flocks,  should 
out  of  negligence  or  covetousness,  have  spared  the  cost  of 
a  bullock  or  ram,  and  brought  young  pigeons,  his  service 
would  have  been  rejected,  and  himself  punished.  How 
'much  more  would  the  service  have  been  abomination,  if 
men  should  have  taken  authority  to  have  enjoined  all  to  48 
bring  no  other  but  turtles  or  young  pigeons,  because  some 
were  not  able  to  do  more  ?  In  one  kind  there  might  be  a 
tolerable  and  lawful  \_use~]  of  that  which  otherways  used, 
(especially  if  generally  enjoined)  would  have  been  most 
unlawful.  God  will  be  worshipped  with  the  fat  and  best 
of  the  inwards,  the  best  of  metis  gifts  and  abilities,  which 
he  that  worships,  or  officiates  in  worshipping,  is  to  do  at 
his  own  peril.  And  if  it  be  left  free  unto  him,  the  worship 
may  be  lawful  to  him  that  joineth  with  him  therein,  in 
itself,  though  performed  in  a  negligent,  and  so  in  a  sinful 
manner,  by  the  minister.  But  if  that  manner  be  enjoined, 
the  service  itself  is  to  be  refused. 

This  is  my  Lord's  first  instance  from  the  services  under  the 
Law.  And  I  must  needs  say,  he  hath  made  it  clear  what  he 
would  have.  But  then  he  must  give  me  leave  to  say  too, 
that  this  instance  differs  so  mainly  from  the  thing  in  ques- 


TOUCHING   THE   LITURGY.  Ill 

tion,  that  it  helps  my  Lord  and  his  cause  in  nothing.  Perhaps 
it  makes  it  worse  than  it  was. 

The  difference  is  :  God  in  the  Law  did  not  only  prescribe  all 
the  sacrifices  and  offerings  which  He  would  have,  and  for  what; 
but  also  when,  and  how  He  would  have  them.  And  the  poor 
man  which  had  not  ability  to  bring  the  greater  sacrifice,  might, 
by  the  express  letter  of  the  Law,  bring  turtles  or  pigeons1, 
Levit.  v.  '  But  if  a  rich  man  had  brought  them,  his  service 
would  have  been  rejected,  and  himself  punished/  So  says 
my  Lord :  but  the  Law  says  not  so.  He  that  brought  it 
should  have  borne  his  sin,  and  the  priest  could  have  made  no 
atonement  for  him,  which  was  punishment  enough.  But  that 
he  should  any  other  way  be  punished,  I  find  not  in  the  text 
of  the  Law.  And  this  Lord,  which  will  admit  of  nothing  but 
text,  should  not  presume  to  add  anything  to  it.  The  Rabbins-i, 
indeed,  reckon  up  six-and-thirty  kinds  of  offenders,  which  for 
their  sins  are  threatened  to  be  cut  off  from  their  people ;  and 
some  are  mentioned  k,  Levit.  vii.  and  xvii.  But  none  of  these 
mentioned  in  Leviticus,  or  by  the  Rabbins,  is  the  rich  man's 
offering  turtles  or  pigeons,  instead  of  a  bullock  or  a  ram. 
Well,  this  was  the  strict  prescription  of  sacrifices  and  offerings 
in  the  Law.  But  in  the  Gospel,  though  Christ  settled  His 
doctrine  and  sacraments,  yet  when,  and  how,  with  other  cere 
monial  things,  were  left  at  large  to  the  ordering  of  the 
Apostles,  and  the  Church  after  them,  always  providing  for 
decency  and  order.  And  this  liberty  was  left  as  much,  if  not 
more,  in  preaching  and  public  prayer,  than  in  the  sacraments. 
And  therefore  my  Lord's  instance  in  this  way  will  not  follow 
from  the  Law  to  the  Gospel. 

To  give  instance  in  his  own  words.  In  the  Law, '  the  poor 
man  which  had  nor  bullock,  nor  lamb,  might  by  the  express 
warrant  of  the  Law  bring  turtles  or  pigeons,'  but  they  were  to 
be  his  own  which  he  brought,  and  the  priest  was  to  make  his 
atonement  accordingly.  But  in  the  Gospel  men  do  not  bring 
to  the  priest  or  minister  their  own  doctrines,  or  their  prayers ; 
but  he  offers  in  public  the  sermon  to  them,  and  the  prayers 
for  them.  So  here  the  instance  comes  not  home  neither. 

1  Levit.  v.  7.  k  Levit.  vii.  25,  and  Levit.  xvii.  4,  9, 

J  Apud  Ainsworth  in  Levit.  xx.  3.       10. 
[p.  121,  Lond.  1639.] 


112  ANSWER  TO   THE  LORD   SAY'S  SPEECH 

As  for  my  Lord's  aggravation ;  f  Plow  much  more  would 
the  service  have  been  abomination,  if  men  should  have  taken 
authority  to  themselves,  and  have  enjoined  all  to  bring  49 
nothing  but  turtles  or  pigeons  ? '  Indeed  it  would  have  been 
full  of  abomination,  because  in  this  injunction  they  would 
have  gone  quite  contrary  to  God's  own  command.  And  let 
my  Lord  show  in  the  Gospel  any  precept  that  commands  men 
to  use  extemporary  or  conceived  prayers  in  the  public  service 
or  worship  of  God,  or  that  forbids  the  use  of  a  set  form  of 
prayer,  and  then  I  will  grant  the  Church's  injunction  of  such 
forms  to  be  in  the  highest  degree  unlawful.  But  these  cannot 
be  showed. 

Besides,  there  is  a  great  deal  of  pride  in  this  instance.  For 
my  Lord  all  along  the  instance  makes  the  set  forms  of  the 
Church,  turtles  and  pigeons,  the  poor  man's  sacrifice;  and 
the  conceived  prayers  of  his  party  to  be  the  rich  and  able 
men's  sacrifice,  the  ram  and  the  bullock  (the  calf  I  doubt  it 
is).  So  a  very  little  before  his  Lordship  tells  us  of  a  negli 
gence  in  those  his  '  men  of  gifts,  which  might  offer  better  if 
they  will.'  As  if  it  were  a  most  easy  thing  for  those  men  to 
offer  up  far  better  prayers  to  God,  than  the  set  Liturgy  of  the 
Church.  Whereas  my  Lord  must  give  me  leave  to  doubt 
that,  even  of  the  best  of  them.  And  so  again  a  little  after, 
his  Lordship  tells  us,  '  that  God  will  be  worshipped  with  the 
fat  and  the  best  of  the  inwards,'  which  he  interprets,  '  with 
the  best  of  men's  gifts  and  abilities ; '  and  of  this  there  is  no 
doubt.  Nor  doth  the  enjoining  of  a  set  form  of  public  prayer 
hinder  any  man  from  worshipping  God  with  the  best  gifts 
and  abilities  which  he  hath.  And  who  should  be  served  with 
the  best,  if  not  He  that  gave  them  all  ?  But  here  's  the  pride 
of  the  instance  again.  Their  conceived,  tedious,  and  ofttimes 
senseless  prayers,  must  be  the  ( fat  and  the  inwards'  with 
which  God  is  pleased;  and  the  set  forms  of  the  Church 
lean  carrion,  and  not  fit  for  the  altar.  O,  my  Lord,  that  you 
would  in  time  lay  your  hand  on  your  heart,  and  consider 
from  what,  and  into  what  you  are  fallen  ! 

My  Lord  concludes  this  instance  with  this,  '  That  if  it  be 
left  free  to  him  that  officiates,  'tis  his  personal  sin  if  he  be 
negligent ;  but  it  may  be  lawful  for  another  that  joins  with 
him  in  that  service  :  but  if  that  manner  be  enjoined,  the 


TOUCHING  THE  LITURGY.  113 

service  itself  is  to  be  refused/  And  after  this  great  pride  in, 
or  of  this  opinion,  my  Lord  ends  with  a  fallacy1.  For  the 
question  is  not,  whether  a  negligent  set  form  of  prayer,  or 
a  good  form  of  set  prayer  negligently  and  without  devotion 
offered  up  to  God  (as  too  often  they  are,  God  help  us),  be 
better  than  other  prayers,  carefully  composed  and  devoutly 
uttered?  but  simply,  whether  a  good  set  form  of  prayer 
(such  as  the  Liturgy  of  England  is)  be  made  so  evil,  only  by 
the  enjoining  of  it,  as  that  therefore  the  service  itself  ought 
to  be  refused  ?  Now  this  my  Lord  may  say  as  boldly  as  he 
will ;  but  neither  he  nor  any  man  else  shall  ever  be  able  to 
prove  it. 

And  in  this  very  close,  I  cannot  but  observe  that  which  in 
me  or  another  man  would  have  been  great  pride :  but  what  it 
is  in  this  Lord,  let  the  reader  judge.  For  he  doth  not  con 
clude  that  this  form  being  enjoined,  is  the  cause  why  he  refuses 
to  come  to  our  prayers.  But  absolutely,  as  if  all  men  were 
bound  to  do  as  he  doth.  He  says  peremptorily,  that  in  this 
case  of  injunction  of  a  set  form, '  the  service  itself  ought  to  be 
refused.'  So  that  by  this  doctrine,  he  is  a  sinner  that  refuses 
not  the  prayers  of  the  Church  of  England.  My  Lord  in  the 
>1  beginning  asked  leave  to  speak  a  few  words  concerning  him 
self;  but  I  believe  these  will  be  found  to  concern  somebody 
else.  Well,  'tis  time  to  consider  of  my  Lord's  second  instance  ; 
and  so  I  will. 

Now  in  the  time  of  the  Gospel,  God  hath  appointed  the 
foolishness  of  preaching  (for  so  the  world  accounts  it)  to 
be  the  means  by  which  He  will  save  those  that  believe.  I 
conceive,  where  there  are  not  gifts  enabling  men  to  preach, 
there  might  be  a  lawful  and  profitable  use  of  reading  of 
printed  sermons  and  homilies;  and  in  such  cases  they 
might  very  lawfully  be  heard.  But  if  some  men,  upon 
pretence  to  prevent  extravagant  preaching,  should  take 
upon  them  to  set  forth  a  book  of  public  common  sermons, 
fit  for  all  times  and  occasions ;  and  should  enjoin  minis 
ters  to  conform  to  these,  and  use  no  other  preaching  at  all, 

1  'Tis  fallacia  accidentis :  for  it  is  down,  or  negligently  performed;  but 

not  in,  or  of  the  nature  of  prayer,  that  a  mere  accident,  and  a  bad  one. 
it  should  be  in  a  negligent  form  set 

LAUD. — VOL.  vi.  T 


114  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

but  the  reading  of  those  common  sermons  or  homilies  so 
devised  for  public  worship ;  this  would  make  it  utterly 
unlawful,  and  to  be  professed  against,  as  that  which  were 
the  bringing  in  of  a  human  device  and  injunction  in  the 
place  and  instead  of  God's  ordinance,  to  the  exclusion 
thereof.  As  the  Pharisees,  to  establish  traditions  of  their 
own,  made  void  the  commandments  of  God. 

I  hope,  my  Lord  will  have  no  better  success  with  this 
instance  under  the  Gospel,  than  he  had  with  that  under  the 
Law.  And  yet  whatsoever  is  truth  in  his  instance,  I  shall 
most  willingly  grant.  And  therefore  I  do  acknowledge,  that 
'  in  the  time  of  the  Gospel,  God  appointed  the  foolishness  of 
preaching  m/  1  Cor.  i.,  to  be  '  a  means  /  but  '  not  to  be  the 
means '  (if  it  be  meant  the  only  means)  '  by  which  He  will 
save  those  that  believe/  I  likewise  confess,  that  in  'the 
world's  account  'tis  made  the  foolishness  of  preaching/  And 
I  would  to  God  some  men,  much  magnified  in  these  times, 
did  not  give  too  often  very  just  cause  to  the  world  to  account 
it,  not  only  the  '  foolishness/  but  the  madness  of  preaching ; 
such  '  preaching '  as  is  far  from  being  '  a  means  of  salvation/ 
I  conceive  also,  as  well  as  my  Lord,  ( that  where  there  are  no 
gifts  enabling  men  to  preach/  (as  it  falls  out  in  too  many 
parishes  in  England,  and  the  true  cause  is,  the  smallness  of  the 
living,  unable  to  feed  and  clothe  men,  and  therefore  cannot 
expect  men  of  parts,)  there  not  only  might  be,  but  is  '  a  lawful 
and  profitable  use  of  reading  of  printed  sermons  and  homilies ; 
and  that  in  such  cases/  yes,  and  in  other  cases  too,  '  they 
may  very  lawfully  be  heard/  And  I  think  further,  that  if 
1  some  men/  not  upon  their  own  private  authority,  but  law 
fully  meeting  in  a  synod  or  convocation,  shall  fnot  upon 
pretence/  but  truly, '  to  prevent  extravagant  preaching/  such 
as  of  late  hath  been,  and  is  too  common  in  England,  '  should 
take  upon  them  to  set  forth  a  book  of  common  sermons,  such 
as  might  be  fit  for  all  times  and  all  occasions/  which  is  not 
impossible  to  be  done,  '  arid  should  enjoin  ministers  to  con 
form  to  these,  and  use  no  other  preaching  at  all,  but  the 
reading  of  these  common  sermons  or  homilies  so  devised  for 
public  worship  /  I  must  needs  say,  it  were  a  cure  not  to  be 
«  1  Cor.  i.  21. 


TOUCHING  THE  LITURGY.  115 

used  but  in  extremity,  to  bar  all  other  preaching  for  the 
abuse  of  some,  be  it  never  so  gross.     Yet  if  the  distempers 
of  the  pulpit  should  grow  in  any  national  Church  so  high,  so 
seditious,  so  heretical  and  blasphemous,  so  schismatical  and 
I  outrageous,  as  many  of  them  have  been  of  late  in  this  dis 
tracted  Church  of  ours ;  I  say,  if  such  ( a  book  of  sermons  ' 
should  be  so  set  out,  by  the  Church  direction,  and  published 
by  the  authority  of  King  and  Parliament,  as  the  Book  of 
Common  Prayer  is :  when  the  comparison  is  made  thus  even, 
and  my  Lord's  instance  so  brought  home  n :  I  do  then  think, 
such  a  book,  not  '  devised  for  public  worship/  but  for  '  public 
instruction,'  (for  sermons  are  not  properly  the  worship  of 
God,  but  to  teach  iis  faith  and  obedience,  and  how  we  are 
to  pray  and  give  worship  to  Him,)  might  be  used  with  great 
profit;  yea,  and  with  far  more  than  many  sermons  of  the 
present  time,  which  do  in  a  manner  teach  nothing  but  dis 
obedience  to  princes  and  all  authority,  under  a  false  pretence 
of  obedience  to  God. 

And  for  the  '  injunction/  which  sticks  so  much  with  my 
Lord ;  certainly  in  cases  of  such  extremity,  as  is  above  men 
tioned,  and  when  nothing  else  will  serve,  I  conceive  it  might 
well  and  profitably  be  laid  upon  the  ministers ;  and  yet  that 
such  an  '  imposition '  would  be  far  '  from  making  it  utterly 
unlawful,  and  to  be  professed  against,  as  that  which  were  the 
bringing  in  of  a  human  device  in  the  place  and  instead  of 
God's  ordinance,  to  the  exclusion  thereof.'  For  'tis  probable 
these  sermons  my  Lord  speaks  of,  would  be  preached  before 
they  were  printed.  And  the  end  of  their  being  preached  was 
to  publish  Christ  and  His  Gospel  to  the  world.  And  that 
also  was  or  ought  to  be  the  end  of  publishing  the  same 
sermons  in  print,  that  the  benefit  of  them  might  reach  the 
further,  and  be  of  longer  continuance.  So  that  upon  the 
matter,  ( the  printing  of  sermons '  is  but  a  large  and  more 
open  preaching  of  them  still.  And  then  if  preaching  be 
'  God's  ordinance/  printing  of  sermons  is  the  '  publishing  of 

n  In  the  Church  of  Africa,  when  the  Church,  and  in  the  Bishop's  presence. 

Arian  heresy  began,  the  Church  had  As  may  be  seen  in  Socrates,  lib.  v. 

suffered  so  much  by  the  preaching  of  Hist.  cap.  22.     And  though  this  may 

Arius  the  presbyter,  that  they  made  a  seem  a  hard  cure,  yet  when  the  disease 

law  not  to  suffer  any  presbyter  to  grew  masterful  and    epidemical,  the 

preach  at  all,  at  least  not  in  the  mother  Church  did  not  refuse  to  use  it. 

I       0 


116  ANSWER   TO   THE   LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

God's  ordinance/  And  therefore,  if  there  were  '  an  injunc 
tion  for  a  book  of  sermons/  as  is  mentioned,  it  were  but  a 
more  public  and  durable  divulging  of  God's  ordinance;'  and 
not  '  the  bringing  in  of  a  human  device  instead  of  it,  and  to 
the  exclusion  thereof.' 

As  for  that  which  follows,  '  that  this  is  like  the  Pharisees, 
who,  to  establish  traditions  of  their  own,  made  void  the  com 
mandments  of  God/  this  is  but  a  simile,  and  is  answered  in 
the  former.  And  you  see  that  should  any  necessity  force  the 
making  of  such  an  injunction  (which  God  forbid),  it  did  help 
to  publish  God's  ordinance,  and  not  make  void  His  command 
ments.  Howsoever,  my  Lord  may  take  this  along  with  him  : 
that  that  party  which  he  governs  in  this  kingdom,  are  as  well 
seen  in  this  art  of  the  Pharisees  as  any  men  in  Christendom ; 
and  will,  if  they  be  let  alone,  make  void  all  the  service  of 
God,  to  bring  in  their  dreams,  against  all  reason,  religion 
and  lawful  authority.  And  this  is  most  true,  whatever  they 
think  of  themselves.  But  my  Lord  desires  further  conside 
ration  of  his  instance  :— 

Let  it  be  considered,  what  difference  can  be  found  between 
these,  but  only  this.  Use  and  custom  hath  inured  us  to 
that  of  prayer,  not  so  in  this  of  preaching ;  and  therefore 
the  evil  of  it  would  easily  appear  unto  us,  if  so  enjoined. 

It  is  fit  my  Lord  should  have  his  desire  in  this,  '  that  it  be 
considered  what  difference  can  be  found  between  these :'  and 
out  of  all  doubt  my  Lord  acknowledges,  that  some  difference 
there  is.  And  were  it  '  this  only/  as  his  Lordship  would 
have  it,  'that  use  and  custom  hath  inured  us  to  that  of 
prayer,  and  not  so  in  this  of  preaching  /  that  might  be  reason 
enough  to  continue  our  public  set  form  of  prayer.  For  if  the 
service  have  not  fault  in  it,  but  that  'tis  '  enjoined  :'  and  if 
the  enjoining  of  a  good  service  of  God  Almighty,  in  which 
Christian  people  may  consent,  and  unanimously  and  uniformly 
worship  Him,  be  no  fault  at  all,  as  most  certain  it  is  not : 
'tis  neither  wisdom  nor  safety  to  cast  off  such  a  '  custom  or 
usage/  and  leave  every  minister  (and  perhaps  other  men  too) 
to  make  what  prayers  they  please  in  the  congregation,  which 
doubtless  would  be  many  times  such,  as  no  good  understand 
ing  Christian  could  say  Amen  to. 


TOUCHING   THE   LITURGY. 


117 


Besides,  with  my  Lord's  leave,  upon  the  '  consideration ' 
which  he  desires  me  to  take,  I  think  I  have  found  '  other 
differences/  For,  besides  ( the  use  and  custom  which  we 
are  inured  to/  I  find,  that  to  have  some  set  form  of  prayer, 
when  the  congregation  meets,  is  little  less  than  traditio 
universalis,  an  universal  tradition  of  the  whole  Church  °. 


0  'Tis  universal  for  time.  For  it  is 
testified  by  Dionysius  the  Areopagite, 
(if  those  works  be  his,)  De  Ecclesia 
Hierar.  p.  77.  edit.  Gr.  Lat.,  and  he 
was  one  of  the  contemporaries  of  the 
Apostles,  that  there  were  then  set 
forms  of  prayer,  to  which  all  the  people 
said  Amen.  [Eux??J/  itpav  iroietrai,  Kal 
Tainriv  awdtrys  avT<p  TT)S  eK/cATjrrms  <ri»,u- 
Tr\r)pw<rdo"ris  (' dicendo  Amen'  is  added 
in  Lat.  vers.). — Dion.  Areop.  de  Eccl. 
Hier.  p.  77.  Lut.  Par.  1615.]  And  if 
Dionysius  were  not  the  author,  yet  the 
work  is  exceeding  ancient.  And  so 
some  set  forms  continued,  till  after 
St.  Augustin's  time,  as  appears  by  Jus 
tin  Martyr,  Apol.  ii.  p.  97.  edit.  Gr.  Lat. 
an.  Christi  150.  [Kowas  evx 
P.SVOI  virep  T€  avTwv  ital  TOV 
TOS,  Kal  aAAcoy  Travraxov  TrdvTca 
— S.  Just.  Mart.  Apol.  i.  (al.  ii.)  §  65.] 
By  Tertull.  Apologet.  c.  39.  an.  Christi 
200.  ["  Coimus  ad  Deum,  quasi  manu 
facta  precationibus  ambiamus.  Haec 
vis  Deo  grata  est.  Oramus  etiam  pro 
imperatoribus,  pro  minis! ris  eorurn  ac 
potestatibus,  pro  statu  seeculi,  pro 
rerum  quiete,  pro  mora  finis." — Tert. 
Apol.  cap.  xxix.  Op.,  p.  31.  A.]  By 
St.  Cyprian,  De  Orat.  Domin.  ["  Pub- 
lica  est  nobis  et  communis  oratio,  et 
quando  oramus,  non  pro  uno  sed  pro 
toto  populo  oramus,  quia  totus  po- 
pulus  unum  sumus." — S.  Cypr.  de  Orat. 
Dom.  Op.,  p.  206.]  By  Origen,  Horn, 
v.  in  Num.  an.  Christi  230.  ["  Sed  et 
Eucharistise  sive  percipiendee,  sive  eo 
ritu  quo  geritur  explicandae,  vel  eorum 
quae  geruntur  in  baptismo,  verborum, 
gestorumque  et  ordinum,  atque  inter- 
rogationum  ac  responsionum,  quis 
facile  explicet  rationem." —  Orig.  in 
Num.  cap.  iv.  Horn.  v.  vers.  Ruffini. 
Op.,  torn.  ii.  pp.  284.  col.  2.  F.,  285. 
col.  1.  A.]  By  the  Council  of  Lao- 
dicea,  can.  xviii.  xix.  an.  Christi  316. 
[Uepl  TOV  Triv  aM,v  Xfirovpyiav  T&V 
fvx<2v  irdvTOTf  /cat  ev  TOLLS  fwd.TO.is,  Kal 
tv  TCUS  effirepcus  o<pfl\t:iv  ytvtffOai.  — 
Cone.  Laod.  can.  xviii.  Cone.,  torn.  i. 
col.  1500.  B.  Tlepl  TOV  SeTi/  iSla  -rrpwrov 
(J-fTa,  TO.S  6pi\las  reef  eiriffKonuv  ital  Ttav 


—  Can.  xix.  ibid.  C.]  By  St.  Basil, 
Epist.  ad  Clericos  Neocaesariensis  Ec 
clesia?.  [n/3os  5e  TO  eVl  TOIS  \l/a\fj.cp5iais 


u,  u> 

ol  SiaySaAAofres  7)/j.as,  6/ce?j/o 
'  ort  ra  vvv  KfKparriKOTa  e6rj 
Trdacus  TOIS  TOV  ©eoD  e/c/cArjaiats  ffwwSd 
ian  Kal  ffv^diva.  'Ex  VVKT&S  yap 
opdpi^ei  Trap'  TJ/juv  6  \aos  4irl  TOV  oiKov 
TTJS  jrpoo-fvxrjs  .  .  .  etrezra  .  .  .  Tj^epas 
tfftr]  viro\a/j.TTovar]S,  irdvTfs  Kowfj,  us  e| 
fvbs  o-To/j.aTos  Kal  /Atas  Kapoias,  TOV  T-fjs 


Kvpicj).  —  S.  Bas.  Ep.  ccvii.  (al.  Ixiii.) 
ad  Neoc.  §  3.  Op.,  torn.  iii.  p.  311. 
A.  B.  C.]  By  St.  Chrysostom  .  .  . 
[Bingham  has  devoted  a  whole  chapter 
of  his  Antiquities  (book  xiii.  chap,  vi.) 
to  prove  not  merely  that  set  forms  of 
prayer  were  used  in  the  time  of  S. 
Chrysostom,  but  also  to  show  what 
were  the  details  of  the  public  service.  ] 
.  .  .  both  about  the  same  year.  As 
also  by  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem.  [See 
S.  Cyril's  third  Catech.  Lecture,  pas 
sim.]  ....  By  the  third  Council  of 
Carthage,  can.  xxiii.  an.  Christi  397. 
["  Quicunque  sibi  preces  aliunde  de- 
scribit,  non  eis  utatur,  nisi  prius  eas 
cum  instructioribus  fratribus  contu- 
lerit."  —  Cone.  Carth.  III.  can.  xxiii.  — 
Cone.,  torn.  ii.  col.  1170.  D.  B.]  By 
St.  Aug.  Ep.  lix.  et  clvi.  and  De  Dono 
Perseverantiae,  c.  13.  an.  Christi  400. 
["  Sed  eligo  in  his  verbis  hoc  intelli- 
gere,  quod  omnis  vel  pene  omnis  fre- 
quentat  Ecclesia,  ut  'precationes'  acci- 
piamus  dictas,  quas  facimus  in  cele- 
bratione  sacramentorum,  etc."  —  S. 
Aug.  Epist.  cxlix.  (al.  lix.)  §  16.  Op., 
torn.  ii.  col.  7(51.  B.  *'  Ut  anima  Chris 
tiana  non  frustraaudiat  '  Sursum  cor;' 
nee  frustra  respondeat  se,  '  Habere  ad 
Dominum.'"—  Epist.  cxxxi.  (al.  clvi.) 
Ibid.  col.  589.  C.  "  Quod  ergo  in  sa- 
cramentis  fidelium  dicitur,  ut  '  Sur 
sum  cor  habeamns  ad  Dominum,' 
munus  est  Domini;  de  quo  munere 
ipsi  Domino  Deo  nostro  gratias  agere, 
a  sacerdote,  post  hanc  vocem  quibus 
hoc  dicitur,  admonentur  ;  et  '  Dignum 


118 


ANSWER   TO   THE   LOUD   SAY'S   SPEECH 


And  that  it  took  beginning  while  some  of  the  Apostles  were 
yet  living,  and  hath  continued  from  thence  in  all  ages  and 
places  of  the  Church  to  this  day.  Now,  though  particular 
customs  and  traditions  vary  and  may  be  varied  in  several 
Churches ;  yet  I  do  not  find  there  is  such  a  power  over  tradi 
tions  that  are  general ;  but  that  next  to  the  Scripture  itself, 
they  are  kept  by  all  sober  Christians  inviolable.  And  St.  Au- 


ae  justum  esse'  respondent." — S.  Aug. 
de'Dono  Persev.  cap.  xiii.  (§  33.)  Op., 
torn.  x.  col.  1417.  C.  D.]  By  the 
second  Milevitan  Council,  can.  xii. 
[See  above,  p.  97.]  And  by  Prosper 
Aquitan.  lib.  i.  De  Vocat.  Gent.  c.  4 ; 
["  Quaui  legem  supplicationis  ita  om 
nium  sacerdotum  et  omnium  fidelium 
devotio  concorditer  tenet,  ut  nulla 
pavs  mimdi  sit,  in  qua  hujusmodi 
orationes  non  celebrentur  a  populis 
Christianis." — Prosp.  Aquit.  de  Voc. 
Gent.  lib.  i.  cap.  4.  fol.  92.  a.  Basil. 
1524.  Prosper  is  commenting  on  the 
passage  1  Tim.  ii.  2.]  since  which  time 
no  question  can  be  made,  but  the 
public  prayers  were  always  in  a  known 
and  set  form. 

And  that  it  was  universal  for  place, 
appears  by  the  concurrent  testimonies 
of  the  Fathers  before  recited,  and  the 
Councils,  and  the  practice,  both  of  the 
Asian,  African,  and  EuropeanChurches. 
As  Justin  Martyr,  Basil,  and  Chrjsos- 
tom,  for  the  Greek;  and  Tertullian, 
Cyprian,  St.  Augustin,  and  Prosper, 
testify  for  the  West.  Insomuch,  that 
St.  Basil  says  expressly  in  that  place, 
'•'  that  for  the  order  of  singing  the 
Psalms  in  their  public  service,  it  was 
agreeable  to  all  the  Churches  of  God  :" 
[see  above  :]  which  place  is  also  cited 
byWhitaker  at  Ration.  6.  Campiani. 
[Op.,  torn.  i.  p.  28.  col.  1.  Genev.  1610.] 
And  divers  particulars  in  their  set 
form  of  prayer,  remain  to  this  day  in 
the  Liturgy  of  the  Church  of  England. 
As  that  there  should  be  recited  a 
General  Confession  of  the  Faith. 
Dionysius  Areopag.  de  Ecclesia  Hierar. 
p.' 88.  edit.  Gr.  Lat,  [Hpoo/j.o\oyr)6d<Tr)s 
aTri  iravrbs  rov  rrjs  t/CKA?j<7ias  irXrjpoo- 
/naros  rrjs  KaQoXinris  v/j.vo\oyius.  The 
Latin  version  is,  "  Cum  antea  univer- 
sus  fidelium  coetus  generalem  fidei 
confessionern  pronunciarct.'  —  Dion. 
Areop.  de  Ecc.  Hier.  p.  88.]  That 
prayers  were  made  for  emperors  and 
men  in  authority ;  and  for  the  peace 
and  quiet  of  the  world.  So  Tertullian. 


[See  above.]  That  the  presbyter  should 
exhort  them  '  to  lift  up  their  hearts  ;' 
and  the  people  answer,  '  We  lift  them 
up  unto  the  Lord.'  So  St.  Cyprian 
["  Ideo  et  sacerdos  ante  orationem 
preefatione  praemissa  praeparat  fra- 
trum  mentes  dicendo, '  Sursum  corda; 
ut  dum  respondet  plebs, '  Habemus  ad 
Dominum,'  admoneatur  nihil  aliud  se 
quam  Dominum  cogitare  debere."— 
S.  Cypr.  de  Orat.  Domin.  Op.,  p.  213.] 
and  St.  Augustin.  [See  above.]  The 
interrogations  and  answers  in  Bap 
tism.  So  Origen.  [See  above.]  That 
prayers  should  be  made,  not  only 
for  the  faithful,  but  for  infidels  and 
enemies  to  the  cross  of  Christ.  So 
Prosper.  ["  Supplicat  ergo  ubique 
Ecclesia  Deo  non  solum  pro  sanctis  et 
in  Christo  jam  regeneratis,  sed  etiam 
pro  omnibus  infidelibus,  et  inimicis 
crucis  Christi." — Prosper,  as  above.] 
And  'tis  preserved  in  our  Collect  for 
Good  Friday.  And  the  people's 
praying  with,  and  answering  the 
pastor,  saying,  '  Lord,  have  mercy 
upon  us,'  with,  '  Christ,  have  mercy 
upon  us,'  was  before  St. Gregory's  time, 
and  continued  down  to  ours,  yet  with 
difference  from  the  Mass-book  too. 
As  Dr.  Rainolds  proves,  Conf.  with 
Hart.  c.  8.  divi.  4.  p.  581.  [Lond. 
1598.] 

But  howsoever,  set  forms  they  were, 
and  such  as  in  some  particulars,  fere 
omnis  Ecclesia  Dominica,  almost  all 
the  Church  of  Christ  used.  So  St. 
Augustin.  [See  above.]  And  there 
is  nulla  pars  mimdi,  scarce  any  part 
of  the  world,  in  which  there  is  not  a 
concordant,  an  agreement  in  these 
prayers  :  so  Prosper.  [See  above.] 
Which  is  impossible  to  be  but  by  a  set 
form.  And  so  the  Magdeburgians 
conclude  upon  due  examination  : 
Formulas  denique  precationum 
absque  dubio  habuerunt  :  "  Out  of 
all  doubt  the  ancients  had  set  forms 
of  prayer." — Cent.  3.  c.  6.  [p.  135. 
Basil.  1560.] 


TOUCHING  THE  LITURGY.  119 

gustine  says  plainly,  '  'tis  insolentis8im&  insanice,  a  trick  of 
most  insolent  madness,  to  dispute  or  doubt  of  that,  quod  tola 
per  orbem  frequentat  Ecclesia,  which  the  Church  of  Christ 
practises  throughout  the  whole  world p/  And  for  my  part 
I  believe  him ;  and  I  would  my  Lord  did  so  too,  and  then 
I  think  he  would  not  refuse  '  the  service  for  the  injunction/ 
nor  fall  into  any  fit  of  this  '  insolent  madness/  As  for 
'  preaching,'  that  was  ever  left  free.  And  therefore  the 
Church  did  ever  put  a  difference. 

j,  And  I  find,  upon  this  '  consideration/  another  difference 
yet,  between  '  prayer  and  preaching/  For  preaching  is  a 
speech  to  man  for  his  edification  and  instruction  in  faith  and 
good  life.  But  prayer  is  a  speech  to  God,  to  honour  and 
worship  Him,  in  the  acknowledgment  of  His  dominion  over, 
and  His  bounty  and  goodness  towards  all  creatures,  but 
mankind  especially.  And  therefore,  though  a  man  cannot 
take  too  much  pains  in  that  which  he  is  to  speak  from  God 
to  man,  lest  he  be  proved  a  false  relater;  yet  of  the  two, 
there  should  be  more  care  had,  what  prayers  he  puts  up  for 
himself  and  the  whole  congregation,  unto  God ;  lest  he  be 
not  only  a  false  worshipper,  but  also,  lest  he  suddenly  and 
unadvisedly  ask  that,  which  may  be  hurtful  unto  all.  And 
for  aught  he  knows,  God  may  at  that  time  be  angry  with  us 
for  our  sins,  and  may  hear  in  His  anger,  and  grant.  And 
I  believe  it  will  be  found  a  greater  and  more  dangerous  sin 
for  the  priest  to  make  the  people  ask  at  God's  hands  those 
things  '  which  they  ought  not/  Besides,  the  public  prayers 
of  the  Church  do  teach  and  inform  the  people,  not  only  how 
to  pray,  and  so  how  to  worship,  but  in  many  things  also, 
what  to  believe,  as  well,  nay,  oftentimes  better,  than  many 
sermons.  So  that  ill  praying  in  public  contains  almost  all 
the  mischiefs  that  ill  preaching  hath  in  it,  over  and  above  all 
the  ill  that  is  proper  to  itself:  and  so  is  the  more  dangerous 
sin :  and  therefore  the  Church  cannot  be  too  careful  for 
a  set  and  known  form  for  public  prayer  ;  yea,  and  that 
enjoined  too,  so  it  be  well  weighed  beforehand ;  though  for 
preaching  she  leave  a  greater  latitude.  So  upon  considera 
tion,  I  think  there  is  more  difference  between  a  set  form  of 

P  St.  Aug.  Epist.  cxviii.  [(al.liv.)]  c.v.  [Op.,  torn.  ii.  col.  188.  D.] 


120  ANSWER  TO   THE    LORD   SA.Y's    SPEECH 

prayer,  and  a  set  form  of  preaching,  than  that  we  are  invited 
to  the  one,  and  not  to  the  other.  Yet,  when  I  hear  what 
extravagant,  nay,  seditious  preaching  there  is  nowadays, 
I  am  strongly  tempted  to  believe,  that  were  the  like  injunc 
tion  for  preaching,  it  were  far  better,  than  that  such  loose, 
dangerous,  and  most  unchristian  preachings,  as  are  in  many 
places,  should  continue.  It  seems,  my  Lord  hath  now  done 
with  the  first  part  of  the  '  waspish-man' s '  charge  against 
him  (for  so  he  is  pleased  to  call  it).  And  that  is  his  Lord 
ship's  account  why  he  refuses  to  come  to  common-prayer. 
And  now  he  goes  on  to  the  next : — 

My  Lords,  let  me  presume  upon  your  patience,  so  far  further, 
as  to  give  me  leave  to  speak  to  the  other  imputation  laid 
upon  me ;  that  I  am  a  Separatist,  and  the  greatest  in 
England. 

My  Lords  very  honourably  afforded  his  Lordship  patience 
'to  speak  to  the  other  imputation  laid  upon  him;'  and  so 
shall  I  very  freely.  But  how  far,  and  in  what  language, 
and  upon  what  occasion  I  imputed  anything  to  his  Lordship, 
I  have  ingenuously  declared  already  :  and  shall  add  no  more, 
till  my  Lord  hath  proceeded  further,  and  expressed  what  he 
pleases ;  as  follows  : — 

And  first,  I  shall  say  of  this  word  '  Separatist,'  as  that 
learned  man,  Mr.  Hales  of  Eaton,  saith  in  a  little  manu 
script  of  his,  ivhich  I  have  seen :  "  That  where  it  may  be 
rightly  fixed,  and  deservedly  charged,  it  is  certainly  a 
great  offence.  But  in  common  use  now  among  us,  it  is  no  4( 
other  than  a  theological  scarecrow,  wherewith  the  potent 
and  prevalent  party  uses  to  fright  and  enforce  those  who 
are  not  of  their  opinions  to  subscribe  to  their  dictates, 
without  daring  to  question  them,  or  bring  them  to  any 
rule  of  examination,  either  of  Scripture  or  reason^."  And 
he  observeth,  that  this  was  too  usual  even  in  ancient  times, 
as  well  as  now. 

And  first,  my  Lord  begins  with  the  word  f  Separatist :'  and 
he  professes  he  will  say  of  that  as  'learned  Mr.  Hales  saith.' 

q  [These  words  occur  in  substance  Schisme,'  published  anonymously  in 
in  p.  1  of  Kale's  '  Tract  Concerning  1642.] 


TOUCHING  THE  LITURGY.  121 

And  surely  the  first  part  of  Mr.  Hales  is  very  true,  that  where 
this  word,  or  the  crime  signified  by  it,  '  is  rightly  fixed  and 
deservedly  charged,  His  a  great  offence.'  But  that  which 
follows,  by  my  Lord's  good  leave,  and  Mr.  Hales  his  too,  is 
somewhat  too  hard  a  censure  upon  the  times,  and  the  persons 
living  in  them.  The  truth  is,  some  men  are  too  apt  to  accuse 
others  of  schism  and  separation ;  but  yet  I  do  not  think  the 
disease  is  so  epidemical,  as  'tis  here  expressed.  As  namely, 
that  it  is  '  in  common  use  amongst  us/  Perhaps,  nothing  so 
common  at  this  time  to  call  Separatist  as  to  be  one.  Or  that 
it  is  a  'theological  scarecrow,  by  which  the  potent  and  prevalent 
party  uses  to  affright  and  enforce  those  who  are  not  of  their 
opinions,  to  subscribe  to  their  dictates/  Or  sure,  if  there  be 
such  practice,  the  fault  is  in  the  persons  that  use  it.  But 
even  that  is  no  excuse  at  all  for  schism  or  separation ;  be 
cause  some,  in  an  inconsiderate  heat,  charge  that  crime  upon 
such  as  are  not  guilty.  For  perhaps  my  Lord  may  say  as 
much  as  this  of  excommunication  itself,  that  some  are  struck 
with  it  who  deserve  it  not ;  and  yet,  I  hope,  my  Lord  hath 
not  proceeded  so  far,  as  to  say  that  excommunication  is  but 


'  a  theological  scarecrow/ 


And  I  further  think,  there  are  as  few  at  this  day  of  them 
whom  my  Lord  calls  '  the  potent  and  prevalent  party,  which 
refuse  to  be  brought  to  any  rule  of  examination,  either  of 
Scripture  or  reason/  as  have  lived  in  this  Church  for  some 
hundreds  of  years  past,  how  meanly  soever  this  Lord  esteems 
them,  and  how  '  narrow '  soever  he  thinks  their  '  comprehen 
sions'  are. 

To  conclude  this  passage ;  my  Lord  tells  us  ( that  Mr.  Hales 
observes  further,  that  this  was  too  usual,  even  in  ancient 
times,  as  well  as  now/  That  some  faults,  and  some  degrees 
of  this  fault,  were  in  ancient  times,  as  well  as  now,  may  be 
true  enough ;  and  yet  in  those  ancient  times  none  thought 
1  schism  or  separation  from  the  Church,'  howsoever  charged,  to 
be  but  '  a  theological  scarecrow ;'  but  caused  it  to  be  examined 
to  the  bottom,  as  'tis  fit,  nay  necessary,  that  it  should :  for 
else  the  most  dangerous  separation  that  can  be  may  go  away 
free  with  this  :  that  it  is  but  '  a  trick  of  the  prevalent  party, 
to  fright  other  men  into  their  opinions,  by  charging  them 
with  separation/  Now,  the  most  dangerous  separation  in  a 


12.2  ANSWER  TO   THE   LORD   SAYJS    SPEECH 

Church  is,  where  the  Church  itself  hath  little  or  no  power  to 
punish  separatists ;  and  where  they  of  the  separation  are,  by 
the  great  misfortune  of  the  State,  become  the  potent  and 
prevalent  party.  And  whether  this  be  not,  or  at  least  were 
not,  the  condition  of  the  State  and  Church  of  England,  when 
my  Lord  printed  this  speech  of  his,  I  leave  to  the  indifferent 
reader  to  judge. 

My  Lord  hath  printed  no  more  than  this,  and  therefore  49< 
I  will  take  notice  of  no  more.  But  yet  I  am  told  by  a  very 
good  hand,  that  his  Lordship  upon  this  quotation  of  Mr.  Hales 
his  manuscript  was  pleased  openly  in  that  honourable  House 
of  Parliament,  where  he  spake  it,  to  lend  Mr.  Hales  one  wipe, 
and  me  another.  But  since  my  Lord  is  pleased  to  pass  it 
over  at  the  press,  I  shall  do  so  too.  Yet  with  this,  that  if 
my  Lord  did  give  that  gird,  I  will  make  it  plainly  appear, 
whenever  he  shall  publish  it,  that  there  is  no  show  of  truth 
in  it.  But  now  that  my  Lord  hath  done  with  Mr.  Hales,  he 
proceeds,  and  tells  us  his  own  judgment : — 

Secondly,  I  say  that  there  is  a  twofold  separation ;  one  from 
the  Universal  or  Catholic  Church,  which  can  no  otherwise 
be  made  but  by  denying  the  faith  (for  faith  and  love  are 
the  requisites  to  that  communion] . 

And  I  say  so  too,  that  there  is  a  twofold  separation ;  and 
that  one  of  them  is  from  the  l  Universal  or  Catholic  Church/ 
But  that  this  '  separation  can  no  otherwise  be  made,  but  by 
denying  the  faith,'  I  doubt  comes  short  of  truth.  First,  be 
cause  there  is  a  great  difference  between  schism  and  apostasy. 
And  every  apostasy  is  a  separation ;  but  every  separation  is 
not  apostasy.  For  a  man  is  not  an  apostate  properly,  till  he 
fall  away,  by  denying  the  whole  faith.  But  a  man  may  be  in 
heresy,  schism,  and  separation  upon  the  denial  of  any  one 
article  of  the  faith,  received  by  the  Catholic  Church.  Secondly, 
because,  should  a  man  agree  in  all  and  every  article  of  the 
faith  with  the  Catholic  Church,  yet  he  may  maintain  some 
false  opinion,  and  incongruous,  both  to  the  verity  and  the 
practice  of  religion,  and  judgment  of  the  Universal  Church, 
and  be  so  in  love  with  these,  as  that  for  these  opinions'  sake 
he  will  separate  from  the  whole  body. 

Therefore  denial  of  the  faith  is  not  the  only  cause  of  sepa- 


TOUCHING   THE  LITUIIGY.  123 

ration  from  the  Catholic  Church,  since  this  separation  can  be 
otherwise  made.  And  my  Lord,  within  the  space  of  three 
lines,  crosses  himself.  For  first,  he  says, '  that  this  separation 
can  no  otherwise  be  made,  but  by  denying  the  faith/  And  in 
the  very  next  words  he  tells  us,  ( that  faith  and  love  are  the 
requisites  to  that  communion/  Two  requisites  to  that  com 
munion  with  the  Universal  Church ;  therefore  two  causes  of 
separation  from  it.  Therefore,  by  my  Lord's  own  confession, 
he  that  is  so  out  of  charity  with  the  Universal  Church,  for 
some  opinions  or  practices  which  he  dislikes,  as  that  he  will 
not  communicate  with  it,  is  in  separation,  though  he  do  not 
deny  the  faith. 

The  other  (my  Lord  tells  us)  is  a  separation  from  this  or 
that  particular  church  or  congregation.  And  that  not  in 
respect  of  difference  with  them  in  matter  of  faith  or  love, 
but  in  dislike  only  of  such  corruptions,  in  their  external 
ivorship  and  Liturgies,  as  they  do  admit  of,  and  would 
enjoin  upon  others. 

In  this  other  particular  separation,  I  shall  meddle  with 
neither  congregation  nor  conventicle,  meeting  allowed  or  dis 
allowed  by  Church  or  State ;  but  that  separation  which  is  or 
97  is  not  made  by  my  Lord  and  his  followers,  from  the  National 
Church  of  England,  as  it  stands  settled  and  established  by 
law :  not  as  her  service  may  be  mangled,  or  otherwise 
abused,  in  any  particular  parish  or  congregation  whatsoever. 
And  if  this  Lord  dislike  any  the  service  as  'tis  used  in  some 
one  parish  or  other,  and  yet  will  come  to  the  service  as  it 
is  established  by  law  in  other,  either  cathedral  or  parochial 
churches,  my  Lord  hath  had  great  wrong  to  be  accounted 
a  Separatist.  But  if  my  Lord  will  not  come  to  the  prayers  of 
the  Church  of  England  by  law  established,  let  his  pretence  be 
what  it  will,  a  Separatist  he  is. 

But  my  Lord  says,  '  that  this  particular  separation  is  not 
in  respect  of  difference  with  them  in  matter  of  faith  or  love/ 

1 .  Where  first  you  may  observe  on  the  by,  that  in  my  Lord's 
judgment,  public  breach  in  charity,  as  well  as  in  faith,  may 
be  cause  of  this  separation,  too,  as  well  as  of  that  from  '  the 
Universal  or  Catholic  Church/  before  mentioned. 

2.  Next,  that  this  particular  separation,  if  it  be  not  'in 


124  ANSWER  TO  THE   LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

respect  of  difference  in  faith  or  love/  in  what  respect  is  it  then? 
Why,  if  we  may  herein  believe  my  Lord,  'tis  only  in  dislike 
'  of  such  corruptions  in  their  external  worship  and  Liturgies 
as  they  do  admit  of,  and  would  enjoin  others/  Well,  first, 
I'll  pray  for  my  Lord,  that  there  be  no  difference  in  faith  and 
charity ;  but  I  do  very  much  doubt  there  is.  Next,  either 
there  are  such  corruptions  in  'the  external  worship  and 
Liturgies/  as  his  Lordship  hath  just  cause  to  dislike,  or  there 
are  not.  If  there  be  not,  why  doth  he  separate  from  them  ? 
If  there  be,  or  probably  seem  to  be,  why  doth  he  not  com 
plain  to  the  King  and  the  Church,  that  these  corruptions 
may  be  considered  on,  and  amended,  if  cause  appear  ? 

And  this  he  ought  to  do  before  he  separate.  For  I  hope 
Christianity  is  not  yet  come  to  that  pass,  (though  it  draw  on 
apace,)  that  a  powerful  layman  or  two  shall  say  there  are 
corruptions  in  the  set  service  of  God,  and  then  be  judges 
of  such  corruptions  themselves.  Nor  doth  the  Church  of 
England  ( admit  of  corruptions '  in  her  Liturgy,  or  '  labour  to 
enjoin  them  upon  others/  Now,  my  Lord  tells  us  further, 
that— 

This  is  a  separation,  not  from  their  persons,  as  they  are 
Christians,  but  from  their  corruptions  in  matter  of  worship, 
as  they  are  therewith  defiled.  And  this  separation  every 
man  that  will  keep  himself  pure  from  other  men's  sins, 
and  not  sin  against  his  own  conscience,  must  make. 

This  will  not  yet  help  my  Lord ;  for  say  '  this  be  not  a  sepa 
ration  from  their  persons,  as  they  are  Christians/  which  yet  it 
too  often  proves  to  be,  and  I  believe,  if  this  Lord  would 
impartially  examine  himself,  he  would  find  to  be  true  in 
himself  and  his  comportment,  but  that  it  is  '  from  their  cor 
ruptions  in  matter  of  worship,  as  they  are  therewith  defiled/ 
1.  First,  these  corruptions  are  not  proved;  so  'tis  petitip  prin- 
cipii,  the  begging  of  that  to  be  granted,  which  is  the  thing  in 
question.  2.  Secondly,  if  there  be  corruptions,  yet  it  is  not 
proved  they  are  in  the  '  matter/  but  of  the  two,  rather  in  the 
manner  of  worship.  3.  Thirdly,  were  both  these  granted,  yet 
it  will  remain  a  question  still,  whether  these  corruptions  be  49 
such  as  '  that  the  worshippers  are  defiled  therewith  ?}  And 
another  question,  whether  so  deeply  defiled,  as  that  other 


TOUCHING  THE  LITURGY.  125 

good  Christians  shall  be  defiled  by  coming  to  common-prayer 
with  them  ?  For  I  am  not  yet  persuaded,  nor  shall  be,  till  I 
be  convinced,  'that  every  man  that  will  keep  himself  pure 
from  other  men's  sins,  and  not  sin  against  his  conscience,  is 
bound  to  make  this  separation/  For  I  conceive,  many  cor 
ruptions  may  be  tolerated,  nay,  ought  to  be,  before  a  separa 
tion  be  made.  And  that  a  private  conscience  is  to  be  both 
informed  and  reformed,  before  it  be  attempted. 

Nor  can  I  think  that  he  which  comes  to  the  public  service 
of  any  Church  that  is  not  idolatrous,  or  peccant  in  the  funda 
mentals  of  religion,  doth  partake  with  other  men's  sins,  that 
frequent  the  same  common-prayer  or  service  with  him,  or  he 
with  them. 

And  yet  my  Lord  is  so  peremptory,  as  that  without  any 
distinction  or  degrees  of  corruption,  he  delivers  it  positively, 
with  a  great  deal  more  boldness  than  knowledge,  '  that  every 
man  that  will  keep  himself  pure  from  other  men's  sins,  must 
make  this  separation/  '  Every  man/  and  ( must  make.'  And 
it  is  not  to  be  conceived,  but  that  what  every  man  must  do, 
my  Lord,  who  seems  to  be  so  careful  to  keep  himself  pure 
from  other  men's  sins,  hath  done  already.  That  is,  hath 
made  this  separation  from  the  Church.  And  my  Lord,  for 
aught  I  see,  is  ready  to  confess  as  much.  For  he  adds  : — 

And  I  will  ingenuously  confess,  that  there  are  many  things, 
in  many  churches  or  congregations  in  England,  practised, 
and  enjoined  upon  all  to  be  practised  and  suffered,  which 
I  cannot  practise  nor  admit  of,  except  I  should  sin  against 
the  light  of  my  conscience,  until  I  may  out  of  the  Word 
of  God  be  convinced  of  the  lawfulness  of  them ;  which 
hitherto  I  could  never  see  sufficient  ground  for. 

I  told  you  my  Lord  was  very  near  confessing  as  much  as  I 
have  said.  For  he  says,  '  ingenuously,  there  are  many  things 
in  many  churches  in  England  practised/ 

First,  I  told  my  Lord  before,  that  this  business  of  separa 
tion  was  not  to  be  judged  by  what  is  practised  in  one  or  more 
parochial  congregations,  but  by  what  ought  to  be  practised 
in  all  the  churches  of  England.  And  if  my  Lord  dislike  any 
thing  in  one  congregation,  he  may  go  to  another,  (so  he  will 
endure  the  whole  Liturgy,  as  it  is  settled  by  law,)  and  no 


126  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD   SAY'S  SPEECH 

man,  if  he  will  do  this,  ought  to  account  him  a  Separatist. 
And  I  find  by  my  Lord's  words,  that  his  exception  is  to 
'  many  churches  ;'  and  I  would  willingly  hope  (if  his  carriage 
would  let  me)  that  he  excepts  not  against  all.  Besides,  he 
tells  us  that  '  many  things '  are  so  practised ;  but  he  is  not 
pleased  to  tell  us  what  they  are.  And  then  it  is  not  possible 
for  me  or  any  man  else  either  to  know  whether  his  Lord 
ship's  exception  be  just  against  them,  or  to  give  him  satis 
faction  in  them.  And  it  is  no  great  sign  that  my  Lord  bears 
any  good  mind  to  the  Church,  that  he  is  so  ready  to  charge 
'  many  things '  against  the  Church,  and  to  name  none. 

My  Lord  goes  further,  and  says  plainly,  f  that  there  [are] 
many  things  thus  practised,  or  enjoined  also,  and  that  upon  all, 
to  be  practised  or  suffered,  which  he  cannot  practise  nor  admit 
of,  except  he  should  sin  against  the  light  of  his  conscience/  41 
You  have  heard  already,  how  much  my  Lord  is  troubled  with 
this  e  enjoining/  and  to  that  I  refer  you :  in  the  meantime, 
since  I  am  the  man  so  particularly  shot  at  by  my  Lord,  I 
shall  answer  for  myself  according  to  truth ;  and  with  truth 
I  can  legally  prove,  if  need  be,  I  have  not  commanded  or 
enjoined  any  one  thing,  ceremonial  or  other,  upon  any  paro 
chial  congregation  in  England,  much  less  upon  all,  to  be 
either  practised  or  suffered,  but  that  which  is  directly  com 
manded  by  law.  And  if  any  inferior  ordinary  in  the  kingdom, 
or  any  of  my  own  officers,  have  given  any  such  command,  'tis 
either  without  my  knowledge,  or  against  my  direction.  And 
'tis  well  known,  I  have  sharply  chid  some  for  this  very  parti 
cular  ;  and  if  my  Lord  would  have  acquainted  me  with  any 
such  troubled  thought  of  his,  I  would  have  given  him  (so  far 
as  had  been  in  my  power)  either  satisfaction  or  remedy,  if 
anything  had  been  '  against  the  light  of  his  conscience.' 
Though  in  these  things  I  must  needs  tell  my  Lord,  that  there 
is  nowadays,  in  many  men  which  have  shaken  off  all  Church 
obedience,  great  pretensions  to  light  in  their  understandings 
and  consciences,  when  to  men  which  see  indeed,  'tis  little  less 
than  palpable  darkness.  But  how  it  is  with  my  Lord  and 
his  conscience,  I  will  not  take  upon  me  to  judge ;  but  leave 
him  to  stand  or  fall  to  his  own  Master r.  Rom.  xiv. 

For  it  seems,  my  Lord  stands  not  simply  upon  the  light  of 
r  Rom.  xiv.  4. 


TOUCHING  THE  LITURGY,  127 

his  conscience,  '  but  only  until  he  may  be  convinced  out  of 
the  Word  of  God  of  the  lawfulness  of  these  things,  which 
hitherto  he  could  never  see  sufficient  ground  for/  And  this 
is  the  common  plea  which  all  of  them  have  resort  to,  till  they 
be  convinced,  which  (as  I  have  had  experience  of  many)  they 
are  resolved  not  to  be.  And  they  will  be  convinced  in  every 
particular,  '  out  of  the  Word  of  God,  to  the  very  taking  up 
of  a  rush  or  straw/  as  their  grave  master,  T.  C.s,  taught  them. 
As  if  God  took  care  of  straws,  or  their  taking  of  them  up : 
as  if  every  particular  thing  of  order  or  decency  were  ex 
pressly  set  down  in  the  Word  of  God.  Surely,  if  this  were 
so,  St.  Paul  should  have  had  nothing  ( to  set  in  order  when 
he  came  to  Corinth*,'  1  Cor.  xi.  And  if  this  be  so,  the  Church 
hath  no  power  left  in  anything,  not  so  much  as  to  command 
a  bell  shall  toll  to  call  the  people  to  public  prayers,  because 
'tis  nowhere  commanded  in  the  Word  of  God.  So  that  upon 
this  ground,  if  any  man  shall  say  '  he  hath  light  enough  in 
his  conscience'  to  see  the  unlawfulness  of  such  human  de 
vices,  he  may  separate  from  the  Church,  rather  than  sin 
against  this  light.  So  there  shall  be  no  public  service  of 
God,  but  some  ignis  fatuus  or  other,  under  the  name  of 
'  light  in  the  conscience/  shall  except  against  it,  and  separate 
from  it ;  which  is  directly  to  set  up  the  light  in  each  private 
spirit  against  that  light  which  God  hath  placed  in  His 
Church,  shine  it  never  so  clearly.  Yet  his  Lordship  is  con 
fident,  and  says : — 

But,  my  Lords,  this  is  so  far  from  making  me  the  greatest 
Separatist  in  England,  that  it  cannot  argue  me  to  be  any 
at  all.  For  my  Lords  the  Bishops  do  know,  that  those 
whom  they  usually  apply  this  term  unto  are  the  Brownists 
(as  they  call  them  by  another  name),  and  they  know  their 
tenents.  The  truth  is,  they  differ  with  us  in  no  fundamental 
point  of  doctrine,  or  saving  truth,  I  know. 

Here  then  my  Lord  is  pleased  to  say,  that  all  that  he  hath 
hitherto  said,  '  is  so  far  from  making  him  the  greatest  Sepa 
ratist  in  England,  that  it  cannot  argue  him  to  be  any  at  all.' 

•  T.  C.  l[ib].  s[ec].  pp.  59,  60,  p.  64.  [p.  361,  Kcble's  ed.  Oxf.  1836.] 
apud  Hook.  [Eccl.  Pol]  lib.  ii.  s.  1.  *  1  Cor.  xi.  34. 


128 

For  my  part,  I  would  to  God  it  were  so;  but  let's  examine 
whether  it  be  so  or  not.  First,  then,  this  I  humbly  conceive 
is  certain,  that  he,  whoever  he  be,  that  will  not  communicate 
in  public  prayers  with  a  national  Church,  which  serves  God 
as  she  ought,  is  a  Separatist.  But  the  Church  of  England, 
as  it  stands  established  by  law,  serves  God  as  she  ought : 
therefore  my  Lord,  by  his  general  absenting  himself  from  her 
communion  in  prayers,  is  a  Separatist.  And  this  is  by  his 
own  confession ;  for  he  says  a  little  before,  and  that  expressly, 
that  '  this  is  a  separation  which  every  man  must  make,  that 
will  keep  himself  pure  from  other  men's  sins/  And  I  cannot 
doubt,  but  his  Lordship  hath  made  that,  which  he  says  he 
must  make. 

All  that  can  be  said  for  my  Lord  herein  is  this ;  first,  that  my 
Lord  charges  the  Church  of  England  with  l  corruptions  in  the 
worship  of  God;  and  such  corruptions,  as  he  must  separate 
from  her/  But  is  it  sufficient  for  a  separation,  for  a  particular 
man  barely  to  say  there  are  such  corruptions  in  the  Liturgy, 
when  he  doth  neither  prove  them  to  be  such,  nor  so  much 
as  name  them  what  they  are  ?  Surely  no.  And  I  think 
these  gnats  (which  his  Lordship  strains  at)  may  be  swallowed 
without  any  offence  to  God  or  man :  so  far  are  they  from 
being  fa  just  cause  of  separation/  Therefore,  for  all  this,  my 
Lord  is  a  Separatist. 

Yea,  but  my  Lord  charges  upon  the  Church  of  England, 
that  l  she  enjoins  her  Liturgy  upon  all  men,  by  a  certain 
number  of  men  usurping  authority  to  themselves,  and  im 
posing  this  injunction  under  the  name  of  the  Church/ 
I  have  made  answer  already  to  this  power  of  the  Church  to 
compose  a  set  form  for  public  service ;  and,  I  hope,  made  it 
manifest,  that  this  authority  is  not  usurped.  And  then,  that 
can  be  no  just  cause  of  a  separation.  Nay,  I  must  doubt 
whether,  if  such  authority  were  usurped  by  some  Churchmen 
in  any  national  Church,  the  enjoining  of  the  service  after  it 
is  made,  supposing  always  that  it  contain  no  idolatry  or 
fundamental  error,  be  for  the  injunction  alone  a  sufficient 
warrant  to  my  Lord  or  any  other  to  separate.  Therefore, 
my  Lord's  forsaking  the  public  service  of  the  Church,  upon 
no  better  grounds  than  these,  makes  him  a  Separatist  by  his 
own  confession,  without  any  man  calling  him  so. 


TOUCHING   THE   LITUBGY.  129 

As  for  his  Lordship's  being  '  the  greatest  Separatist  in 
England/  I  have  at  the  beginning  of  this  tract  clearly  related, 
to  the  uttermost  of  ray  memory,  what  and  upon  what 
occasion  I  spake  of  his  Lordship  in  this  kind.  But  whether 
I  said  it  or  not,  my  Lord,  for  aught  I  see,  will  hardly  escape 
being  so.  For  he  is  the  greatest  Separatist  from  the  Church, 
that  absents  himself  with  most  will  and  least  cause :  and 
this,  if  I  mistake  not,  is  my  Lord's  case ;  for  he  separates 
with  most  will  that  says,  '  men  must  and  ought  to  separate ;' 
and  upon  least  cause,  because  as  yet  he  hath  named  none  at 
all ;  but  corruptions  in  general,  which  any  man  may  say ;  and 
)1  '  the  injunction  of  a  set  form/  which  is  no  cause.  Therefore, 
(for  aught  I  yet  see,)  it  may  truly  be  said  of  his  Lordship, 
that  he  is  '  the  greatest  Separatist  in  England/ 

Especially  if  you  add  to  this,  how  busy  and  active  his 
Lordship  is,  and  for  many  years  hath  been,  to  promote  this 
cause  of  separation.  And  I  have  some  very  good  grounds  to 
think,  that  his  Lordship  hath  been  and  is  the  great  cause  and 
enlarger  of  all  the  separation  that  now  is  in  Church  affairs ; 
and  of  all  the  disobedience  thereby  bred  or  cherished  against 
sovereign  power. 

Next,  my  Lord  appeals  to  my  Lords  the  Bishops;  and 
tells  them  '  that  they  know  that  they  whom  they  usually  apply 
this  name  (Separatist)  unto,  are  the  Brownists,  as  they  call 
them  by  another  name/  I  know  not  all  things  which  the 
rest  of  my  learned  brethren  the  Bishops  know ;  yet,  I  think, 
both  they  and  I  know  this,  that  the  name  Separatist  is  a 
common  name  to  all  heretics  or  schismatics,  that  separate  for 
their  opinions'  sakes  either  from  the  Catholic,  or  from  any 
particular  orthodox  Church.  And  if  my  Lord  himself  (who, 
it  seems,  is  well  acquainted  with  them),  or  any  of  my  Lords 
the  Bishops  do  know  that  this  name  is  usually  applied  to  the 
Brownists,  be  it  so.  That,  I  am  sure,  is  not  material,  unless 
it  be  for  that  which  my  Lord  closes  this  passage  withal. 

Namely,  that  '  my  Lords  the  Bishops  know  the  tenents  of 
the  Brownists ;  and  that  the  truth  is,  they  differ  from  us  in 
no  fundamental  point  of  doctrine  or  saving  truth,  that  his 
Lordship  knows/  I  doubt  not  but  my  Lords  the  Bishops 
know  the  tenents  of  the  Brownists,  so  far  forth  at  least  as  they 
be  tenents,  and  not  varied  from ;  and  so  far  as  they  are  their 

LAUD. — VOL.  VI.  K 


130  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD   SAY'S  SPEECH 

general  tenents,  to  which  all  or  most  of  them  agree ;  and  so 
far  as  they  are  plain  and  univocal  tenents,  and  not  such  as 
shall  equivocate  with  the  very  faith  itself.  But  such  tenents 
of  the  Brownists  as  these  are,  it  may  be,  all  my  Lords  the 
Bishops  know  not. 

Now,  if  the  truth  be,  as  my  Lord  says  it  is,  '  for  aught  he 
knows,  that  the  Brownists  differ  from  us  in  no  fundamental 
point  of  doctrine,  or  saving  truth  •'  then,  out  of  all  doubt, 
majus  peccatum  habent™, — their  sin  (and  my  Lord's  too)  is  the 
greater,  that  they  will  so  uncharitably,  and  with  so  great 
heat  and  settled  violence,  and  to  the  great  scandal  of  religion, 
first  separate  themselves  from,  and  now  labour  utterly  to 
overthrow,  that  Church,  which  (by  my  Lord's  own  confession 
here)  differs  not  from  them  'in  any  fundamental  point  of 
doctrine  or  saving  truth/  For  sure,  if  they  differ  not  from 
us,  we  differ  not  from  them.  But  this  is  only  argument um 
ad  hominem,  and  is  sufficient  to  convince  this  Lord,  I  think, 
in  his  own  way. 

But  I  doubt  the  truth  is  quite  another  thing;  namely, 
that  the  Church  of  England  is  very  orthodox,  and  that  the 
Brownists,  or  Separatists,  call  them  as  you  will,  do  separate 
upon  false  and  unchristian  opinions ;  and  that,  besides  mat 
ters  of  opinion  and  breach  of  charity,  they  do  differ  from  us 
in  some  '  fundamental  points  of  doctrine  and  saving  truth/ 

My  Lord  a  little  before  tells  us  of  '  corruptions  in  the 
Liturgy  of  the  Church/  but  names  none;  and  should  I 
charge  the  Brownists  with  difference  from  the  Church  in 
fundamental  points  of  doctrine,  and  yet  name  none,  I  should 
run  into  the  same  fault  for  which  I  there  taxed  my  Lord. 
I  shall  therefore  give  some  instances  of  some  of  their  opi 
nions,  and  then  leave  the  indifferent  reader  to  judge,  whether 
they  do  not  '  differ  from  us  in  some  fundamental  points  of 
doctrine  and  saving  truth :'  and  then,  consequently,  whether 
it  be  not  an  heretical  as  well  as  a  schismatical  separation, 
which  they  make  from  the  Church  of  England. 

1.  And,  first,  there  was  a  creed  printed  by  John  Turner, 
in  this  present  year,  and  the  Parliament  sitting.  This  Turner 
is  a  notorious  Separatist,  or  Brownist,  if  you  will*.  In  this 

u  [John  xix.  11.]  his  Province  for  1637,  Works,  vol.  v. 

*  [See  the  Archbishop's  Accounts  of     pp.  331,  347.] 


TOUCHING  THE  LITURGY.  131 

creed  of  his,  he  leaves  out  <  the  descent  of  Christ  into  hell/ 
This  is  an  article  of  the  Apostles'  Creed ;  and  'tis  an  article 
of  the  Church  of  England ;  and  so,  I  presume,  a  l  funda 
mental  point  of  doctrine/  Yet  herein  this  Browriist  and  his 
fellows  differ  from  us.  And  I  have  heard  from  some  present, 
that  at  a  committee  of  Lords,  appointed  for  matters  of 
religion,  a  young  Lord^  should  say,  openly  and  boldly 
enough,  that  he  did  not  believe  '  the  descent  of  Christ  into 
hell :'  and  that  my  Lord,  the  author  of  this  speech,  should 
second  him. 

2.  In  the  same  creed,  Turner  professes  he  believes  '  that 
Christ  instituted  by  His  Apostles  certain  particular  Churches 
here  on  earth,  and  no  other/     So  the  Catholic  Church,  the 
mother  of  all  particular  both  men  and  Churches,  and  out  of 
which  there  can  be  no  salvation  in  the  ordinary  way,  is  quite 
thrust  out  of  this  Brownist's  creed.     And  this,  I  hope,  is 
another  '  fundamental  point  of  doctrine  and  saving  truth.' 
But  in  this  I  must  do  my  Lord  right,  and  not  charge  him 
with  this  point ;  because  a  little  before,  his  Lordship  tells  of 
f  a  twofold  separation,  one  whereof,3  he  says,  '  is  from  the 
Universal,  or  Catholic  Church.'     So  the  Catholic  Church  is 
not  yet   thrust  out   of  my  Lord's   creed.     But   then   this 
appears,  that  the  Separatists  are  not  yet  agreed  upon  all  the 
articles  of  their  creed.    Nay,  some  of  them  call  the  Apostles' 
Creed  <  a  patched  forgery/  and  Barrow  justifies  itz. 

3.  Thirdly,  they  differ  from  us  in  charging   '  gross  cor 
ruptions'  upon   the    Church  of  England.      And   these   are 
known  to  my   Lord,  for  he   acknowledges   them ;    and  so 
gross,  that,  should  they  be  true,  the   Church    of  England 
must  be  faulty  '  in  fundamental  and  saving  truth :'  as  shall 
further  appear  in  my  answer  to  my  Lord's  next  passage*. 
Therefore,  if  their  charge  be  true,  they  must,  by  my  Lord's 
own  confession,  differ  from  us  '  in  fundamental  and  saving 
truth.'     And  if  their  charge  be  false,  why  do  they  separate 
from  us  ?     Besides,  all  Anabaptists  and  Brownists  agree  in 
this,  that  the  Church  of  England  is  antichristian.     And  if 
it  be  so,  they  must  either  differ  in  fundamentals  from  the 

y  The  Lord  Brook.  255.     [Lond.  1606.] 

z  Barrow's    Keply    to    Gifford,   p.          tt  P.  48. 

K   2 


132  AKSWER   TO   THE   LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

Church  of  England,  or  be  antichristian  themselves  in  joining 
with  them,  or  grant  that  Christ  and  Antichrist  have  one  and 
the  same  foundation. 

4.  Fourthly,  some  of  them  yet  living,  though  they  dare 
not  speak  it  out  in  all  companies,  do  cunningly  insinuate 
'  that  at  death,  soul  and  body  are  extinct  together,  but  shall 
rise  again  at  the  resurrection,  first  or  last.     And  that  Christ 
shall  come  and  live  here  upon  the  earth  again.     That  the 
martyrs  shall  then  rise,  and  live  with  Him  a  thousand  years; 
and  that  Christ,  once  come  upon  the  earth,  shall  not  (for 
anything  they  can  learn  out  of  Scripture)  ever  depart  from 
the  earth  again/ 

5.  Fifthly,  one  Brierly  and  his  Independent  congregation 
are  of  this  belief,  '  that  the  child  of  God,  in  the  power  of 
grace,  doth  perform  every  duty  so  well,  that  to  ask  pardon  5 
for  failing,  either  in  matter  or  manner,  is  a  sin.     That  it  is 
unlawful  to   pray  for  forgiveness  of  sins,   after  their  con 
version/     With  divers  others,  some  as  bad,  some  worse,  to 
the  number  of  fifty b. 

6.  Sixthly,  one  Spisberrye  yet  living,  and  of  that  Indepen 
dent  fraternity,  maintains  that  '  God  works  all  things  in  us, 
and  that  we  are  but  organs,  instruments,  and  mere  empty 
trunks/     Which  is  to  make  God  the  author  of  all  the  sins 
which  men  commit.     And  therefore  Brierly  says  expressly0, 
'  that  if  they  do  at  any  time  fall,  they  can  by  the  power  of 
grace  carry  their  sin  to  the  Lord,  and  say,  Here  I  had  it,  and 
here  I  leave  it/     Will  not  the  devil  one  day  stop  the  mouth 
of  this  blasphemy  ? 

7.  Seventhly,   Mr.  Pryn  himself  (who  hath  been  a  great 
stickler  in  these  troubles  of  the  Church)  says  expressly,  '  Let 
any  true  saint  of  God  be  taken  away  in  the  very  act  of  any 
known  sin,  before  it  is  possible  for  him  to  repent ;  I  make  no 
doubt  or  scruple  of  it,  but  he  shall  as  surely  be  saved  as  if  he 
had  lived   to   have  repented  of  itd/     And  he  instances  in 
David,    'in   case   he   had  been  taken  away  before  he  had 
repented  of  his  adultery  and  murder/     So,  according  to  this 
divinity,  the  true  saints  of  God  may  commit  horrible  and 

b  The  50  Propositions  taken  from          d  Pryn  in  his  Perpetuity,  p.  431. 
his  own  mouth.  [Lond.  1627.] 

c  Proposit.  xix. 


TOUCHING  THE   LITURGY.  133 

crying  sins,  die  without  repentance,  and  yet  be  sure  of  salva 
tion;  which  teareth  up  the  very  foundations  of  religion, 
induceth  all  manner  of  profaneness  into  the  world,  and  is 
expressly  contrary  to  the  whole  current  of  the  Scripture6. 

8.  In  the  eighth  place,  almost  all  of  them  say  that  God 
from  all  eternity  reprobates  by  far  the  greater  part  of  man 
kind  to  eternal  fire,   without   any  eye  at   all  to  their  sin. 
Which  opinion  my  very  soul  abominates.    For  it  makes  God, 
the  God  of  all  mercies,   to  be  the  most  fierce  and  unrea 
sonable  tyrant  in  the  world.     For  the  question  is  not  here, 
what  God  may  do  by  an  absolute  act  of  power,  would  He  so 
use  it  upon  the  creature  which  He  made  of  nothing:  but 
what   He  hath  done,  and   what    stands  with    His  wisdom, 
justice,  and  goodness  to  do. 

9.  Ninthly,  one  Lionel  Lockier,  now  or  late  of  Cranbrooke, 
in    Kent,   among   other  his   errors,   rails   against  '  teaching 
children  the  Lord's  Prayer,  or  other  forms  of  catechising/ 
And  if  they  differ  from  the  Church  of  England  in  the  whole 
Catechism,  I  think  the  Lord  must  work  a  miracle  before  he 
can  make  his  speech  good,  that  they  '  differ  from  us  in  no 
fundamental  point/ 

10.  Lastly,  to  omit  all  those  base  opinions  in  which  the 
Brownists  agree  with  the  Anabaptists;  this,  in  which  they 
differ  from  them,  will  be  sufficient  to  prove  that  they  differ 
from  us  in  that  which  is  fundamental ;  unless  they  will  say, 
that  to  believe  the  Trinity  is  not  fundamental.     For  some  of 
them,  and  by  name  one  Gloverf,  deny  the  Deity  of  the  Holy 
Ghost.     Which   stands   condemned  for  a  gross  and  funda 
mental  heresy  in  the  second  General  Council g,  held  against 
Macedonius.     And  for  the  Familists11  (of  which  there  is  store 
this  day  in  England),  they  deny  the  resurrection  of  the  flesh, 
turning  it,  as  they  do  many  other  things,  into  a  mystery  or 
allegory.     Perhaps  more  particulars  might  be  found  upon 

e  Ezech.  xviii.  26  ;  Prov.  xxviii.  13 ;  tions  the  error  of  H.  N.,  Avho  held  that 

S.  Luc.  xiii.  3 ;  S.  Luc.  xxi.  24  ;  Acts  the  Holy  Ghost  was  merely  "  the  inhe- 

iii.  19;  2  Cor.  vi.  9;  Gal.  v.  10;  and  ritance  allotted  to  the  faithful,  and  the 

many  other  places.  being  or  virtuous  estate  of  Christ."] 

f  Hog.  in  Symb.  Art.  vii.  Prop.  5.  «  Concil.  Const.  I.    [Can.  i.— Cone. 

[Glover  is   here    said,   not   to    deny  torn.  ii.  col.  946.  E.] 

the  Divinity  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  but  h  Hooker's  Pref.  to  Eccl.  Pol.  s.  iii. 

the  obligation  of  the  moral  law.     Eo-  [§  9,  p.  184 ;  where  see  also  Mr.  Keble's 

gers  on  '  the  Faith,  Doctrine,  &c.  pro-  valuable    note,   giving   some   further 

fessed   in   the   Church   of    England,'  details  of  their  opinions.]  « 
p.  39.    Lond.  1633.    In  p.  24  he  men- 


134  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

a  narrow  search.  But  if  there  be  no  more,  these  are  enough 
to  make  it  evident  to  the  world  that  these  Separatists  '  differ 
from  us  in  some  fundamental  points  of  doctrine,  or  saving  5( 
truth/  And  as  these  are  in  fault  for  their  separation,  so 
I  doubt  the  Church  is  to  blame,  for  not  proceeding  against 
such  of  them  as  are  altogether  incorrigible. 

But  whether  my  Lord  thinks  these  to  be  fundamental 
points,  or  whether  he  know  that  the  Brownists  do  differ  from 
us  in  them,  I  shall  not  take  on  me  to  declare,  till  his  Lord 
ship  open  himself  further.  In  the  meantime  his  Lordship 
goes  on  to  tell  us  wherein  these  Brownists  fail,  though  they 
do  not  differ  in  fundamental  points  to  his  knowledge : — 

Their  failing  is  in  this.  They  hold  that  there  is  no  true  Church 
in  England,  no  true  ministry,  no  true  worship,  (which  de 
pend  the  one  upon  the  other;}  they  say  all  is  antichristian. 
Here  is  their  error ;  they  distinguish  not  between  the  bene 
esse,  or  purity  of  a  true  Church,  and  the  esse,  or  true 
being  of  it,  though  with  many  defects  and  gross  corrup 
tions  ;  but  conclude,  because  such  things  are  wanting 
which  are,  indeed,  necessary  to  the  well-being  of  a  true 
Church,  and  to  be  desired,  therefore  there  is  none  at  all 
in  being. 

Here  my  Lord  shows  a  great  deal  of  sharp  and  good  appre 
hension,  and  distinguishes  very  rightly  between  the  entire 
being  of  a  true  Church,  which  is  her  bene  esse,  and  the  true 
being  of  a  Church,  which  is  her  esse  only.  And  my  Lord 
doth  further  fairly  acknowledge,  that  this  is  the  Brownists' 
error, — to  conclude  no  Church  in  being,  because  it  hath  many 
defects  and  gross  corruptions  in  it  to  hinder  its  well-being. 

So,  then,  my  Lord  here  grants  two  things : 

First,  that  '  to  hold  there  is  no  true  Church  in  England, 
no  true  ministry,  110  true  worship,  (which  depend  one  upon 
another,)  but  that  all  is  Antichristian,'  is  an  error. 

And,  secondly,  that  it  is  the  Brownists'  error.  How,  and 
how  far  these  three,  no  true  Church,  no  true  ministry,  no 
true  worship,  depend  one  upon  another ;  and  in  what  cases  it 
may  in  some  exigents  be  otherways,  I  will  not  now  dispute, 
nor  divert  from  the  main  business. 

1.  First,  then,  if  it  be  an  error  to  say,  there  is  no  true 


TOUCHING  THE  LITURGY.  135 

Church,  no  true  ministry,  no  true  worship  in  England ;  then, 
I  hope,  it  will  be  found  truth  to  say,  there  is  a  true  Church, 
a  true  ministry,  and  a  true  worship  in  England.  And  he 
that  shall  avow  the  contrary,  must  needs  differ  from  the 
Church  of  England  in  fundamentals.  For  these  contradic 
tions  ;  a  true  Church,  and  no  true  Church ;  a  true  ministry, 
and  no  true  ministry ;  a  true  worship  of  God,  and  no  true 
worship;  cannot  be  built  up  but  upon  different  foundations. 
And  as  for  that  which  my  Lord  affirms  is  added  by  the 
Brownists,  that  there  are  many  defects  and  gross  corruptions 
in  it :  so  long  as  this  is  said,  and  not  proved,  'tis  enough, 
without  further  proof,  to  deny  both  the  defects  and  corrup 
tions,  both  the  many  and  the  gross.  As  I  doubt  not  but  the 
Church  of  England  can  make  good,  against  both  my  Lord 
and  all  the  Brownists  io  England. 

2.  Secondly,  if  to  affirm  this  be  the  Brownists'  error,  then 
>5  I  would  fain  know  of  my  Lord  how  he  can  say  '  the  Brownists 
do  not  differ  from  or  with  us  in  any  fundamental  point  of  doc 
trine  or  saving  truth  ?  '  For  if  this  be  no  '  fundamental  point,' 
or  no  '  saving  truth/  that  we  be  in  and  of  a  true  Church ;  that 
this  Church  hath  a  true  ministry,  to  be  between  God  and  us 
in  all  the  duties  of  their  function  ;  whether  upward  to  God  in 
prayer  and  spiritual  sacrifice,  or  downward  to  us  in  the  word 
and  sacraments;  that  in  this  Church,  and  by  this  ministry, 
there  is  a  true  worship,  and  that  without  gross  corruptions : 
what  can  be  accounted,  next  the  Creed  itself,  fundamental  or 
saving  ?  So  that  in  one  line  my  Lord  is  pleased  to  say,  '  the 
Brownists  do  not  differ  with  us  in  any  fundamental  point  of 
doctrine,  or  saving  truth ; '  and  in  the  very  next  line  his 
Lordship  confesses  they  differ  from  us  in  these  three  things, 
which  if  not  several,  yet  altogether,  as  they  depend  one  upon 
another,  are  saving  and  fundamental. 

Nor  can  this  cautelous  close  help  my  Lord  one  jot,  that  he 
adds,  "The  Brownists  do  not  differ  from  us  in  any  funda 
mental  point  of  doctrine  or  saving  truth,  as  his  Lordship 
knows/  For  were  his  Lordship  of  a  '  shallow  or  narrow  com 
prehension/  'twere  another  matter  :  but  since  he  is  so  full  of 
understanding  in  these  things,  'tis  impossible  but  he  must 
know  these  three  together  are  fundamental;  and  being  so, 
he  must  needs  know  also,  that  'the  Brownists  differ  with  us  in 


136  ANSWER   TO  THE  LORD   SAY'S  SPEECH 

fundamentals  /  which  is  that  which  he  denied.  If,  therefore, 
my  Lord  will  say  he  knows  not  this  to  be  the  Brownists' 
error,  why  doth  he  take  upon  him  to  say  it  is  ?  If  he  will 
grant  that  he  knows  it,  he  must  needs  know  withal  (if  he  will 
not  shut  out  the  light  of  his  conscience,  of  which  a  little 
before  he  is  so  tender)  that  the  Brownists,  or  Separatists,  call 
them  what  you  will,  '  differ  from  us  in  some  fundamental 
points  of  doctrine  or  saving  truth/ 

Thus  far,  then,  my  Lord  relates  the  failing  of  the  Brownist. 
I  hope  he  will  be  so  careful  as  not  to  fail  with  them  him 
self.  Yes,  sure  ;  for  he  adds  : — 

/  hold  no  such  opinion,  but  do  believe  to  the  contrary :  that 
there  are  in  England  many  true  Churches,  and  a  true 
ministry  ivhich  I  do  hear,  and  with  which  Churches  I 
could  join  in  communion,  were  those  yokes  of  bondage 
which  are  laid  upon  them  taken  off,  and  those  corruptions 
removed,  which  they  do  (contrary,  as  1  think,  to  their 
duty]  yield  unto  and  admit  of:  and  this  I  am  sure  no 
Separatist  in  England  holds,  that  deserves  that  name. 
And  therefore  I  hope  your  Lordships  will  in  that  respect 
let  me  stand  right  in  your  opinions. 

Here  my  Lord  tells  us  he  holds  '  no  such  opinion,  but  does 
believe  to  the  contrary/  But  I  doubt,  he  so  believes  to  the 
contrary,  as  that  he  is  of  the  same  opinion.  For  he  believes 
'that  there  are  in  England  many  true  Churches,  and  a  true 
ministry/  And  so  do  all  the  Brownists ;  for  no  doubt  but 
they  believe,  that  all  their  congregations  or  conventicles  are 
true  Churches  in  England,  and  that  the  ministers  which  they 
hear  are  true  ministers.  And  this  is  plainly  my  Lord's 
belief.  For  he  saith  he  believes  there  is  a  true  ministry  in 
England,  '  which  he  doth  hear.'  But  what  ministers  they  are  5( 
which  he  doth  hear,  he  does  not  sav. 

Or  if  this  be  not  my  Lord's  meaning,  but  that  there  are 
some  true  Churches  and  some  true  ministers  in  England, 
though  ordained  as  in  England  they  are ;  yet  my  Lord  conti 
nues  a  Separatist  still.  For  his  Lordship  doth  not  say,  either 
that  he  doth,  or  that  he  will,  or  that  he  can  join  in  commu 
nion  with  any  of  these  Churches,  or  this  ministry,  which  he 
says  are  true.  But  only  that  ( he  could  join  with  them  if — 


TOUCHING  THE  LITURGY.  137 

If  what  ?  Why,  '  if  these  yokes  of  bondage  were  taken  off 
which  are  laid  upon  them,  and  those  corruptions  removed.' 
By  the  yokes  of  bondage  he  means  the  injunction  of  a  set  form 
of  prayers,  which  he  hath  so  often  mentioned  in  this  speech. 

But  what  corruptions  he  means  I  know  not,  till  his  Lord 
ship  shall  be  pleased  to  tell  us.  Only  this  I  conceive  I  may 
add ;  that  all  things  are  not  corruptions  in  the  Church,  which 
my  Lord  calls  so.  That  if  these  corruptions  be  fundamental, 
they  may  be  such,  too,  as  may  keep  these  Churches  which  he 
speaks  of  from  being  true  Churches,  and  the  ministry  from 
being  a  true  ministry.  But  if  these  corruptions  be  of  a  very 
light  allay,  (as  I  verily  believe  they  are,  if  there  be  any,)  then 
his  Lordship  ought  not  to  separate,  but  to  join  in  commu 
nion  with  them,  for  all  these,  either  '  yokes'  or  {  corruptions/ 
The  Apostle,  indeed,  tells  us  of  a  Church  without  wrinkle1, 
Ephes.  v. :  but  that  is  a  triumphant  Church  in  heaven ;  not 
a  militant  upon  earth.  And  for  the  yokes,  which  my  Lord 
speaks  of,  they  are  not  f  yokes  of  bondage/  as  he  pleases  to  call 
them;  but  yokes  of  obedience,  which,  whenever  they  shall  be 
broken,  the  wild  asses  of  the  wilderness  will  overrun  all k. 

My  Lord  goes  further,  and  says, '  that  in  these  true  Churches 
this  true  ministry  does  yield  unto  and  admit  of  these  yokes 
and  these  corruptions,  contrary,  as  he  thinks,  to  their  duty/ 
But  it  seems  they  think  not  so ;  or,  if  they  do  think  so,  why 
do  they  not  remonstrate  their  grievance  ?  Sure,  if  their 
conscience  tell  them  they  do  against  their  duty,  they  ought 
to  inform  their  conscience,  or  forbear  the  work.  To  inform 
their  conscience  I  am  sure  is  fit  for  them,  if  they  need  it. 
Though  it  seems  my  Lord  would  rather  have  them  forbear 
the  duty,  the  doing  whereof  he  calls  their  yielding  unto; 
and  their  admitting  these  things,  which  he  calls  '  yokes  and 
corruptions/ 

As  for  that  which  follows,  and  which  my  Lord  says  he  is 
sure  of,  *  that  no  Separatist  in  England  that  deserves  that 
name'  holds  that  which  his  Lordship  says  here  he  doth 
believe,  in  that,  also,  I  conceive  his  Lordship  is  utterly 
mistaken.  For  I  believe  there  is  no  Separatist  in  England, 
Brownist  or  other,  '  deserving  that  name/  but  he  holds  and 
will  say  as  much  as  my  Lord  believes,  namely,  that '  there  are 
5  Ephes.  v.  27.  k  Jer.  ii.  24. 


138  ANSWER  TO   THE  LORD   SAY'S  SPEECH 

in  England  many  true  Churches/  that  is,  assemblies  or  con 
gregations  of  their  own  brotherhood.  '  And  a  true  ministry  : ' 
to  wit,  those  which  themselves  have  made.  And  that  they  '  do 
hear  them  :'  that  is,  such  as  these.  Yea,  and  that  they  '  could 
join  in  communion  with  some  other  Churches,  were  those 
yokes  of  bondage  which  are  laid  upon  them  taken  off,  and 
those  corruptions  removed/  That  is,  upon  the  matter,  if 
they  would  become  as  themselves  are,  then  they  would  join 
with  them.  And  this  out  of  all  doubt  they  think  they  ought 
to  do,  and  neither  '  yield  unto  such  yokes,  nor  admit  of  such  5 
corruptions.'  So  that  my  Lord  may  see  every  Separatist  in 
England,  even  they  which  most  deserve  that  name,  hold  that 
which  his  Lordship  believes.  And  therefore  no  question  can 
be  made,  but  that  my  Lord  deserves  that  name  as  much  as 
any  of  them,  even  while  he  says,  ( he  is  sure  no  Separatist  in 
England  that  deserves  that  name  holds  as  he  doth/ 

But  to  come  to  the  quick.  The  Brownists  and  Separatists 
deal  plainly  with  God  and  the  world,  and  say  expressly,  that 
the  whole  Church  of  England,  as  it  stands  established  by 
law,  is  peccant  both  in  the  doctrine,  liturgy,  arid  discipline 
of  it,  and  in  such  a  degree  as  that  they  neither  will  nor  can  join 
in  communion  with  it,  and  therefore  separate  from  it,  and 
betake  themselves  to  their  own  private  opinions  and  congre 
gations.  But  my  Lord,  he  equivocates  both  with  God  and 
man,  and  tells  us  (he  believes  there  are  true  Churches  in 
England,  and  a  true  ministry  which  he  hears/  And  this 
no  Separatist  that  understands  himself  but  will  say  as  fast  as 
he.  But  let  his  Lordship  come  home  to  the  business  directly 
and  plainly.  Let  him  say  that  the  Church  of  England  is  a 
true  Church ;  that  the  ministry  of  it  is  a  true  ministry ;  that 
the  doctrine,  liturgy,  and  discipline  of  it,  as  it  stands  esta 
blished  now  by  law,  are  free  from  any  such  corruptions  as 
give  just  cause  for  a  separation. 

And  when  he  hath  said  this,  let  him  join  in  communion 
with  it  as  he  ought  to  do;  and  then  he  shall  wrong  my 
Lord  very  deeply,  that  says  he  is  a  Separatist. 

But  for  all  this  which  he  hath  yet  said  for  himself,  'tis 
manifest,  that  a  Separatist  he  is.  And  I  doubt,  hath  hereby 
proved  himself,  whether  I  will  or  no,  the  greatest  Separatist 
in  England.  And  therefore  he  hath  little  cause  to  '  hope/  as 


TOUCHING  THE  LITURGY.  139 

he  says  he  doth,  '  that  he  shall  stand  right  in  their  Lordships' 
opinions/  or  any  other  man's  that  is  not  possessed  with  the 
same  humour.  Yet  my  Lord  hath  two  requests  to  make : — 

I  will  now  end  with  two  requests  :  the  one,  that  your  Lord 
ships  will  please  to  par  don  me  for  troubling  you  with  so  long 
a  discourse  concerning  myself.  I  have  not  used  it  hereto 
fore,  and  I  am  not  like  to  offend  again  in  the  same  kind;  it 
is  but  once,  and  your  Lordships  will  consider  the  occasion. 

In  this  suit,  were  there  need,  I  would  join  with  my  Lord ; 
for  though  I  have  a  great  deal  of  hard  measure  put  upon  me 
in  this  speech,  yet  I  have  the  more  reason  to  be  content  with 
it,  because  this  whole  discourse  of  my  Lord's,  well  weighed, 
is  more  against  himself  than  me.  And  such  trouble  of  his 
Lordship's,  I  hope  all  men,  well  affected  to  the  present  Church 
of  England,  will  easily  pardon.  And  this  I  doubt  not,  but 
their  Lordships,  and  all  men  else,  will  the  rather  do,  when 
they  '  consider  the  occasion :'  which  certainly  I  gave  not  per 
sonally  in  the  House;  but  a  guilty  conscience  (it  seems) 
would  needs  be  meant. 

The  second  (request)  is,  to  entreat  of  you}  that  where  you 
know  there  is  one  and  the  same  God  worshipped,  one  and 
the  same  faith  embraced,  one  and  the  same  Spirit  working 
love,  and  causing  an  unblameable  conversation,  without  any 
offence  to  the  State,  in  your  brethren,  who  in  all  these 
concur  with  you ;  you  will  not  suffer  them  (for  ceremonies 
and  things  indifferent  to  you,  but  not  to  them,  but  bur 
thens,  which  without  offence  to  the  State,  or  prejudice  to 
the  Churches,  you  may  take  off  if  you  will]  to  be  thrust 
out  of  the  land,  and  cut  off  from  their  native  country.  For 
if  you  thus  shall  wound  the  consciences  of  your  brethren, 
you  will  certainly  offend  and  sin  against  Christ. 

In  this  second  request  I  can  easily  agree  with  my  Lord  in 
some  things,  but  must  differ  in  other.  1.  And  first,  I  agree 
with  all  my  heart,  that  I  would  have  no  pressure  at  all,  much 
less  '  cutting  off  from  their  native  country/  put  upon  them 
who  '  are  known  to  worship  the  same  God,  to  embrace  one 
and  the  same  faith,  and  one  and  the  same  Spirit  working 
love/  But  in  this  I  must  disagree,  that  the  Separatists  (for 


140  ANSWER  TO   THE  LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

they  are  the  men  of  whom  this  Lord  speaks  thus,  and  says 
they  are  your  brethren,  and  concur  with  you  in  all  these) 
are  not  known  to  be  such.  For  though  He  be  one  and  the 
same  God  whom  they  worship,  yet  the  worship  is  not  one  and 
the  same  ;  for  my  Lord  says  plainly,  '  that  our  set  forms  are 
superstition/  and  that  he  cannot  join  in  communion  with  us, 
'  till  our  yokes  of  bondage  and  our  other  gross  corruptions  be 
removed/  And  I  must  doubt  they  embrace  not  the  same 
faith,  till  they  admit  the  whole  Creed,  and  will  use  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  which  few  of  them  will.  As  for  '  the  Spirit  that 
works  by  love/  I  much  fear  He  is  a  great  stranger  to  many 
of  these  men ;  for  I  have  many  ways  found  their  malice  to 
be  fierce,  and  yet  endless.  And  therefore  I  wonder  my  Lord 
should  have  the  boldness  to  tell  my  Lords  in  Parliament, 
that  they  know  all  these  things  of  these  men,  and  that  they 
are  their  brethren,  and  concur  with  them  in  all  these  fore- 
named  things,  \vhom,  in  the  meantime,  their  Lordships  do 
and  cannot  but  know  different  from  them,  nay,  separating 
from  them  in  the  very  worship  of  God. 

2.  Next,  I  agree  with  my  Lord  again,  that  I  would  have 
no  pressure  put  upon  those  men,  ( in  whom  the  Spirit  of  love 
causes  an  unblameable  conversation,  without  any  offence  to 
the  State/  But  in  this  I  must  disagree,  that  the  Separatists 
from  the  Church  of  England  are  such  manner  of  men ;  for 
the  private  conversation  of  very  many  of  them  (whom  I 
could  name  were  it  fit)  is  far  from  being  unblameable1. 

And  the  public  conversation  of  all,  or  most  of  them,  is  full 
of  '  offence  to  the  State  /  unless  my  Lord  think  the  State  is  or 
ought  to  be  of  their  humour.  For  how  can  their  conversation 
be  without  great  offence,  very  great,  to  this  or  any  State 
Christian,  who  shall  have  and  maintain  private  conventicles 
and  meetings,  in  a  different  wTay  of  religion,  from  that  which 
is  established  by  the  State  ?  nay,  which  shall  not  only  differ 
from,  but  openly  and  slanderously  oppose,  that  which  is  so  50 
established?  Besides,  no  well-governed  State  will  allow  of 
private  meetings,  especially  under  pretence  of  religion,  (which 
carry  far,)  without  their  privity  and  allowance  ;  for  if  this  be 
permitted,  there  lies  a  way  open  to  all  conspiracies  against 
1  Here  is  avoid  space  left,  but  never  filled  up.— H.  W. 


TOUCHING   THE  LITURGY.  141 

the  State  whatsoever,  and  they  shall  all  be  satisfied  under  the 
pretence  of  religion. 

3.  The  third  thing  in  which  I  agree  with  my  Lord  is,  that 
I  would  not  that  '  for  ceremonies  and  things  indifferent,  these 
men  should  be  thrust  out  of  the  land,  and  cut  off  from  their 
native  country/     No,  God  forbid  !  if  anything  will  reclaim 
them.     But  then  I  must  disagree  with  my  Lord  in  this,  that 
these  men  (whether  such  as  my  Lord  describes  them  or  no) 
1  are  thrust  out  of  the  land,'  or  '  cut  off  from  their  native 
country,  for  ceremonies  or  things  indifferent/     For,   first, 
they  are  not  all  ceremonies,  for  which  they  separate  from 
the  Church ;  for  they  pretend  certain  '  gross  corruptions  in 
the  very  worship  of  God/  (as  my  Lord  a  little  before  delivers.) 
Secondly,  be  the  cause  what  it  will,  none  of  them  have  been 
banished,  or  '  thrust  out  of  the  land/  or  'cut  off  from  their 
native  country '  (as  is  here  spoken  to  move  hatred  against  the 
government).    But  'tis  true,  they  have  thrust  themselves  out, 
and  cut  themselves  off,  and  run  a-madding  to  New  England, 
scared  away,  as  they  say,  by  certain  gross  corruptions  not  to 
be  endured   in  this  Church.      Nor,  after   they  have   gone 
a-madding  enough,  is  their  return  denied  to  any.     And  I 
know  some  that  went  out  like  fools,  and  are  come  back  so 
like ,  that  you  cannot  know  the  one  from  the  other. 

4.  In  this  passage  His  said  by  my  Lord,  'that  these  cere 
monies  and  things  indifferent  unto  you/  (speaking  to  the  Lords 
in  Parliament,)  '  are  not  so  to  them,  but  burthens/     In  this 
passage  I  can  agree  with  my  Lord  in  nothing.     For,  first, 
my  Lord  but  a  very  little  before  tells  '  of  yokes  of  bondage 
and  gross  corruptions/     And  are  they  so  soon  become  but 
'ceremonies  and  things  indifferent?'     If  they  be  more  than 
'  ceremonies  and  things  indifferent/  then  my  Lord  delivers 
not  the  whole  truth ;  and  if  they  be  but  '  ceremonies  and 
things  indifferent/  then  his  Lordship  and  all  other  Separatists 
ought  rather  to  yield  to  the  Church  in  such  things,  than  for 
such  things  to  separate  from  it;  and  certainly  so  they  would, 
'  if  the  Spirit  that  worketh  by  love'  did  work  in  them.     Yea, 
but  my  Lord  says  they  are  such  things  as  '  though  they  be 
indifferent  to  others,  yet  to  them  they  are  not,  but  burthens/ 
And  it  may  be,  they  make  them  so  ;  for  in  their  own  nature 
they  are  nothing  less  ;  and  of  great  use  they  are  to  preserve 


142  ANSWER  TO   THE  LORD   SAY*S   SPEECH 

the  substance  and  the  body  of  religion.  But  this  I  find ;  let 
anything  in  the  world  be  enjoined  by  the  Church  authority, 
and  it  is  a  burthen  presently.  And  so  you  see  all  along  this 
speech,  how  earnest  my  Lord  is  in  behalf  of  himself  and  these 
Separatists,  against  all  '  injunctions  of  set  forms  and  yokes  of 
bondage/  This  is  an  excellent  way  of  religion,  to  settle  tem 
poral  obedience. 

5.  And  I  can  as  little  agree  with  that  which  follows ;  namely, 
'  that  the  Lords  may,  without  any  offence  to  the  State,  or 
prejudice  to  the  Churches,  take  away,  if  they  will,  these 
things  indifferent  to  them,  but  burthens  to  these  brethren/ 
For,  first,  suppose,  them  to  be  but  '  ceremonies  and  things 
indifferent/  yet  can  they  not  be  taken  away  '  without  offence 
to  the  State,  or  prejudice  to  the  Churches/  who,  to  please  a 
few  unruly  Separatists,  must  make  an  alteration  in  that  part 
of  religion,  which  hath  continued  with  great  happiness  to  this 
Church  ever  since  the  Reformation.  Secondly,  I  will  not 
dispute  it  here,  what  power  a  lay  assembly  (and  such  a 
Parliament  is)  hath  to  determine  matters  of  religion,  primely 
and  originally  by  and  of  themselves,  before  the  Church  hath 
first  agreed  upon  them.  Then,  indeed,  they  may  confirm  or 
refuse.  And  this  course  was  held  in  the  Reformation,  But 
originally  to  take  this  power  over  religion  into  lay  hands,  is 
that  which  hath  not  been  thus  assumed,  since  Christ  to  these 
unhappy  days  :  and  I  pray  God  this  chair  of  religion  do  not 
prove  cathedra  pestilentice,  as  the  Vulgar  reads  it  in  Psal.  i.  1, 
to  the  infecting  of  this  whole  nation  with  schism  and  heresy, 
and  in  the  end  bring  all  to  confusion. 

I  meddle  not  here  with  the  King's  power.  For  he  may  be 
present  in  Convocation  when  he  pleases,  and  take  or  leave 
any  canons  as  he  pleases,  which  are  for  the  peace  and  well 
ordering  of  the  Church ;  as  well  as  in  Parliament,  take  or 
leave  any  laws  made  ready  for  him,  for  the  good  and  quiet  of 
his  people.  But  if  it  come  to  be  matter  of  faith,  though  in 
his  absolute  power  he  may  do  what  he  will,  and  answer  God 
for  it  after ;  yet  he  cannot  commit  the  ordering  of  that  to  any 
lay  assembly,  Parliament,  or  other,  for  them  to  determine 
that,  which  God  hath  intrusted  into  the  hands  of  His  priests. 
Though,  if  he  will  do  this,  the  clergy  must  do  their  duty,  to 
inform  him,  and  help  that  dangerous  error  if  they  can  :  but 


TOUCHING  THE  LITURGY.  143 

if  they  cannot,  they  must  suffer  an  unjust  violence,  how  far 
soever  it  proceed  ;  but  they  may  not  break  the  duty  of  their 
allegiance. 

'Tis  true  Constantius  the  emperor,  a  great  patron  of  the 
Arrians,  was  by  them  interested  in  their  cause,  and  meddled 
in  decernendom,  in  determining,  and  that  beforehand,  what 
the  prelates  should  do  ;  and  sometimes  in  commanding  the 
orthodox  prelates  to  communicate  with  the  Arrians.  This 
they  refused  to  do,  as  being  against  the  Canons  of  the  Council 
of  Nice. 

And  then  his  answer  was,  (  Yea,  but  that  which  I  will  shall 
go  for  canon11/  But  then  we  must  know  withal,  that  Atha- 
nasius  reckoned  him  for  this,  as  that  Antichrist  which  Daniel 
prophesied  of0. 

Hosius  also,  the  famous  confessor  of  those  times,  con 
demned  in  him  that  kind  of  meddling  in  and  with  religion  P. 
And  so  doth  St.  Hilary  of  Poictiers  q.  Valentinian  also,  the 
younger,  took  upon  him  to  judge  of  religion,  at  the  like  persua 
sion  of  Auxentius  the  Arrian  ;  but  he  likewise  was  sharply 
reproved  for  it  by  St.  Ambrose1.  In  like  manner,  Maximus 
the  tyrant  took  upon  him  to  judge  in  matters  of  religion,  as 
11  in  the  case  of  Priscillian  and  his  associates.  But  this  also  was 
checked  by  St.  Martin,  Bishop  of  Tours8  :  where  it  is  again 
to  be  observed,  that  though  these  emperors  were  too  busy  in 


rds  €KK\7]aias  irapa\\juv  non  sis  ipse  testaris;  nee  profession! 

TOVS  KWOVUS,  KU\  TO.  ISia  Kparelv  j8m£"q-  tuae  gesta  conveniunt.      Substravisti 

juej/os.  —  S.]  Athan.  in  Epist.  ad  solit.  enim  voluntati  tuae  orientales  episco- 

vitam   agentes.    [al.  Hist.  Arian.  ad  pos,  neque  solum  voluntati  tuaa,  sed  et 

Monachos.]  Edit.  Gr.  Lat.  p.  862.  [§  77,  violentise."]  St.  Hilary  cont.  Constan- 

Op.,  t.  i.  p.  390.  D.  Ed.  Bened.]  tium,  Edit.  Basil,  p.  272,  [§  26.  col. 

n  'AAA'  uTTcp  iyk  jSouAo^uaz,  TOVTO  Ka-  1256.  D.  Paris.  1693,]  et  passim  alibi. 
vtav  eAe76  j/o/iife<r0o>.  —  Epist.  ad  solit.          r  "  Quando  audiisti  clementissime 

vitam  agentes.    [Ibid.  §  33.  p.  363.  E.]  imperator  in  causa  fidei  laicos  de  epi- 

0  Tisydp  P\eTrcov  uvrbv  4£dpx.ovTaTu>v  scopo  judicasse  1    .    .    .  Quis  est  qui 

vofu£op4v6tv  l-jria-KUTTcav,  Ko.1  vpoKad^fj.(-  abnuat  in  causa  fidei,  in  causa  i'nquam 

vov  T£>V  £KK.\T}aiaaTiK<av  Kpicrfuv,  OVK  aKo-  fidei,  episcopos  solere  de  imperatoribus 

Aou0cos  [ai>~]  eftroi  TOUT'  dvai  TO  Sid  rov  Christianis,  non   imperatores  de  epi- 

Aavifa  dpr]/j.fvov  &8e\vy/u.a  TTJS  ep^w-  scopis  judicare  1  .  .  .    Pater  tuus  .  .  . 

<rews   (cap.  ix.  27)  ;   [S.]  Athanas.   in  baptizatus  in   Christo,  inhabilem   se 

Epist.  ad  solit.  vitam  agentes.     Edit,  ponderi   tanti  putabat  esse  judicii," 

Gr.  Lat.  p.  862.  [§  77.  ibid.  p.  390.  D.]  &c.—  S.  Amb.  lib.  v.  Epist.  xxxii.  [(xxi. 

P  [Mi)  Tt'tfet  o-eauroi/  els  Tci  e'/ocATjtnacr-  Ben.  Op.,  torn.  ii.    coll.   860.  E.,  861. 

TJ/CO,  /j.r)5e  <rv  irepl  TOVTMV  Trapa/ceAevow,  A.)] 

aAA^  yituAAoi/  Trap'  -f]p.u>v  fj.dv6a.ve  ravra.]          s  "  Novum  et  inauditum  nefas  esse 

—  In  Epistola  ad   Constantium,   quse  dicens,  ut  causam  Ecclesias  judex  sse- 

extat  apud  Athana.'  Ibid.  p.  829.  [§  44,  culi  judicaret."  —  Sulp.  Sever,  lib.  ii. 

p.  371.  A.  B.]  Hist.  Sacrce.  [cap.  50.  Op.,  p.  289.  Lips. 

q  ["Christianumteloqueris;sedquam  1709.] 


144  ANSWER  TO   THE  LORD   SAYJS  SPEECH 

venturing  upon  the  determination  of  points  of  faith,  yet  no 
one  of  them  went  so  far,  as  to  take  power  from  the  synods, 
and  give  it  to  the  senate.  And  the  orthodox  and  under 
standing  emperors  did  neither  the  one  nor  the  other.  For 
Valentinian  the  elder  left  this  great  Church-work  to  be 
done  by  Churchmen*.  And  though  the  power  to  call  Councils 
was  in  the  emperor,  and  though  the  emperors  were  some 
times  personally  present  in  the  Councils,  and  sometimes  by 
their  deputies,  both  to  see  order  kept,  and  to  inform  them 
selves,  yet  the  decisive  voices  were  in  the  clergy  only.  And 
this  will  plainly  appear  in  the  instructions  given  by  the 
Emperor  Theodosius  to  Candidianus,  whom  he  sent  to  supply 
his  place  in  the  Council  of  Ephesus ;  which  were,  '  That  he 
should  not  meddle  with  matters  of  faith,  if  any  came  to  be 
debated  V  And  gives  this  reason  for  it :  '  Because  it  is  unlaw 
ful  for  any  but  bishops  to  mingle  himself  with  them  in  those 
consultations/  And  Basilius  the  emperor,  long  after  this,  in 
the  eighth  General  Council,  held  at  Constantinople,  an.  870 x, 
affirms  it  of  the  laity  in  general,  '  that  it  is  no  way  lawful  for 
them  to  meddle  with  these  things.  But  that  it  is  proper  for 
the  patriarchs,  bishops,  and  priests,  which  have  the  office  of 
government  in  the  Church,  to  inquire  into  these  things  V 
And  more  of  this  argument  might  easily  be  added,  were  that 
needful,  or  I  among  my  books,  and  my  thoughts  at  liberty. 
And  yet  this  crosses  not  the  supremacy  which  the  King  of 
England  hath  in  causes  ecclesiastical :  as  it  is  acknowledged 
both  by  the  Church  and  law.  For  that  reaches  not  to  the 
giving  of  him  power  to  determine  points  of  faith,  either  in 
Parliament  or  out ;  or  to  the  acknowledgment  of  any  such 

*  "  Pater  tuus,  Deo  favente,  vir  ma-  rtav   ywo/uevats    faTticretri    Kowiavficrai. 

turioris  aevi,  dicebat,  non  est  meum  aQ^nov  y&p,  TOV  /M)  rov  KaraXoyov  TU>V 

judicare   inter   episcopos." — St.  Amb.  dy  LOOT  drew  kTriano-n<av  rvyxui^ovra  T0?s 

lib.  v.  Epist.  xxxii.  [xxi.  Ben.  Op.,  torn.  €KK\fiaia<rrLKo'ts  <TK€/.i/uacriv  4Tri/aiyi'ucr6ai. 

ii.  col.  861.  A.]  — Cone.  Labb.  et  Coss.  torn.  iii.  coll. 

u  "  Ut  cum  qusestionibus  et  contro-  442.  E.,  443.  A.] 

versiis  quae  circa  fidei  dogmata  inci-  x  I.  869. 

dunt,nihilquicquam  commune  habeat.  y  "Quod  nullo  modo  iis  liceat  de 

Nefas  est  enim,  qui  sanctissimorum  ecclesiasticis  causis  sermonem  movere. 

episcoporum   catalogo   ascriptus   non  .  .  .  Hoc  enim  quserere  et  investigare, 

est,   ilium   ecclesiasticis    negotiis    et  patriarcharum,    pontificum  et    sacer- 

consultationibus    sese    immiscere." —  dotum    est,   qui    regiminis    officium 

Bin.  torn.  i.  Cone.  par.  ii.  p.  166.  Ed.  sortiti  sunt. . . .  Nos  autemoportet  cum 

Colon.  ['EvTeraA/roi  roivw  K.avdi5iavtjs,  timore  et  fide  sincera  hos  adire,"&c. — 

o  /j.€ya\OTrpeTre(TTaTos  n6^.T]s  TU>V  SO/J.€(T-  Bin.  torn.  iii.  Concil.  par.  ii.  682.  [Cone. 

rtKODV,  dxpl  TT}$  ay  (as  vfiuu  SiaPyvai  aw-  Labb.  et  Coss.  tom.viii.  col.  1154.  C.D.] 
6Sov'  Kal  xTjStf  j.ev  TCUS  irel  r 


TOUCHING  THE  LITURGY.  145 

power  residing  in  him ;  or  to  give  him  power  to  make 
Liturgies,  and  public  forms  of  prayer ;  or  to  preach  or  admi 
nister  Sacraments ;  or  to  do  anything  which  is  merely  spiritual. 
But  iri  all  things  which  are  of  a  mixed  cognisance,  such  as 
are  all  those  which  are  properly  called  ecclesiastical,  and 
belong  to  the  bishops'  external  jurisdiction ;  the  supremacy 
there,  and  in  all  things  of  like  nature,  is  the  King's.  And  if 
at  any  time  the  emperor  or  his  deputy  sit  judge  in  a  point  of 
faith,  it  is  not  because  he  hath  any  right  to  judge  it,  or  that 
the  Church  hath  not  right ;  but  merely  in  case  of  contumacy, 
where  the  heretic  is  wilful,  and  will  not  submit  to  the 
Church's  power. 

And  this  the  heretics  sometimes  did ;  and  then  the  bishops 
I  were  forced  to  appeal  thither  also  ;  but  not  for  any  resolution 
in  the  point  of  faith,  but  for  aid  and  assistance  to  the  just 
power  of  the  Church2. 

I  cannot  but  remember  a  very  prudent  speech  uttered  in 
the  beginning  of  the  late  preceding  Parliament,  arid  by  that 
Lord  who  now  made  this.  The  occasion  was,  a  Lord  offered 
to  deliver  a  message  from  the  King  before  he  was  formally 
brought  into  the  House  and  his  patent  showed.  This  Lord, 
who  thinks  Church-ceremonies  may  so  easily  be  altered,  stood 
up  and  said :  '  He  would  not  be  against  the  delivery  of  the 
message ;  he  knew  not  how  urgent  it  might  be ;  but  desired 
withal  that  it  might  be  entered,  tha.t  this  was  yielded  unto 
by  special  leave  of  the  House.  For  that/  saith  he,  '  though 
this  be  but  a  ceremony,  yet  the  honour  and  safety  of  the 
privileges  of  this  great  House  is  preserved  by  nothing  more 
than  by  keeping  the  ancient  rights  and  ceremonies  thereof 
entire.'  And  this,  I  think,  was  very  wisely  spoken,  and  with 
great  judgment.  And  could  my  Lord  see  this  in  the  Parlia 
ment,  and  can  he  not  see  it  in  the  Church  ?  Are  ancient 
ceremonies  the  chief  props  of  Parliamentary  rights,  and  have 
they  no  use  in  religion,  to  keep  up  her  dignity ;  yea,  perhaps, 
and  truth  too  ?  The  House  of  Parliament  is,  I  confess,  a 
great  and  honourable  House ;  but  the  whole  Church  of  Christ 
is  greater.  And  it  will  not  well  beseem  a  Parliament  to 
maintain  their  own  ceremonies,  and  to  kick  down  the  cere- 

z  [Cassiod.]  Hist.  Trip.  lib.  v.  35,  in  the  case  of  heretics,  [p.  80.  Francof.  ad 
Msen.  1588.] 

LAUD. — VOL.   VI. 


146  ANSWER  TO  THE  LOUD  SAY*S   SPEECH,  ETC. 

monies  of  the  national  Church,  which,  under  God,  made  all 
their  members  Christians.  Most  sure  I  am  they  cannot  do 
it  without  offence  both  to  State  and  Church,  and  making 
both  a  scorn  to  neighbouring  nations. 

Now,  in  the  close  of  all,  my  Lord  tells  his  fellow-peers,  and 
all  others  in  them,  '  that  if  they  shall  thus  wound  the  con 
sciences  of  their  brethren/  (the  Separatists,)  '  they  will  cer 
tainly  offend  and  sin  against  Christ/  Soft  and  fair.  But 
what  shall  these  Lords  do,  if  to  humour  the  '  consciences  of 
those  brethren/  (some  weak,  and  many  wilful,  and  the 
cunning  misleading  the  simple,)  they  shall  disgrace  and 
weaken,  and  perhaps  overthrow,  the  religion  they  profess  ? 
Shall  they  not  then  both  wound  their  own  consciences,  and 
most  certainly  sin  against  Christ  ?  Yes,  out  of  all  doubt,  they 
shall  do  both.  Now,  where  it  comes  to  the  wounding  of 
consciences,  no  question  can  be  made  but  that  every  man 
ought  first  to  look  to  his  own ;  to  his  brethren's  after.  A 
man  must  not  do  that  which  shall  justly  wound  his  brother's 
conscience,  though  he  be  his  brother  in  a  separation,  and 
stand  never  so  much  aloof  from  him.  But  he  must  not 
wound  his  own  to  preserve  his  brother  from  a  wound,  especially 
such  a  one  as  happily  may  cure  him,  and  by  a  timely  pinch 
make  him  sensible  of  the  ill  condition  in  which  he  is. 

As  for  these  men,  God  of  His  mercy  give  them  that  light 
of  His  truth  which  they  want,  and  forgive  them  the  boasting 
of  that  light  which  they  presume  they  have.  And  give  them 
true  repentance,  and  in  that  sense  a  wounded  conscience,  for 
their  breaking  the  peace  of  this  Church. 

And  forgive  them  all  their  sins,  by  which  they  still  go  on  5 
with  more  and  more  violence  to  distract  this  Church. 

And  God  of  His  infinite  goodness  preserve  this  Church  at 
all  times,  and  especially  at  this  time,  while  the  waves  of  this 
sea  of  separation  rage  so  horribly.  And  as  for  this  Lord, 
God  forgive  him,  and  I  do,  and  I  hope  this  Church  will. 
Amen. 

IN  TUKRI  LOND. 
Dec.  3,1643. 


S.  S.  Trinitdti  sit  laus  et  gloria  in  (Bier num. 


AN 

ANSWER 

TO    THE 

SPEECH 

OF 

The  Right  HONOURABLE 

WILLIAM 

Lord  Vifcount  Say  and  Sea/9  &c. 

SPOKEN    IN 

PARLIAMENT, 

Upon  the  BILL  about 
BISHOPS  POWER  in  CIVIL  AFFAIRS, 


AND 


COURTS  of  JUDICATURE,  Anno  1641. 

By  the  Moft  Reverend 

WILLIAM  LA  UD  Arch-Bif  hop  of  Canterbury, 
Then  Prifoner  in  the  TO  WEE. 

Non  appofui  ultimam  manum, 

W.  CANT. 


L  2 


[This  Answer  is  reprinted  from  the  second  volume  of  Laud's 
Works,  Lond.  1690,  the  pages  of  which  are  noted  in  the 
margin.'] 


ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD  SAY'S  SPEECH 


THE  BISHOPS8. 


THIS  speech  is  said  to  have  done  the  Bishops,  their  calling, 
and  their  present  cause  a  great  deal  of  harm  among  the 
gentry,  and  divers  sober-minded  men :  and  therefore  I  did 
much  wonder  that  so  many  learned  bishops,  present  in  the 
House  to  hear  it,  should  not,  (some  of  them,)  being  free  and 
among  their  books,  so  soon  as  it  was  printed,  give  it  answer, 
and  stop  the  venom  which  it  spits  from  poisoning,  so  many 
at  least,  as  it's  said  to  have  done ;  especially  that  Bishop b 
who  stands  named  in  the  margin,  and  against  whom  in  parti 
cular  the  speech  was  in  part  directed,  should  (as  I  conceive) 
to  vindicate  himself,  as  well  as  the  cause,  have  taken  this 
task  upon  him.  But  since  I  see  all  men  silent,  and  the 
speech  go  away  in  triumph,  as  if  it  were  unanswerable  truth, 
though  the  Bill  be  now  passed,  and  the  Bishops  with  their 
votes  cast  out  of  the  House,  and  from  all  civil  employment, 
yet  I  thought  it  fit,  if  not  necessary,  to  call  this  speech 
to  an  account  in  every  passage,  and  with  all  due  respect 
approve  what  is  just,  and  give  the  rest  such  an  answer  as  it 
deserves.  And  though  you  may  think  this  answer  comes  too 
late,  as  indeed  it  doth  to  remedy  the  present  evil,  yet  I  have 
thought  fit  to  go  on  with  these  my  endeavours,  that  if  these 

a  [The  speech  is  entitled,  "A  Speech  volume  is  entitled,  "  Two  Speeches  in 

of  the    Eight  Honourable    William  Parliament  of  the  Right  Honourable 

Lord  Vicount  Say  and  Scale,  one  of  Lord  Vicount  Say  and  Scale.  Lond. 

his  Majesties  most  honourable  privie  1641."] 

councell,  spoken  in  Parliament,  upon  b  [The  Bishop  of  Lincoln.    See  just 

the  Bill  against  the  Bishops."    The  below.] 


150  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

miserable  distracted  times  have  an  end  (which  I  have  no 
hope  to  live  to  see),  the  errors  of  this  speech  may  appear,  and 
the  Bishops  perhaps  recover  their  ancient  rights.  If  not  (as 
I  confess  'tis  very  hard  in  England),  that  yet  the  world  may 
see  how  unjustly  they  suffered,  and  with  what  misguided 
zeal  this  Lord  hath  fallen  upon  the  Church,  as  indeed  he  hath 
done  in  all  kinds.  And  I  pray  God  something  fall  not  there 
fore  upon  him  and  his.  The  speech  then  begins  thus  : — 

My  Lords,  4 

/  shall  not  need  Vo  begin  as  high  as  Adam  in  answer  to  what 
hath  been  drawn  down  from  thence  by  a  bishop c  concern 
ing  this  question,  for  that  which  is  pertinent  to  it  will  only 
be  what  concerns  bishops,  as  they  are  ministers  of  the 
Gospel:  what  was  before,  being  of  another  nature,  can 
give  no  rule  to  this. —  [Speech,  p.  1.] 

Whether  this  reverend  bishop,  now  Lord  Archbishop  of 
York,  did  begin  his  speech  as  high  as  Adam,  I  cannot  tell, 
nor  what  proof  he  made  after  such  beginning;  for  I  was 
committed  long  before  this  speech  was  made  :  but  if  he  did 
bring  it  down  from  Adam,  I  think  there  may  be  good  reason 
for  it ;  for  it  will  appear,  for  the  two  thousand  years  before 
the  Law,  and  for  two  thousand  years  more  under  the  Law  of 
Moses,  that  the  priests,  especially  the  high  and  chief  priests, 
did  meddle  in  all  the  great  temporal  affairs  which  fell  out  in 
their  times. 

And  first  for  the  time  before  the  Law,  'tis  manifest,  and 
received  by  all  men,  that  the  primogenitus d,  the  firstborn, 
was  priest,  and  the  firstborn  in  the  prime  and  leading  fami 
lies  were  as  the  chief-priests  in  their  several  generations  : 
and  'tis  more  than  absurd  to  think,  that  all  these  prime  men 
in  their  several  families,  first,  and  tribes  after,  being  priests, 

c  The  Bishop  of  Lincoln.  erant  sacerdotes,  qui  duplicem  por- 

d  "  Sacerdotium  erat  ante  legem,  tionem accipiebant."—  [S.]Tho.[Aquin. 

apud  colentes  Deum,   secundum  hu-  Sum.  Theol.]  ii.  2.  q.  87,  &  1  ad  3. 

manam  determinationem,    qui   hanc  And  it  is  irrefragably  manifest  by 

dignitatem      primogenitis     attribue-  the  Lord's  commands  to  MOSCP,  that 

bant."— [S.]  Tho.  [Aquin.  Sum.Theol.]  he  should  take  the  Levites  instead  of 

i.  2.  q.  103,  ^  1  ad  3.  the  firstborn,  Numb.  iii.  45.     Why 

"  Ante  tempus  veteris    legis  non  instead  of  the  firstborn,  if  the  first- 

erant  detenninati  ministri  divini  cul-  born  did  not  perform  the  public  service 

tus,    sed   dicitur,    quod  primogeniti  of  the  Lord  before  that  time "? 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  151 

should  be  estranged  from  all  their  civil  and  temporal  affairs, 
and  leave  them  in  the  hands  of  younger  and  weaker  men. 
And  as  before  the  Law  there  is  no  express  text  for  this  their 
forbearance  to  help  to  manage  civil  affairs,  so  neither  can 
there  any  sufficient  reason  be  given  why  they  should  abstain. 
Neither  did  they.  For  instance,  Abraham  was  a  priest,  and 
a  great  one,  for  he  was  a  patriarch,  Heb.  vii.  4.  And  his 
priesthood  appears  in  that  he  was  the  first  minister  of  the 
sacrament  of  circumcision,  Gen.  xvii.  23 ;  and  yet  he  managed 
his  family,  and  trained  up  his  servants  in  that  which  is  most 
opposite  to  the  priestly  function,  even  for  war.  Nay,  took 
them,  and  went  in  person  against  five  kings,  and  redeemed 
his  kinsman  Lot  by  the  sword,  Gen.  xiv.  14,  16.  And  Mel- 
chisedeck,  who  is  expressly  called  the  priest  of  the  high  God, 
was  king  of  Salem  also  e :  a  king  and  a  priest  too,  so  both 
capable  by  one  person.  And  as  he  received  tithes  as  a  priest, 
so  no  doubt  can  be  made  but  he  ordered  and  governed  civil 
affairs  as  a  king.  Before  these,  Noah  was  a  priest,  and 
offered  sacrifice,  Gen.  viii.  20,  and  yet  all  the  great  care  and 
trouble  of  building  the  ark,  and  managing  the  preservation 
of  the  whole  world,  was  committed  to  him  by  God  Himself, 
and  undertook  by  him,  Gen.  vi. 

Under  the  Law  the  case  comes  under  fuller  and  clearer 
proof.  And  in  the  first  entrance,  Moses  himself  was  sacerdos 
sacerdotum,  the  man  that  consecrated  Aaron,  Exod.  xl.  13  f, 
and  after  reckoned  with  Aaron  among  the  priests  of  God, 
Psal.  xcix.  6,  and  yet  the  whole  princely  jurisdiction  resided 
5  in  him  all  his  days.  But  God  commanded  him  to  settle  the 
priesthood  upon  Aaron,  to  teach  the  world  that  few  men's 
abilities  were  fit  for  the  height  of  both  those  places,  since 
Moses  himself  was  ordered  to  ordain  Aaron,  and  divide  the 
burden.  After  this  division  the  high  priest  did  meddle  in 
civil  affairs,  even  the  greatest,  as  well  as  Moses  continued  his 
care  of  the  synagogue.  In  the  numbering  of  the  people  for 
war,  a  thing  of  sole  imperial  cognisance,  if  any,  Aaron  was 
joined  in  commission  with  Moses  by  God  Himself,  to  number 
them  by  their  armies;  and  they  did  it,  Numb.  i.  3,  17,  44. 
In  the  ordering  of  the  standards  and  ensigns  of  the  children 
of  Israel,  in  their  removes  from  place  to  place,  God's  own 
e  Gen.  xiv.  18;  Heb.  vii.  1.  f  Levit.  viii.  1. 


152  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD  SAY'S  SPEECH 

command  came  alike  to  Moses  and  Aaron,  Numb.  ii.  1,  2 ; 
the  silver  trumpets  to  call  the  assemblies  of  the  people  toge 
ther  did  belong  to  Moses,  the  people  had  nothing  to  do  with 
them ;  nor  might  they  tumultuously  assemble,  but  orderly 
as  the  sound  of  the  trumpets  directed  them ;  but  the  priests 
the  sons  of  Aaron  were  to  sound  them,  Numb.  x.  8,  9,  11  g. 
And  this  duty  lay  upon  them  as  well  when  they  went  to  war, 
as  when  they  sacrificed.  In  the  survey  of  the  Land  of  Pro 
mise,  Aaron  was  interested  as  well  as  Moses :  and  this 
appears  plainly,  first,  in  that  when  the  spies  (all  save  Joshua 
and  Caleb)  had  brought  up  an  evil  report  upon  the  land,  the 
people  fall  into  a  murmuring,  and  were  as  mad  against  Aaron 
as  against  Moses,  Numb.  xiv.  2,  5.  Secondly,  because  when 
the  Land  of  Promise  came  to  be  divided  among  the  tribes, 
no  spiritual  business  was  it,  and  yet  in  the  commission  which 
Moses  gave  for  the  solemn  division  of  the  land,  both  to 
Reuben,  Gad,  and  the  half  tribe  of  Manasses  on  the  one  side 
of  Jordan,  and  on  the  other  side  to  the  other  tribes,  and  to 
all  the  princes  of  the  several  tribes  of  Israel,  Eleazar  the 
priest  was  first  and  principal,  Numb,  xxxii.  2,  28,  and  xxxiv. 
17,  even  before  Joshua  himself:  and  that  not  only  here 
during  Moses  his  life,  but  even  after,  at  the  actual  division 
of  the  land  to  every  tribe,  though  Joshua  was  then  the  leader 
of  the  people,  Josh.  xix.  51.  In  the  great  murmuring  of  the 
people  at  Kadesh,  for  want  of  water,  which  was  like  enough 
to  break  out  into  an  insurrection,  the  commission  which  God 
Himself  gave  out  to  gather  the  assembly  together,  and  to 
satisfy  the  people  with  water  out  of  the  rock,  (a  harder  thing 
for  Moses  to  do  when  he  looks  upon  the  people,  than  for  God 
when  he  looks  upon  the  rock,)  went  jointly  to  Moses  and 
Aaron,  Numb,  xx.,  and  they  performed  it  accordingly. 

Thus  far  it  went,  and  in  all.  these  great  particulars  in 
Aaron's  lifetime ;  as  if  God  would  give  a  pattern  in  the  first 
high  priest  under  the  Law,  what  his  successors  in  some  cases 
might,  and  in  some  must  do  in  great  and  civil  affairs.  And 
not  so  only,  but  to  instruct  the  successors  of  Moses  also  what 
value  they  should  put  upon  Aaron  and  his  successors,  if 
they  will  follow  the  way  which  God  Himself  prescribed,  and 
which  hath  been  taken  up  and  followed  in  all  well-governed 

F  [Compare  Bp.  Andrewes's  Sermon  on  Numb.  x.  1 — 4,  vol.  v.  p.  141.] 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  153 

kingdoms,  as  well  Christian  as  heathen,  till  this  very  time 
that  this  ignorant  boisterous  faction  hath  laboured  to  bear 
sway,  as  a  learned  countryman  of  ours  hath  observed  h.  And 
therefore  though  God  set  the  pattern  in  Aaron,  yet  He  conti 
nued  it  further,  to  show  (as  I  conceive)  that  His  will  was  it 
6  should  continue.  For  no  sooner  was  Aaron  dead  but  his  son 
Eleazar  succeeded  in  all  those  great  civil  employments,  as  well 
as  in  the  priesthood.  For  when  the  people  of  Israel  were  come 
into  the  plain  of  Moab  near  Jericho,  and  were  ready  to  enter 
into  the  Land  of  Promise,  God  Himself  joined  Eleazar  with 
Moses  for  the  numbering  of  all  the  people  that  were  found  fit 
for  war,  which  they  were  to  expect  at  their  entrance  into 
Canaan,  Numb.  xxvi.  1,  3.  In  the  difficult  point  of  inherit 
ance  for  the  daughters  of  Zelophehad,  when  they  came  and 
demanded  right  of  Moses,  their  demand  was  made  to  him  and 
Eleazar,  and  the  princes  of  the  congregation,  Numb,  xxvii.  2, 
which  they  would  not  have  done,  had  not  Eleazar  had  a  vote 
in  that  judicature  with  Moses  and  the  princes,  Josh.  xvii.  4. 
And  no  less  than  God  Himself  commanded  Moses  to  declare 
Joshua  to  be  his  successor  in  the  presence  of  the  congrega 
tion  ;  and  orders,  further,  that  Joshua  shall  stand  before  Elea 
zar  the  priest,  and  that  Eleazar  shall  ask  '  counsel  for  him 
after  the  judgment  of  Urim  before  the  Lord/  Numb,  xxvii. 
18,  19,  23.  Now  I  would  fain  know  of  this  Lord  whether 
Eleazar  might  give  Joshua  the  counsel  which  he  asked  of 
God  for  him  ?  If  he  might  not,  why  did  God  appoint  him  to 
ask  it  for  Joshua  ?  If  he  might,  then  he  might  give  counsel 
in  temporal  affairs,  for  so  runs  the  text  about  the  war  to  be 
had  with  the  Canaanites :  '  At  Eleazar' s  word  they  should 
go  out,  and  at  his  word  they  should  come  in,  both  Joshua 
and  all  the  children  of  Israel/ 

Phineas  the  son  of  Eleazar,  but  priest  too,  though  not 
high  priest  till  after  his  father's  death,  was  employed  by 
Moses  in  the  war  against  the  Midianites,  Numb.  xxxi.  6,  and 
the  trumpets  put  into  his  hands.  After  the  victory  over 
them,  the  captains  and  the  spoil  were  brought  to  Moses, 
Eleazar,  and  the  chief  fathers  of  the  congregation,  to  divide 

h  "  They  would  have  clergymen  not  and  of  our  own  till  these  late  years  " — • 

admitted,  or  very  sparingly,  to  mat-  Geo.  Cranmer,  Epist.  to  Mr.  Hooker, 

ters  of  state,  contrary  to  the  practice  p.  13.     [See  Keble's  Hooker,  vol.  ii. 

of  all  well-governed  commonwealths  p.  764.] 


154  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD   SAYJS  SPEECH 

them,  v.  12,  26 ;  and  an  express  law  ordained,  that  if  there 
be  a  '  matter  too  hard  for  them  in  judgment/  (I  pray  mark 
it,  'tis  'between  blood  and  blood,  between  plea  and  plea, 
between  stroke  and  stroke /  these  are  no  ecclesiastical  mat 
ters,  I  trow,)  'that  they  should  go  unto  the  priests  the 
Levites,  and  to  the  judges  that  shall  be  in  those  days/  Deut. 
xvii.  8,  9,  and  he  that  will  not  '  hearken  unto  the  priest  and 
judge  shall  die/  v.  12.  Was  the  priest  here  excluded  from 
all  temporal  affairs  ?  Nay,  was  he  excluded  from  any,  when 
his  judgment  was  required  ( between  blood  and  blood  ?'  Nay, 
the  Geneva  note  adds  here,  e  that  the  judge  was  to  give  sen 
tence  as  the  priests  counsel  him  by  the  law  of  God  *  /  which 
gives  the  priest  a  greater  power  than  the  judge,  since  he  was 
to  follow  the  priest's  direction;  and  Dr.  Raynolds  tells  us 
very  learnedly,  that  this  law  was  made  to  establish  the  highest 
court  of  judgment  among  that  people,  in  which  all  harder 
causes  both  ecclesiastical  and  civil  should  be  determined 
without  further  appeal  J.  When  the  people  made  war,  and 
came  nigh  unto  the  battle,  the  priest  was  to  approach  and 
speak  unto  them ;  and  when  he  had  done,  the  officers  were 
to  speak  to  them  likewise ;  which  must  needs  imply  that  the 
priests  which  were  present  were  not  strangers  to  some  at 
least  of  the  counsels  of  the  war,  Deut.  xx.  2,  5  :  and  the 
whole  law,  the  judicial  as  well  as  the  rest,  was  delivered  by 
Moses,  after  he  had  written  it,  unto  the  priests  the  sons  of 
Levi,  and  unto  all  the  '  elders  of  Israel/  Deut.  xxxi.  9.  So 
was  the  priest  trusted  with  the  custody  and  in  the  discussing 
of  the  law,  and  (as  is  before  mentioned)  Eleazar  had  his  hand  7 
in  distributing  the  land  of  Canaan  to  the  several  tribes,  as 
well  as  Joshua,  and  the  other  elders  of  Israel,  Josh.  xiv.  1. 

Nay,  though  this  were  not  ordinary  and  usual,  yet  Eli  was 
so  far  trusted  with,  and  employed  in,  temporal  affairs,  as  that 
being  high  priest,  he  was  also  'judge  over  Israel'  forty  years, 
1  Sam.  iv.  18  ;  and  after  him  Samuel,  a  Levite,  judged  Israel, 
and  no  man  better.  Yea,  and  after  the  captivity  of  Babylon 
also,  for  well  near  five  hundred  years,  the  priesthood  had  the 
greatest  stroke  in  the  government ;  as  under  the  Maccabees, 
and  they  did  all  that  belonged  unto  them  very  worthily,  and 

1  Annot.  in  Deut.  xvii.  9. 

i  Confer,  with  Hart,  c.  vi.  divis.  2.  p.  203.  [Lond.  1598.] 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  155 

it  pleased  God  to  make  that  family  very  victorious.     After 
Samuel,  when  that  people  had  kings  to  govern  them,  in  that 
great  and  most  unnatural  conspiracy  of  Absalom  against  his 
father  David,  in  that  great  distress,  Hushai  was   ordered  by 
David  to  return  and  mix  himself  with  the  counsels  of  Absa 
lom,   and  to  impart  all  things  to  Zadoc  and  Abiathar  the 
priests,  that  by  them  and  their  sons,  David  might  come  to 
know  what  was  useful  or  necessary  for  him  to  do,  1  Sam.  xv. 
27,  32,  35 ;   and  Busbar's  making  no  scruple  nor  reply  to 
this,  makes  it  clear  that  Zadoc  and  Abiathar  were  formerly 
trusted  with  David's  counsels,  and  that  Hushai  had  observed 
them  to  be  prudent  and  secret.    And  when  David  was  old,  he 
called  a  kind  of  parliament  for  the  settling  his  son  Solomon 
in  the  kingdom.     To  that  great  assembly  he  gathered  toge 
ther  all  the  princes  of  Israel,  with  the  priests  and  the  Levites, 
1  Chron.  xxiii.  1,  2 ;    so  far  was  he  from  turning  their  '  votes 
out  of  the  House'  of  that  great  consultation,  that  six  thousand 
of  them  were  by  the  wisdom  of  that  senate  made  officers  and 
judges  throughout  the  kingdom,  v.  4;  and  this  was   done 
on  both  sides  of  Jordan  in  all  businesses  of  the  Lord,  and 
in  the  service  of  the  king,   1  Chron.   xxvi.  30,  32.     In  the 
beginning  of  Solomon's  reign,  Abiathar  the  high  priest  was 
in  all  the  great  counsels  of  that  state,  but  falling  into  the 
treason  of  Adonijah,  he  was  deprived  by  Solomon,  and  Zadok 
made  high  priest   in   his  room,   1  Kings  ii.  27,   35.     And 
when  Jehosaphat  repaired  the  decays  of  that   state,  he  set 
the  priests  and  the  Levites  in  their  right  places  again,  accord 
ing  to  that  law  in  Deut.  xvii.  8,  9,  and  restored  to  them  that 
power  in  judicature  which  was  by  God's  appointment  settled 
in  them,  2  Chron.  xix.  8.    And  that  he  had  relation  to  that 
law  is  manifest,  because  he  pitches  almost  upon  the  same 
words,  ver.  10,  as  Dr.  Raynolds  hath  observed  before  mek. 
And  Jehoiada  the  high  priest  was  the  preserver  of  Joash,  the 
right  heir  of  the  crown,  against  the  usurpations  of  Athaliah  ; 
and  when  he  had  settled  him  in  his  kingdom,  though  not 
without  force  of  arms,  and  they  also  ordered  by  Jehoiada, 
2  Chron.  xxiii.  8,  he  was  inward  in  his  counsels,  and  was  ruled 
by  him  in  his  marriage,  2  Chron.  xxiv.  2  ;  and  he   died  with 
this  testimony,  that  this  young  king   '  did  that  which  was 
k  Conf.  with  Hart,  c.  vi.  divis.  2.  p.  203.  [Lond.  1598.] 


156  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD   SAY'S  SPEECH 

right  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord,  all  the  days  wherein  Jehoiada 
instructed  him/  2  Kings  xii.  But  after  his  death  you  may 
read  what  befell  Joash,  2  Chron.  xxiv.  In  all  the  conduct  of 
this  people  out  of  Egypt,  in  which  many  temporal  businesses 
did  occur,  Aaron  was  joined  with  Moses  in  and  through  all. 
'  Thou  leddest  thy  people  like  sheep/  saith  the  prophet, 
Psal.  Ixxvii.,  '  by'  or  '  in  the  hand  of  Moses  and  Aaron/  The 
prophet  David  was  a  great  shepherd  himself,  and  knew  very  £ 
well  what  belonged  to  leading  the  people  ;  and  you  see  he 
is  so  far  from  separating  Aaron  from  Moses  in  the  great  work 
of  leading  the  people,  that  though  they  be  two  persons,  and 
have  two  distinct  powers,  yet  in  regard  the  one  is  subordinate 
and  subservient  to  the  other,  they  are  reputed  to  have  but 
one  hand  in  this  great  work.  And  therefore  in  the  original, 
and  in  all  the  translations  which  render  it,  -'tis  said  in  manu, 
not  in  manibus,  '  in  the  hand/  not  '  in  the  hands '  of  Moses 
and  Aaron  *.  So  necessary  did  God  in  His  wisdom  think  it, 
that  Aaron  should  be  near  about  Moses  in  the  government 
of  His  people.  And  as  the  priests  and  Levites  were  great  men 
in  the  great  Sanhedrim  at  Jerusalem,  so  were  two  of  them 
ever  in  all  the  lesser  Sanhedrims  in  the  several  cities  of  every 
tribe ;  for  so  Josephus  witnesses  expressly,  that  two  of  them 
were  ever  allotted  to  each  magistracy  m.  Jeroboam's  sin  it 
was,  and  a  great  one,  to  make  the  lowest  of  the  people  priests, 
(1  Kings  xii.  13,)  and  I  pray  God  it  be  not  the  sin  of  this  age 
to  make  the  priests  the  lowest  of  the  people. 

So  by  this  I  think  it  appears,  that  nothing  of  like  antiquity 
can  well  be  more  clear  than  that  four  thousand  years  before 
and  under  the  Law,  the  priests,  especially  the  chief  priests, 
did  meddle  in,  and  help  manage  the  greatest  temporal  affairs. 
And  this,  as  this  honourable  person  cannot  but  know,  so  I 
presume  he  was  willing  warily  to  avoid ;  for  he  tells  you  he 
shall  not  need  to  begin  so  high.  Not  need  ?  And  why  so  ? 
Why,  it  is  because  (saith  he)  the  question  is,  only  what  concerns 
bishops,  as  they  are  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  and  that  which 

1  [Compare  Bp.  Andrewes's  second  "  Oppidatim  prsesint  septem  viri  pro- 
Sermon  in  Lent,  vol.  ii.  p.  16.]  batee  virtutis  et  justitiae  cultores  :  sin- 

m  ['Apx^ffOwa-av  5e  /ca0'  e/cao'TTjj'  ir6\iv  gulis  magistratibus  attribuantur  duo 

&v$pes  cTTTa,  of  /cat  rty  apirr^v  Kal  T$)V  ministri  de  tribu  Levitica." — Joseph. 

•n-epl  Tb  Stitatov  ffirov^v  Trpor)ffKr)K6Tes'  lib.  iv.  Antiq.  c.  8.  [§  14.  Op.,  torn.  i. 

e/ca<TTT?  Se  apxy  Swo  dvSpes  virrjpeTai  StSo-  p.  233.  Amst.  1726.] 
e/c    TTJS  TWV  AeviTwv  <pv\rjs.] — 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  157 

before  being  of  another  nature,  can  give  no  rule  to  this.' 
No  man  doubts  but  this  question  in  Parliament  belongs  only 
to  bishops  as  they  are  ministers  of  the  Gospel,,  nay  more 
particularly  than  so,  as  they  are  ministers  of  the  Gospel  in 
the  Church  of  England  only;  for  either  this  must  be  said, 
or  else  granted  it  must  be  by  this  honourable  Lord,  that  the 
Parliament  of  England  takes  upon  them  to  limit  episcopacy 
through   all   the   Christian    world,  and   to  teach  all  states 
therein  what  they  are  to  do  with  their  bishops.     And  this 
were  as  bold  a  part  for  the  English  Parliament  to  do,  as  it  is 
for  a  private  Englishman  to  censure  the  Parliament.     And 
truly,  for  my  own  part,  I  cannot  tell  how  to  excuse  the  Par 
liament  in  this.     For  though  in  the  Act  now  passed  n,  there 
be  nothing  enacted  but   that  which  concerns  bishops  and 
such  as  are  in  holy  orders  here,  because  their  power  stretches 
no  further  than  this  kingdom,  yet  their  aim  and  their  judg 
ment  is  general.     And  this  appears  by  the  preface  of  that 
Act0,  which  runs  thus  :  '  Whereas  bishops,  and  other  persons 
in  holy  orders,  ought  not  to  be  entangled  with  secular  juris 
diction/  &c.     '  Ought  not :'  therefore  in  their  judgment  'tis 
malum  per  se,  a  thing  in  itself  unlawful  for  any  man  in  holy 
orders  to  meddle  in,  or  help  manage  temporal  affairs ;  for 
though  their  words  be,  '  ought  not  to  be  entangled/  (which, 
as  that  word  (  entangled'  bears  sense  in  English,  and  stands 
for  an  absolute  hindering  of  them  from  the  works  of  their 
own  calling,  I  grant  as  well  as  they,)  yet  the  Act  proceeds 
generally  to  divest  them  of  all  power  and  jurisdiction  in  civil 
affairs,  whether  they  be  '  entangled '  with  them  or  not. 
)      But  be  it  so,  that  this  question  belongs  to  bishops  only  as 
they  are  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  yet  why  may  not  the  ancient 
usage  before  the  Law,  and  the  law  of  God  Himself,  give  a  rule 
to  this  ?     For  sure,  if  they  can  give  no  rule  in  this,  then  can 
they  give  no  rule  to  anything  else  under  the  Gospel,  that  is 
not  simply  moral  in  itself,  as  well  as  none  to  prelates,  and 
their  assisting  in  temporal  affairs ;  which  opinion  how  many 
things  it  will  disjoint  both  in  Church  and  State  is  not  hard 
to  see.     First,  then,  I  shall  endeavour  to  make  it  appear,  that 
the  practice  of  pious  men  before  the  Law,  and  the  precept  of 
the  Law,  can  give  a  rule  to  many  things  under  the  Gospel ; 
n  Feb.  15, 164J.  °  [16  Car.  I.  cap.  xxvii.] 


158  ANSWER  TO    THE  LORD  SAY'S   SPEECH 

and  then  I  will  examine  how,  and  how  far  those  things  may 
be  said  to  be  of  another  nature,  which  is  the  reason  given 
why  they  can  give  no  rule  in  this. 

For  the  first,  that  they  can  give  a  rule,  I  hope  it  will 
appear  very  plainly  •  for  in  things  that  are  typical,  the  type 
must  prefigure  the  antitype,  and  give  a  kind  of  rule  to  make 
the  antitype  known :  therefore  in  typical  things  no  question 
is  or  can  be  made,  but  that  the  things  which  were  under  the 
Law  can  give  a  rule  to  us  Christians.  Though  this  bold  pro 
position  runs  universally,  without  excepting  things  typical 
or  any  other.  Besides,  the  priests  had  a  hand  in  all  temporal 
affairs,  and  in  matters  which  were  no  way  typical,  but  merely 
belonging  to  order  and  government,  as  appears  by  the  proofs 
before  made.  And  therefore  the  Jews  may  be  precedents  for 
Christians,  which  could  not  possibly  be  if  they  could  give  us 
no  rule.  Nor  is  this  any  new  doctrine ;  for  that  ancient 
Commentary  under  the  name  of  St.  Ambrose?,  tells  us 
expressly,  that  that  which  is  mentioned  by  St.  Paul,  1  Cor. 
xiv.  30,  is  a  custom  of  the  synagogue  which  he  would  have 
us  to  follow.  And  as  this  doctrine  is  not  new,  so  neither  is 
it  refused  by  later  writers,  and  some  of  them  as  learned 
almost  as  this  Lord ;  for  that  which  was  ordered,  1  Chron. 
xxiii.  30,  that  they  should  '  stand  every  morning  and  evening 
to  thank  and  praise  the  Lord/  is  precedent  enough  to  pre 
sume  that  the  like  is  not  against  the  law  of  God.  And  Calvin 
speaks  it  out  expressly.  '  In  regard/  saith  he,  '  that  God 
Himself  instituted  that  they  should  offer  sacrifice  morning 
and  evening,  inde  colliyitur,  it  is  thence  collected  plainly,  that 
the  Church  cannot  want  a  certain  discipline  V  So  here  the 
Jews'  discipline  gives  an  express  rule  to  us.  And  it  is  very 
learnedly  and  truly  observed  by  a  late  writer  of  ours,  '  That 
there  is  no  such  light  to  the  true  meaning  of  Scripture  as  the 
practice  of  matters  contained  in  it  under  the  synagogue,  and 

P  "  Traditio  synagogae  est  quam  nos  mentary  being  found,  partly  in  Rha- 

vult  sectari."  S.  Ambros.  in  1  Cor.  xiv.  banus  Maurus,  (under   the   name   of 

30.  [leg.  31.]     [S.  Amb.  Op.,  torn.  ii.  S.  Ambrose,)  and  partly  printed  for 

Append,  col.  159.      These   Commen-  the  first  time  in  Spicileg.  Solesm.  vol.  i. 

taries  were  certainly  not  written  by  pp.  49 — 159.] 

S.  Ambrose.     Dom  Pitra  in  the  Spici-          1  ["Primum,  quod  statas  horas  Deus 

legium  Solesmense,  vol. i.,  makes  it  pro-  veteri  populo  esse  voluit ;  inde  colli- 

bable  that  the  Commentaries  on  Rom.  gimus  non  posse  carere  Ecclesiam  certa 

and  Corinth.,  as  printed  at  the  endof  S.  disciplina."] — Calv.  in  Act.  iii.  1.  [leg, 

Ambrose,  were  written  by  S.  Hilary  of  3.  p.  25.  Op.,  torn.  vi.    Amst.  1667.] 
Poictiers,  the  remainder  of  his  Com- 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  159 

in  the  Church  afterwards  V  Now  what  light  can  we  possibly 
receive  from  the  synagogue,  if  those  things  which  were  before 
can  give  no  rule  to  us  ?  Besides,  for  aught  I  know  of  this 
Lord's  religion,  he  may  brand  all  the  Old  Testament  as 
deeply  as  the  Manichees  did  of  old,  or  go  very  near  it,  if  it 
can  give  no  rule,  and  so  be  of  no  use  to  Christians.  St.  Au 
gustine  was  of  another  mind  through  all  his  books  against 
Faustus  the  Manichee  s.  And  St.  Ambrose  most  expressly, 
and  very  frequently  recommended  this,  tanguam  regulam,  as 
a  rule  to  the  people  *.  And  in  this  very  case  of  Episcopacjr, 
10  Clemens  Romanus  tells  us,  '  there  is  a  kind  of  parallel 
between  bishops,  presbyters,  and  deacons,  in  the  one,  and 
high  priests,  priests,  and  Levites  in  the  other  Church  V  And 
St.  Jerome  speaks  it  out,  that  '  such  as  Aaron  and  his  sons, 
and  the  tribe  of  Levi  were  in  the  temple,  the  same  are  bishops, 
presbyters,  and  deacons  in  the  Church  of  Christ  V  And  this 
they  might  justly  challenge  to  themselves,  and  make  it  a  rule. 

But  'tis  time  to  proceed  to  other  particulars.  In  the  case 
of  tithes  we  find  that  they  were  due  jure  divino,  by  divine 
right,  to  the  priests  under  the  Law,  and  some  were  paid 
before  the  Law,  no  man  doubts ;  but  many  will  not  grant  that 
there  is  any  divine  right,  commanding  or  ordering  them  to 
be  paid  to  the  priests  under  the  Gospel.  Yet  this  is  unde 
niable,  that  tithes  have  been  paid  to  the  ministers  under  the 
Gospel,  in  all  or  most  parts  of  Christendom,  for  many 
hundreds  of  years  together ;  and  God  be  thanked  the  payment 
continues  yet  in  some  places.  What  was  it  then,  if  not 
'  divine  right/  that  gave  the  rule  to  Christians  for  this  kind 
of  payment,  but  the  practice  before  the  Law,  and  the  precept 
under  it  ?  Shall  we  say  here,  as  this  Lord  doth,  that  what 
was  before  can  give  no  rule  to  this  ?  Now  God  forbid.  The 
whole  Christian  world  thought  otherwise.  • 

T  Her.    Thorndike,    Epistle  to  the  u  [T<£  yap  apx£ePe?  *&""  Aeirovpyiai 

Reader  before  his  Tract  of  .Religious  SeSo^eVai  elal,  /cat   rots   Ifpevartv  ?8ios 

Assemblies.     [Works,    vol.    i.    p.  101.  6  TOTTOS  TrpoarsTaKTai,  Kal  Aeinrcus  iSiai 

Oxf.  1844.]  $ta.Koi>iai   eTTi/feij/rat.] — Clem.   Ep.    ad 

8  S.  Aug.  contra   Faustum.     [See  Corinth,  pp.  52,  53.  [§  40.  apud  Cotel. 

especially  book  vi.  Op.,  torn.  viii.  coll.  Patres  Apost.  torn.  i.  p.  170.] 

339,  seq.]  v  "  Quod  Aaron  et  filii  ejus,  atque 

1  "  Vetera  Scripta  legis  et  prophe-  Levitae  in   templo  fuerunt,  hoc   sibi 

tarum,   tanquam   regulam  diligentis-  episcopi,  presbyteri  atque  diaconi  ven- 

sime  commendavit  Ambrosius  in  popu-  dicant   in   Ecclesia." — S.    Hier.   Ep. 

laribus  sermonibus."     S.  Aug.  lib.  vi.  [cxlvi.]  ad  Evagr.  [al.  Evang.  §  2.  Op., 

Confess,  c.  4.  [Op.,  torn.  i.  col.  214.  B.]  torn.  i.  col.  1083.  D.  E.    Venet.  1766.] 


160  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD  SAY'S  SPEECH 

And  whatsoever  becomes  of  the  controversy  about  tithes, 
yet  this  is  certain,  that  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel  ought  to 
have  a  liberal  and  free  maintenance.  Men,  whom  they  serve 
in  and  for  Christ,  must  not  open  their  mouths  too  often  to 
preach,  and  muzzle  them  whom  they  should  feed.  And  the 
rule  for  this  is  given  by  the  Law,  for  it  is  written  in  the  Law 
of  Moses,  ( Thou  shalt  not  muzzle  the  mouth  of  the  ox  that 
treads  out  the  corn.  Doth  God  take  care  for  oxen  ?  or  saith 
He  it  altogether  for  our  sakes  ?  For  our  sakes  no  doubt  this 
is  written/  1  Cor.  ix.  9.  And  yet  how  many  of  these  oxen 
are  poorly  shuted,  and  in  a  manner  muzzled,  is  evident 
enough.  How  comes  this  to  pass  ?  How  ?  Why  surely, 
the  Apostle  St.  Paul  was  utterly  deceived  here,  ask  my  Lord 
else ;  for  he  proves  this  point  of  their  maintenance,  because 
'tis  so  written  in  the  Law  of  Moses,  whereas  that  Law  which 
'  was  before  can  give  no  rule  to  this.' 

Again ;  '  The  Lord  Himself  hath  ordained/  so  saith  St.Paul, 
v.  14,  'that  they  which  preach  the  Gospel  should  live  of 
the  Gospel/  Not  starve  by  the  Gospel,  but  live  upon  it; 
live  plentifully  and  decently.  But  by  what  rule  did  the  Lord 
Himself  proceed  in  this  ?  If  His  will  had  been  His  rule,  no 
rule  so  straight,  it  could  not  but  have  been  just.  But  St.  Paul 
tells  us  there,  v.  13,  that  God  Himself  proceeded  by  another 
rule.  '  Do  ye  not  know/  saith  he, '  that  they  which  minister 
about  holy  things  live  of  the  things  of  the  temple  ?  and  they 
which  wait  on  the  altar  are  partakers  with  the  altar  ?'  OVTCO 
KOI  6  Kvpio?  Sterage,  'even  so  hath  the  Lord  ordained.' 
Just  so  :  that  as  the  priests  and  Levites  under  the  Law  did 
wait  on  the  altar  and  live  by  it,  so  must  they  who  preach  the 
Gospel,  by  the  Gospel.  Just  so:  why  then,  how  did  the 
priest  under  the  Law  live?  'Tis  set  down  at  large,  Deut. 
xviii.  «L,  Numb.  x.  9 ;  and  a  very  full  portion  they  had,  so 
full  as  that  they  might  have  no  inheritance  amongst  their 
brethren,  'the  Lord's  portion'  which  was  made  theirs  was 
so  great,  yet  oimw,  fso'  the  Lord  ordained  for  the  minis 
ters  of  the  Gospel.  Press  this  a  little  further  and  'twill 
come  to  the  quick.  The  priests  and  Levites  under  the  Law, 
besides  their  partaking  with  the  altar,  had  the  tithes  of  all 
duly  paid  them.  Will  not  ovrco  reach  to  this  too  ?  If  so, 
then  'tis  clear  in  the  text,  that  '  the  Lord  Himself  ordained ' 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  161 

payment  of  tithes  to  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel.  For  He 
ordained  that  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel  should  live  of  the 
Gospel,  ovrco,  '  just  as'  the  priests  under  the  Law  did  of  the 
altar.  I  will  not  be  peremptory  in  this  sense  of  the  text,  yet 
I  would  have  it  well  considered.  And  howsoever,  that  a  free 
and  plentiful  certain  maintenance  is  the  ordinance  of  the 
Lord  Himself,  is  by  this  text  as  clear  as  the  sun.  Now  this 
Lord  should  do  well  to  tell  St.  Paul,  that  either  he  mistook 
the  Lord's  ordinance,  or  if  he  did  not,  that  then  the  Lord 
Himself  was  mistaken  in  so  ordaining  for  the  ministers  of  the 
Gospel,  '  because  what  was  before  can  give  no  rule  to  this/ 

Further  yet,  you  may  see  the  vanity,  the  nothing  of  this 
bold  assertion  in  other  particulars  beside  the  case  of  tithing. 
For  if  neither  the  state  of  man  before  the  Law,  nor  the  Law 
itself,  can  give  any  rule  in  things  of  this  kind,  to  us  that  live 
under  the  Gospel,  then  there  is  nothing  in  God's  Law  that 
can  give  a  rule  to  us,  but  that  a  man  may  '  remove  his  neigh 
bour's  landmark,'  he  may  '  lead  the  blind  out  of  the  way/  he 
may  '  smite  his  neighbour/  so  it  be  '  secretly/  he  may  marry 
in  many  degrees  of  consanguinity,  and  what  may  he  not  ? 
For  all  these,  and  many  things  more,  are  prohibited  only  in 
the  Law,  Deut.  xxvii.,  Levit.  xviii. :  but  that  going  before  can 
give  no  rule  to  these.  Now,  the  Apostle  tells  us,  1  Cor.  x. 
6, 11,  '  that  those  things  were  our  examples,  and  written  for 
our  admonition/  And  he  speaks  of  things  before  and  under 
the  Law.  And  more  generally,  Rom.  xv.4,  'Whatsoever  things 
were  written  aforetime,  were  written  for  our  learning/  Now, 
learn  well  and  certainly  we  cannot,  but  by  rule  ;  and  there 
fore  most  manifest  it  is,  that  those  things  which  were  before 
can  give  us  rules,  whatsoever  is  here  said  to  the  contrary. 

Two  things  there  are  which  work  much  with  me,  why  this 
Lord  should  say  that  the  things  which  were  before  and  under 
the  Law  can  give  no  rule  in  this  :  and  if  not  in  this,  then  not 
in  things  like  to  this.  The  one  is  the  power  which  kings 
have  in  their  several  dominions  over  the  external  government 
and  polity  of  the  Church,  The  Apostle's  rule  goes  in  the 
general  only,  (  Let  every  soul  be  subject/  Rom.  xiii.  1.  But 
the  rule  drawn  down  to  particulars  is  from  the  commended 
practice  of  the  kings  of  Judah  under  the  Law.  Now  if  these 
can  give  us  no  rule,  then  we  have  none  at  all  brought  down 

LAUD. — VOL.  VI.  ^ 


16.2 


ANSWER  TO   THE   LOUD   SAY'S  SPEECH 


to  particulars,  wherein  that  power  consists.  And  here  this 
Lord  being  a  known  Separatist  from  the  Church  of  England, 
(as  appears  most  manifest  y  by  another  speech  of  his  Lordship's 
in  Parliament,  and  printed  with  this,)  separates,  I  doubt, 
from  her  doctrine  too,  and  will  not  (could  he  speak  out  with 
safety)  allow  kings  any  power  at  all  in  Church  affairs,  more 
than  to  be  the  executioners  to  see  the  orders  of  their  assem 
blies  executed,  in  such  things  as  they  need  the  civil  sword. 
And  therefore  he  doth  wisely  in  his  generation,  to  say,  ( that 
the  things  which  were  before  can  give  no  rule  in  this/ 

The  other  is,  that  there  is  of  late  a  name  of  scorn  fastened 
upon  the  brethren  of  the  separation,  and  they  are  commonly 
called  Roundheads,  from  their  fashion  of  cutting  close  and 
rounding  of  their  hair  :  a  fashion  used  in  Paganism  in  the 
times  of  their  mournings  and  sad  occurrences,  as  these  seem 
to  do,  putting  on  in  outward  show  at  least  a  sour  look  and 
a  more  severe  carriage  than  other  menw.  This  fashion  of 


w  It  is  evident  the  Grecians  did  wear 
long  hair,  and  therefore  Homer  calls 
them  KapriKo/j.o&i'Tas  'Axcuovs,  capite 
comatos  Achivos,  lib.  ii.  Iliad.  And 
Eustathius,  commenting  upon  that 
place,  saith,  they  wear  it  long  at  other 
times,  but  cut  it  in  the  time  of  sor 
row,  [p.  165,  Romae,  1542.]  And 
Achilles  and  his  company  cut  off  their 
hair,  and  cast  it  upon  the  dead  body 
of  Patroclus  to  cover  it.  Homer,  lib. 
xxiii.  II.  And  at  the  funeral  of  Achilles 
the  Grecians  are  said  to  shed  warm 
tears  (Keipovro  re  •x.atra.s)  and  to  have 
cut  their  hair.  Homer,  lib.  xxiv.  Od. 

That  the  Eomans  wore  their  hair 
long,  is  evident  by  Varro,  who  saith 
that  barbers  were  not  known  in  Italy 
before  the  year  454  post  u.  c.  About 
that  time  Ticinius  Menas  brought 
them  in.  Varro,  lib.  ii.  de  Re  Rust, 
cap.  ult.  [fol.  235.  a.  apud  Script,  de 
Re  Rustica,  Bonon.  1504.] 

And  that  they  did  cut  their  hair  at 
funerals  is  plain  in  Andreas  Tiraquel. 
"  Romani  in  aliis  luctibus  quam  fune- 
rum  capillum  barbamque  promitte- 
bant." — Annot.  in  Alex,  ab  Alex.  lib. 
iii.  cap.  7.  [p.  307.  Francof.  1594.] 
But  then  they  cut  them. 

And  when  this  "rounding"  went 
close,  indeed  it  came  somewhat  near 
baldness;  which  the  Jews  were  like 
wise  forbidden  to  make  upon  them 
selves  for  the  dead,  Deut.  xiv.  1,  and 
Jerem.  xvi.  6. 


And  as  this  rounding  of  the  head 
was  sometimes  a  sign  of  superstitious 
sorrowing,  so  was  it  (with  some  dif 
ference)  used  as  an  effeminate  and 
luxurious  fashion.  And  therefore  Ga- 
nymedes  were  said  Trepi/ceipeo-fcu,  cir- 
cumtondere.  Dio  Chrysost.  Orat.  2. 
de  Regno.  [p.  20.  Lut.  1604.]  And 
harlots. 

After  which  manner  they  say  harlots 
were  cut,  eTi>cu  5e  Trep/rpoxaAo?'.  And 
that  it  was  a  kind  of  rounding  the 
head,  Hesychius  in  Lexico,  verbo  aKa.- 
<t>lov,  [torn.  ii.  col.  1204.  Lugd.  Bat. 
1766,]  Which  kind  of  rounding  the 
hair  Tertullian  mentions,  lib.  de  Cultu 
Fceminarum,  cap.  8.  ["  Propriasque 
preestigias  formse  et  hie  sexus  sibi 
agnoscit,  barbam  acrius  ceedere,  inter- 
vellere,  circum  radere,  capillum  dispo- 
nere." — Tert.  de  Cult.  Foem.  lib.  ii. 
cap.  8.  Op.,  p.  157.  C.]  and  lib.  de 
Pallio,  cap.  4,  he  objects  the  use  of 
it  to  his  Carthaginians.  [The  whole 
chapter  is  occupied  with  arguments 
against  the  practice.] 

And  in  some  places,  this  "round 
ing"  of  the  head  was  a  mark  of  servi 
tude  and  vassalage,  as  among  the 
ancient  French,  where  the  King  only 
and  the  heir  apparent  hadjws  capilitii, 
in  token  of  his  regality,  and  the  rest 
were  circumtonsi.  (Selden,  Prsefat.  to 
his  Titles  of  Honour,  ex  Cedreno.) 
[This  was  in  the  Preface  to  the  first 
edition  of  the  Titles  of  Honour.  See 


AGAINST   THE  BISHOPS.  163 

rounding  the  head  God  Himself  forbids  His  people  to  practise, 
the  more  to  withdraw  from  the  superstitions  of  the  Gentiles  : 
f  Ye  shall  not  round  the  corners  of  your  heads/  Lev.  xix.  27. 
This  express  text  of  Scripture  troubled  the  Brownists  and  the 
rest  extremely;  and  therefore  this  Lord,  being  a  great  favourer 
of  theirs,  if  not  one  himself,  hath  thought  upon  this  way  to 
ease  their  minds  and  his  own.  For  -'tis  no  matter  for  this 
text,  nor  for  their  resembling  heathen  idolaters;  they  may 
round  their  heads  safely,  since  those  things  '  which  were  before 
can  give  no  rule  in  this.'  And  I  do  not  doubt  but  that  if  this 
world  go  on,  the  dear  sisters  of  these  rattleheads  will  no 
longer  keep  silence  in  their  churches  or  conventicles,  since 
the  Apostle  surely  is  deceived,  where  he  saith  that  f  women 
are  not  permitted  to  speak  in  the  churches,  because  they  are 
to  be  under  obedience,  as  also  saith  the  Law,'  1  Cor.  xiv.  For 
the  Law,  and  those  things  '  which  were  before,  can  give  no 
rule  in  this /  and  therefore  they  ( shall  not  need  to  go  as  high 
as  Adam '  to  answer  this.  They  shall  not  need  in  this,  nor 
we  in  that  of  Episcopacy,  '  go  so  high  as  Adam/  But  yet  we 
may  if  we  will,  for  so  high  the  Apostle  goes  in  this  place. 

And  I  thank  this  Lord  for  that  liberty  (if  he  means  so 
well),  that  though  we  ( need  not  go  so  high/  yet  we  may  if  we 
list.  And  this  is  most  certain,  that  any  State  Christian  may 
receive  all  or  as  much  of  the  judicial  law  of  Moses  as  they 
please,  and  find  fit  for  them ;  and  as  much  of  the  ceremonial 
as  detracts  not  from  Christ  come  in  the  flesh.  And  since  all 
law  is  a  rule,  this  could  not  be  done  if  those  laws,  being 
before,  could  be  no  rule  to  us. 

This  is  proof  enough,  as  I  conceive,  that  these  things 
which  were  before  can  give  a  rule  to  us  now  under  the  Gospel. 
My  Lord  thinks  not  so,  for  this  reason,  '  because  they  are  of 
3  another  nature/  Secondly,  therefore,  the  reason  comes  to  be 
examined.  Wherein  I  shall  weigh  two  things  :  first,  whether 
the  Law  of  Moses  and  the  Gospel  of  Christ  are  things  '  of 
another  nature/  and  how  far  ?  and,  secondly,  whether  this  be 
universally  true,  that  among  things  of  another  nature  one 
cannot  give  a  rule  to  another  ? 

Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  94.  Lond.  1726.]  little  question  but  that  many  of  them 
'  But  whether  our  lloundheads  do  it  for  are  guilty  of  all  three,  their  hypocrisy 
superstition,  or  for  luxury,  or  out  of  being  not  a  robe  large  enough  to  hide 
any  base  and  servile  condition,  I  can-  all  of  them  ;  and  some  of  their  con- 
not  tell ;  though  I  think  there  need  be  venticles  have  of  late  heard  ill. 

M   2 


164  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD   SAYJS   SPEECH 

1.  For  the  first,  I  shall  easily  acknowledge  a  great  deal  of 
difference  between  the  Law  and  the  Gospel.  They  differ  in 
the  strictness  of  the  covenant  made  under  either  :  they  differ 
in  the  sacraments  and  sacramentals  used  in  either  :  they  differ 
in  the  extent  and  continuance  of  either  :  they  differ  in  the 
way  and  power  of  justifying  a  sinner;  and  perhaps  in  more 
things  than  these.  And  in  these  things  in  which  they  thus 
differ,  and  quat  as  they  so  differ,  the  Law  can  give  no  rule  to 
Christians  ;  but  whether  these  differences  do  make  the  Law 
and  the  Gospel  things  of  quite  '  another  nature/  (which  are 
the  words  here  used,)  I  cannot  but  doubt  a  little.  First, 
because  more  or  less  strictness  doth  not  vary  the  covenant  in 
nature,  though  it  doth  in  grace  ;  for  magis  et  minus  non 
variant  speciem  x,  more  or  less  in  anything  does  not  make 
a  specifical  difference,  and  therefore  not  in  nature.  And  use 
of  different  sacraments  doth  not  make  things  to  be  '  of  another 
nature/  where  res  sacramenti,  the  substance  of  the  sacra 
ment,  is  one  and  the  same.  And  so  'tis  here  ;  for  one  and 
the  same  Christ  is  the  substance  of  circumcision  and  the 
paschal  lamb,  as  well  as  of  Baptism  and  the  Eucharist.  For 
our  fathers  under  the  Law  f  did  all  eat  the  same  spiritual 
meat,  and  did  all  drink  of  the  same  spiritual  drink  ;  for  they 
drank  of  that  spiritual  Rock  that  followed  them  :  and  that 
Rock  was  Christ,'  1  Cor.  x.  3,  4.  And  much  less  can  extent 
or  continuance  vary  nature.  Not  extent  ;  for  fire  contained 
in  a  chimney  and  spread  miserably  over  a  city,  is  one  and 
the  same  in  nature.  Not  continuance  ;  for  then  a  father  and 
his  son  should  not  be  of  the  same  nature,  if  the  one  live 
longer  than  the  other.  And  as  for  the  way  and  power  of 
justification,  they  difference  the  Law  and  the  Gospel,  not 
so  much  in  their  nature  as  in  their  relation  to  Christ,  who 
alone  is  our  justification,  1  Cor.  i.  30,  and  was  theirs  also 
who  lived  under  the  Law,  for  both  they  and  we  were  and  are 
justified  by  the  same  faith  in  the  same  Christ. 

And  this  seems  to  me  very  plain  in  Scripture  :  (  For  to  this 
day/  saith  the  Apostle,  '  the  vail  remains  upon  the  Jews  in 
the  reading  of  the  Old  Testament,  which  vail  is  done  away 


x  And  so  Aristotle  pursues  it.  "Im-  x*LV>   6^et  Sm^e'pej,  rJ>  Se  ^aXXov  KO.\ 

perare  et  parere,  non  differunt  secun-  ^rrov,  ouSeV.]  —  Arist.  lib.  ii.  Polit.  cap. 

dum  magis  et  minus,  quia  differunt  8.  [p.  28.  Oxon.  1810.] 
specie."     [To  jjikv  ydp  apxevQai  Kal  ap- 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  165 

in  Christ,  but  we  all  with  open  face  behold  as  in  a  glass  the 
glory  of  the  Lord/  2  Cor.  iii.  14,  18.  So  one  and  the  same 
Christ  is  in  the  Old  Testament  as  well  as  in  the  New.  Not 
so  plainly ;  but  there,  though  under  a  vail.  Now  a  vail  on 
and  a  vail  off,  a  dimmer  and  a  clearer  sight  in  and  by  the 
one  than  by  the  other,  do  in  no  case  make  the  things  '  of 
another  nature/ 

Again ;  we  find  it  expressly  written,  Gal.  iii.  24,  that  c  the 
Law  was  our  schoolmaster  to  bring  us  to  Christ,  that  we 
might  be  justified  by  faith/  '  Our  schoolmaster  /  therefore 
it  must  needs  be  able  to  give  rules  unto  us,  or  else  it  can 
never  teach  us.  And  the  rules  it  gives  are  very  good  too,  or 
else  they  can  never  '  bring  us  unto  Christ,  that  we  may  be 
justified  by  faith;'  which  to  do,  St.  Paul  here  tells  us,  is  the 
4  end  of  the  Law's  instruction.  And  this  instruction  it  could 
not  so  fully  give,  if  this  schoolmaster  were  so  'of  another 
nature  as  that  it  could  not  give  us  a  rule  in  this.' 

Besides,  the  type  and  the  antitype,  the  shadow  and  the 
substance,  howsoever  they  may  be  c  of  another  nature/  if  you 
look  upon  their  entity,  yet  in  their  relative  nature,  as  type 
and  antitype,  shadow  and  substance,  they  are  of  the  same 
nature,  and  have  mutual  dependence  either  upon  other,  and 
give  rules  mutually  either  to  other,  and  a  proof  one  of  another. 
For  a  man  may  take  the  measure  of  the  body  by  the  shadow, 
and  of  the  shadow  by  the  body.  And  so  it  is  between  the 
Law  and  the  Gospel ;  the  sacrifices  in  the  one,  and  Christ  in 
the  other.  '  For  the  Law  had  but  the  shadow  of  good  things 
to  come,  and  not  the  very  image  of  the  things  themselves, 
and  therefore  with  those  sacrifices  could  make  nothing  per 
fect/  Heb.  x.  1.  But  <  Christ  is  the  body'  itself,  Col.  ii.  17. 
And  '  when  He  came  into  the  world,  He  saith,  Sacrifice  and 
burnt-offering  Thou  wouldest  not  have,  but  a  body  hast  Thou 
given  me/  Heb.  x.  4.  How  shall  this  appear  ?  How  ?  Why, 
by  the  very  rules  given  in  the  Law.  For  so  the  prophet  tells 
us  in  the  person  of  Christ :  '  In  the  volume  of  the  book  it  is 
written  of  Me/  Psal.  xl.  7.  Nay,  so  says  Christ  Himself, 
St.  John  v.  46,  ( Had  ye  believed  Moses  ye  would  have  be 
lieved  Me,  for  he  wrote  of  Me/  And  to  bring  all  home  close 
to  the  present  business  ;  Christ,  as  God,  of  another  nature 
quite  from  Melchisedek,  yet  in  relation  to  the  priesthood,  as 


166  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

type  and  antitype,  not  so ;  for  Christ  was  man  also,  and  the 
one  gave  a  kind  of  rule  to  the  other  :  For  Christ  was  t  made 
a  Priest  after  the  order  of  Melchisedek,'  icara  rrjv  rdgiv  :  or 
as  Mont,  reads  in  the  margin,  secundum  morem,  according  to 
the  form,  manner,  or  rule  of  Melchisedek' s  priesthood.  And 
as  Melchisedek  and  Christ  are  type  and  antitype  in  their 
priesthood,  so  the  priesthood  of  Aaron  under  the  Law  was  but 
a  shadow  of  the  priesthood  of  Christ  under  the  Gospel  y. 
And  therefore  the  priesthood  which  is  now,  ought  in  all  pri 
vileges  to  exceed  that  under  the  Law,  inasmuch  as  the  anti 
type  and  the  body  is  of  more  worth  than  the  type  and  the 
shadow.  I  say,  in  all  privileges  which  are  not  appropriated 
by  God  Himself  to  the  priesthood  of  the  Law. 

2.  Secondly,  it  may  be  considered  too,  whether  this  be 
universally  true;  that  among  things  which  are  of  another 
nature,  one  cannot  give  a  rule  to  another.  For  my  own  part 
I  doubt  there  is  not  truth  in  the  rule,  but  instead  of  truth 
a  great  deal  of  danger.  And  surely,  if  this  be  generally  true, 
that  f  that  which  was  before  (being  of  another  nature)  can 
give  no  rule  to  this;'  that  is,  if  that  which  was  both  before 
and  under  the  Law  concerning  priesthood  can  give  no  rule, 
none  at  all,  to  the  ministry  under  the  Gospel,  then  can  it  give 
no  rule  in  anything  else :  because  the  Law  is  as  much  '  of 
another  nature/  in  regard  of  other  things,  as  of  this.  Nay, 
this  very  thing,  the  priesthood,  makes  the  Law  to  be  '  of 
another  nature'  more  than  anything  else.  And  so  the  Apostle 
plainly,  Heb.  vii.  12 :  '  For  the  priesthood  being  changed,  [there 
is]  made  of  necessity  a  change  also  of  the  law.'  But  be  this 
change,  this  other  nature,  what  it  will,  if  the  Law  can  give  no 
rule  at  all  in  this,  (which  again  is  directly  contrary  to  the 
Apostle,  1  Cor.  ix.  9,  13,)  then  can  it  give  no  rule  in  anything 
else  pertaining  to  the  Gospel.  For  the  reason  if  it  be  good, 
holds  alike,  'tis  of  another  nature. 

Nay,  yet  further,  if  this  reason  be  true,  universally  true, 
(as  'tis  here  given,)  then  it  reaches  to  and  through  the  whole 
Law.  No  part  of  it  can  give  any  rule  to  men  or  things  under 
the  Gospel.  For  if  no  rule  to  things,  then  none  to  men,  who 
must  do  or  leave  undone ;  and  if  so,  then  the  moral  law  can 

y  "  For  those  priests  served  but  to      But  now  hath  He  obtained  a  more 
the  example,  and  to  the  shadow,  &c.      excellent  ministry,"  Heb,  viii.  6,  6. 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  167 

give  no  rule  to  men  under  the  Gospel,  more  than  the  cere 
monial  or  the  judicial  law.  For  the  whole  Law  was  before 
the  Gospel,  and  here  said,  without  any  distinction,  to  be  c  of 
another  nature/  and  so  unable  to  give  a  rule.  And,  for  aught 
I  know,  this  zealous  Lord  may  be  of  this  opinion.  For  this 
lewd  doctrine  hath  been  somewhat  common  of  late  among 
his  favourites,  that  '  moral  honesty  is  an  enemy  to  the  grace 
of  Christ /  that  '  harlots  and  debauched  persons  are  nearer 
to  the  kingdom  of  God  than  they  which  labour  to  show 
themselves  moral  men/  and  the  like.  As  if  they  went  to 
teach  the  people  to  live  lewdly,  and  to  '  do  evil  that  good  may 
come'  thereof,  '  whose  damnation/  the  Apostle  tells  us,  '  is 
just/  Rom.  iii.  8.  Whereas  Christ  '  came  not  to  take  away 
the  law,  but  to  fulfil'  it  for  us,  Matt.  v.  17,  and  in  some 
measure  to  enable  us  to  keep  it  also.  And  in  the  Gospel, 
when  the  scribe  told  our  Saviour,  that  to  '  love  God  with  all 
the  heart,  and  his  neighbour  as  himself/  (upon  which  com 
mandments  hang  the  whole  law,  S.  Matt.  xxii.  40,)  '  was 
more  than  all  burnt  sacrifices/  our  Saviour  did  not  tell  him 
that  '  harlots  were  nearer  the  kingdom  of  God  than  he,'  or 
that  this  law,  '  being  of  another  nature,  could  give  him  no  rule' 
for  his  life.  But,  quite  contrary,  He  told  him  for  his  comfort, 
and  the  comfort  of  obedience,  that  he  was  '  not  far  from  the 
kingdom  of  God/  S.  Mar.  xii.  34.  And  though  this  be  bad 
enough,  and  will  prove  a  fruitful  mother  of  all  libertinism 
and  profaneness,  yet  there  is  a  greater  danger  behind.  For 
if  the  grace  of  Christ  under  the  Gospel  be  a  discharge  of  the 
moral  law,  and  disenable  it  to  give  a  rule,  as  being  '  of  another 
nature/  what  shall  become  of  God  the  Lawgiver  Himself  in 
all  kinds  ?  For  He  is  quite  '  of  another  nature/  eminently 
and  infinitely  exceeding  us,  and  whatsoever  is  or  can  be 
naturally  in  us;  yea,  or  supernaturally  either.  And  what 
now  ?  Shall  not  God  Himself  being  f  of  another  nature'  give 
us  any  rule  in  this  or  anything  else  ?  I  know  this  Lord 
will  say,  this  is  not  his  meaning.  No,  truly,  I  hope  it  is  not. 
But  then,  this  Lord,  if  he  will  needs  be  writing  and  printing, 
should  so  express  himself  as  that  he  may  not  expose  his 
words  to  such  unsavoury  consequences  as  (for  aught  I  know) 
may  justly  be  gathered  from  them.  And  let  me  tell  him  in 
the  meantime,  'tis  a  dangerous  thing  to  be  so  busy  with  the 


168  ANSWER  TO  THE  LOUD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

law  of  God  ;    and  so  without  distinction,  as  lie  is,  lest  lie 
intrench  upon  the  Lawgiver  before  he  be  aware. 

Howsoever,  in  this  proposition  of  his,  that  l  that  which  is 
before,  being  of  another  nature,  can  give  no  rule  to  this/ 
leaves  him  at  a  loss  which  way  soever  to  turn  himself.  For, 
since  'tis  manifest  by  the  Apostle  in  the  places  before  cited2, 
that  the  Law  of  Moses,  which  was  before,  doth  give  a  rule  to 
divers  things  under  the  Gospel,  this  Lord  of  the  separation 
is  at  a  loss  every  way.  For  if  the  Law  and  that  which  was  1( 
before  be  not  '  of  another  nature'  from  this,  then  his  reason  is 
false,  which  says  it  ( can  give  no  rule'  because  'tis  ( of  another 
nature/  and  so  he  is  at  a  loss  in  that.  And  if  it  be  of  another 
nature,  yet  it  appears  by  the  Apostle's  practice,  that  for  all 
that  it  can  give  a  rule  in  this.  For  that  which  can  give  the 
Apostle  a  rule,  can  give  a  rule  to  us :  and  so  he  is  at  a  loss 
in  the  whole  proposition.  For,  whether  that  which  was  before 
be  or  be  not  '  of  another  nature/  yet  it  can  give  a  rule. 

I  have  been  long  upon  this  passage,  because  I  conceive  the 
main  controversy  hangs  and  turns  upon  this  hinge.  And  if 
any  reader  think  it  long  or  tedious,  or  be  of  this  Lord's  mind, 
that  he  need  not  go  so  high  for  proof,  yet  let  him  pardon  me, 
who  in  this  am  quite  of  another  judgment.  And  for  the 
pardon,  I  shall  gratify  him  by  being  as  brief  as  possibly  I  can 
in  all  that  follows.  Thus  then  this  Lord  proceeds : — 

The  question  which  will  lie  before  your  Honours  in  passing 
this  Bill,  is  not,  Whether  Episcopacy  (/  mean  this  hierar 
chical  episcopacy  which  the  world  now  holds  forth  to  us) 
shall  be  taken  away,  root  and  branch ;  but,  Whether  those 
exuberant  and  superfluous  branches,  which  draw  away  the 
sap  from  the  tree,  and  divert  it  from  the  right  and  proper 
use,  whereby  it  becomes  unfruitful,  shall  be  cut  off,  as  they 
use  to  pluck  up  suckers  from  the  root.  [p.  1 .] 

After  this  Lord  had  told  us  we  need  not  go  so  high  for  the 
business,  he  comes  now  to  state  the  present  question ;  where 
he  tells  us  what  he  himself  means  by  Episcopacy,  namely, 
(  hierarchical  episcopacy/  such  as  is  properly  and  now  com 
monly  so  called  in  the  world.  And  this  his  Lordship  adds 

z  1  Cor.  ix.  9,  13,  14 ;  Rom.  xv.  4 ;  1  Cor.  x.  6,  11. 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  169 

because  of  that  distinction  made  by  Beza  in  his  tract,  De 
Triplici  Episcopatu,  Divino  scilicet,  Humano  et  Satanico  ; 
in  which  what  part  Beza  plays  I  will  forbear  to  speak,  but 
leave  him  and  his  '  gall  of  bitterness '  to  the  censure  of  the 
learneda.  Sir  Edw.  Deering,  in  his  printed  Speeches15,  tells 
us  that  others  in  a  milder  language  keep  the  same  sense,  and 
say  there  is  Episcopus,  Pastor,  Prases,  and  Princeps.  So  in 
his  account,  Episcopus,  Princeps,  and  Satanicus,  is  all  one  in 
milder  terms.  But  the  truth  is,  that  in  the  most  learned  and 
nourishing  ages  of  the  Church,  the  Bishops  were,  and  were 
called  Principes,  chief  arid  prime,  and  prince,  if  you  will,  in 
Church  affairs.  For  so  Optatus  calls  them,  the  chief  and 
princes;  and  so  likewise  did  divers  others  of  the  Fathers, 
even  the  best  learned  and  most  devout6.  And  this  title  is 
given  to  diocesan  or  hierarchical  Bishops,  which  doubtless 
these  Fathers  would  neither  have  given  nor  taken,  had  Epi 
scopus,  Princeps,  and  Satanicus  been  all  one.  Nor  would 
Calvin  have  taught  us  that  the  primitive  Church  had  in 
every  province  among  their  Bishops  one  Archbishop,  and 
"1 7  that  in  the  Council  of  Nice  Patriarchs  were  appointed  which 
should  be  in  order  and  dignity  above  Bishops  d,  had  he  thought 
either  such  Bishops  or  Archbishops  to  have  been  '  satanical :' 
and  had  Beza  lived  in  those  times,  he  would  have  been  taught 
another  lesson.  And  the  truth  is,  Beza,  when  he  wrote  that 

*  [Beza's  tract  was  answered  by  Dr.  qui    omni     prineipatu    et    potestatc 

Hadrian  Saravia    in    his    "  Examen  superior    esU    in  materia   et  gradu 

Tractatus    de   Episcopatuum    triplici  religionis." — [Ti  yap  ZGTIV  eiricntoTros  ; 

genere."]  a  A  A5  ^  Traces  apxys  Ka*  elwo'tas  £jr6«e«va 

b    [A    Collection    of    Speeches    in  Trdvrcav  Kpar<2v.] — Ignat.  Ep.  [interp.] 

matter  of  Religion,]  sect.  16,  p.  122,  ad   Trail.      [Cot.  Pat.   Ap.    torn.  ii. 

[p.  72.     Lond.  1642.]  p.  63.] 

c  ["  Apices  et  principes  omnium."  "  Principes  Ecclesise  fiunt,"  &c. — 

Optat.    lib.  [i.]  adv.    Parm.  [p.  15.  Opus   imperf.  in  S.  Matth.  Horn.  35. 

Paris.  1679.]  [Apud  S.  Chrysost.  Op.,  torn.  vi.  Ap- 

"  Princeps  Ecclesiae." — S.  Hilar.  lib.  pend.  p.  cliii.] 

viii.    De  Trin.  Prin.     [Op.,  col.  947.  "  Principes  futures  Ecclesiae  Episco- 

B.     Paris.  1693.]  pos  nominavit."— S.  Hier.  in  Esai.  vi. 

Greg.  Nazianz.  ascribit  apxt]v,  prin-  60.  [Ix.  17,  18.  Op.,  torn.  iv.  col.  728. 

cipatum,  ac  regimen  anirnarum  Epi-  E.] 

scopo.  —  Orat.  xvii.  et  xx.    ["Apxapev  d  "  Quod  autem  singulaa  provincias 

yap  avrol,  7rpo(T07]<rw  S'  '6ri  Kal  TT)V  yuei-  unum  habebant  inter  Episcopos  Archi- 

fora  Kal  T€\€UT€pav  apx~nV' — S.  Greg.  episcopum,  quod  item  in  Nicena  Sy- 

Naz.  Orat.  xvii.  Op.,  torn.  i.  p.  271.  B.  nodo  constituti  sunt  Patriarchae,  qui 

"Apxovros  Se  Kal  irpoffTdrov  Kaniav,  Kal  essent  ordine  et  dignitate  Archiepi- 

p.d\iffTa   TVV   ToiavTTji/   bp-jcnv,    r~b    pr)  scopis    superiores,   id    ad    disci plinae 

iroAi/  TUIV  TTO\\SIV  iTpoex€iV- — Orat.  xx.  conscrvationem  pertinebat." — Calv.  4. 

ibid.  p.  343.  C.   Paris,  1630.]  Inst.  [cap.]  iv.  [§]  4.    [Op.,  torn.  ix. 

"Quid  aliud  est  Episcopus  quam  is  p.  286.] 


170  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD  SAY'S  SPEECH 

tract,  had  in  that  argument  either  little  learning  or  no 
honesty.  But  for  this  Lord,  whether  he  means  by  '  hier 
archical  episcopacy '  the  same  which  Beza,  I  will  not  deter 
mine.  He  uses  a  proper  word  and  a  civil,  and  I  will  not 
purpose  to  force  him  into  a  worse  meaning  than  he  hath,  or 
make  him  a  worse  enemy  to  the  Church  (if  worse  he  may  be) 
than  he  is  already.  Though  I  cannot  but  doubt  he  is  bathed 
in  the  same  tub. 

Having  told  us  what  he  means  by  Episcopacy,  he  states  the 
business  thus  :  That '  the  question  is  not  whether  this  hierar 
chical  episcopacy  shall  be  taken  away,  root  and  branch/  So 
then,  I  hope  this  Lord  will  leave  a  hierarchy  (such  as  it  shall 
be)  in  the  Church.  We  shall  not  have  it  all  laid  level.  We 
shall  not  have  that  curse  of  ( root  and  branch6'  (for  less  it  is 
not)  laid  upon  us :  or,  at  least,  not  yet.  But  what  shall 
follow  in  time,  when  this  bill  hath  used  its  edge,  I  know  not. 
Well,  if  not  root  and  branch  taken  away,  what  then  ?  What  ? 
why,  'tis  but  '  whether  those  exuberant  and  superfluous 
branches,  which  draw  away  the  sap  from  the  tree,  and  divert 
it  from  the  right  and  proper  use,  whereby  it  becomes  un 
fruitful,  shall  be  cut  off,  as  they  use  to  pluck  up  suckers  from 
the  root/  This  Lord  seems  to  be  a  good  husbandman;  but 
what  he  will  prove  in  the  orchard  or  garden  of  the  Lord, 
I  know  not :  for  most  true  it  is  that  suckers  are  to  be  plucked 
from  the  root ;  and  as  true,  that  in  the  prime  and  great  Vine 
there  are  some  branches  which  bear  110  fruit,  and  our  Saviour 
Himself  tells  us,  that  they  which  are  such  '  are  to  be  taken 
away,'  St.  Joh.  xv.  2.  And  therefore  I  can  easily  believe  it, 
that  in  Episcopacy,  which  is  a  far  lower  vine  under  and  in 
the  service  of  Christ,  and  especially  in  the  husbanding  of  it, 
there  may  be  some  such  branches  as  this  Lord  speaks  of, 
which  draw  sap  and  divert  it,  and  make  the  vine  less  fruitful ; 
and  no  doubt  but  such  branches  are  to  be  cut  off.  So  far 
I  agree,  and  God  forbid  but  I  should.  But  then,  there  are 
divers  other  questions  to  be  made  and  answered  before  this 
sharp  Lord  fall  to  cutting.  As,  first,  What  branches  they  be 
which  are  '  exuberant  and  superfluous'  (as  this  Lord  is 
pleased  to  call  them)?  What  time  is  fittest  to  cut  them  off? 
Whether  they  be  not  such  as  with  pruning  may  be  made 

e  Job  xviii.  16. 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  171 

fruitful  ?  If  not,  then  how  near  to  the  body  they  are  to  be 
cut  off?  Whether  this  Lord  may  not  be  mistaken  in  the 
branches  which  he  thinks  '  divert  the  sap  ?'  Whether  a  com 
pany  of  laymen,  without  any  order  or  ordinance  from  Christ, 
without  any  example  from  the  days  of  Christ,  may,  without 
the  Church,  take  upon  them  to  prune  and  order  this  vine  ? 
For,  whatever  this  Lord  thinks  in  the  over-abundance  of  his 
own  sense,  the  Lord  hath  appointed  husbandmen  to  order 
and  prune  this  vine,  and  all  the  branches  of  it,  in  His  Church, 
without  his  usurpation  of  their  office :  and  while  he  uses 
a  bill  (which  is  too  boisterous  a  weapon  for  a  vine)  instead 
of  a  pruning-hook,  the  Church  itself,  which  is  the  vine  which 
bears  Episcopacy,  may  bleed  to  death  in  this  kingdom  before 
18  men  be  aware  of  it.  And  I  am  in  great  fear,  if  things  go  on 
as  they  are  projected,  that  religion  is  upon  taking  its  leave 
of  this  kingdom.  But  this  Lord  hath  not  quite  done  stating 
the  question,  for  he  tells  us  next  that — 

The  question  will  be  no  more  but  this,  Whether  Bishops  shall 
~be  reduced  to  what  they  were  in  their  first  advancement 
over  the  Presbyters}  (which,  although  it  were  but  a  human 
device  for  the  remedy  of  schism,  yet  were  they  in  those 
times  least  offensive,}  or  continue  still  with  the  addition 
of  such  things  as  their  own  ambition,  and  the  ignorance 
and  superstition  of  succeeding  times,  did  add  thereunto, 
and  which  are  now  continued  for  several  political  ends ; 
things  heterogeneal,  and  inconsistent  with  their  calling 
and  function  as  they  are  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  and 
thereupon  such  as  ever  have  been,  and  ever  will  be, 
hurtful  to  themselves,  and  make  them  hurtful  to  others,  in 
the  times  and  places  where  they  are  continued,  [pp.  1, 2.] 

Here  my  Lord  states  the  question  again.  He  did  it 
before  under  the  metaphor  of  a  tree  and  the  branches.  Here, 
that  men  of  '  narrow  comprehensions {'  may  not  mistake  him, 
he  lays  it  down  in  plain  terms,  and  tells  us  the  question  is 
no  more  but  this,  f  Whether  Bishops  shall  be  reduced  to 
what  they  were  in  their  first  advancement  over  the  Presby 
ters  ?  *  And  you  may  be  sure  they  shall  be  reduced,  if  they 

f  [See  above,  p.  87.] 


172  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

once  fall  into  the  hands  of  this  zealous  Lord.  Reduced,  out 
of  doubt,  every  way,  if  he  may  have  his  will,  saving  to  that 
which  they  were  in  the  original,  which  his  Lordship  calls 
'  their  first  advancement  over  the  presbyters/  For  my  own 
part,  if  it  be  thought  fit  to  reduce  the  Christian  Church  to 
her  first  beginnings,  give  us  the  same  power,  and  use  us  with 
the  same  reverence  for  our  works'  sake,  as  then  our  prede 
cessors  were  used,  and  reduce  us,  in  God's  name,  when  you 
will.  But  this  Lord's  zeal  burns  quite  another  way.  He 
tells  us,  indeed,  that  ( the  question  is  no  more  but  whether 
Bishops  shall  be  reduced  to  what  they  were  in  their  first 
advancement  over  the  presbyters ;'  but.  he  means  nothing  less 
than  their  reducement  thither :  and  this  is  manifest  out  of 
his  own  next  words.  For  there  he  says,  their  first  advance 
ment  was  '  but  a  human  device  for  avoiding  of  schism.'  '  But 
a  human  device?'  Why,  first,  our  Saviour  Himself  chose 
twelve  Apostles  out  of  the  whole  number  of  His  disciples, 
and  made  them  bishops,  and  advanced  over  the  presbyters 
and  all  other  believing  Christians,  and  gave  them  the  name 
of  Bishops  as  well  as  of  Apostles ;  as  appears,  since  that 
name  was  given  even  to  Judas  also,  as  well  as  to  the  other 
Apostles,  and  to  the  other  Apostles  as  well  as  to  Judas, 
since  Matthias  was  chosen  by  God  Himself,  both  into  the 
bishopric  and  apostleship  of  Judas,  Acts  i.  20,  24,  25.  Now 
that  Christ  Himself  did  ordain  the  Apostles  over  the  ordinary 
disciples,  presbyters  or  others,  is  evident  also  in  the  very 
text;  for  He  chose  them  out  of  His  disciples,  S.Luke  vi.& 
And  to  what  end  was  this  choosing  out,  if  after  this  choice 
they  remained  no  more  than  they  were  before  ?  Nay,  He 
chose  them  out  with  a  special  ordination  to  a  higher  function, 
as  appears  S.  Mark  iii.,  where  'tis  said,  '  He  ordained  twelve 
that  they  should  be  with  Him;'  that  is,  in  a  higher  and 
nearer  relation  than  the  rest  were.  Nay,  more  than  so,  the 
word  there  used  by  S.  Mark  is  eTrofyo-ev,  '  He  made'  them;  19 
He  made  them  somewhat  which  before  that  making  they  were 
not,  that  is,  Apostles  and  Bishops.  Had  they  been  such 
before,  it  could  not  have  been  said  that  {  He  made'  them 
then.  And  our  last  translation  renders  it  very  wrell,  f  He 
ordained  them  :'  so  belike  this  making  was  a  new  ordination 

»  S.  Luke  vi.  13, 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  173 

of  them.  And  this  appears  further  by  the  choice  of  Matthias 
into  the  apostleship  of  Judas :  for  Matthias  was  one  of  the 
seventy  when  he  was  chosen11;  and  then  this  choice  needed 
not,  if  the  LXX.  had  been  before  of  equal  place  and  calling 
with  the  Apostles.  For,  as  S.  Jerome  speaks,  he  that  is 
preferred,  is  preferred  de  minori  ad  majus,  from  a  less  and 
a  lower  to  a  greater  and  a  higher  degree1.  Now,  it  is  traditio 
univer sails,  the  constant  and  universal  tradition  of  the  whole 
Church  of  Christ,  which  is  of  greatest  authority  next  to 
Scripture  itself,  that  Bishops  are  successors  of  the  Apostles, 
and  Presbyters  made  in  resemblance  of  the  LXX.  disciples k. 
And  so  the  institution  of  Christ  Himself  (for  so,  by  this 
Lord's  leave,  I  shall  ever  take  Episcopacy  to  be)  is  made  ( but 
a  human  device  to  avoid  schism/  But  there  hath  been  so 
much  written  of  late  to  prove  Episcopacy  no  human  device, 
that  I  will  not  trouble  the  reader  with  any  more  of  it  here. 
Only  we  are  thus  far  beholding  to  this  Lord,  that  he  thinks 
Bishops  were  '  in  those  times  least  offensive ; '  so,  belike,  in  the 
Apostles'  times  they  were  offensive,  though  less.  And  this 
makes  me  doubt  he  thinks  as  much  of  the  Apostles  them 
selves,  since  they  were  so  ambitious  as  to  take  on  them 
superiority  over  their  brethren,  which  this  great  Lord  of  the 
Separation  (for  so  he  is)  cannot  endure,  as  being  anti- 
christian,  and  therefore  certainly  (if  he  may  have  his  will) 

h  Euseb.  lib.  i.  Hist.  c.  12,  lib.  ii.  "Apostoli  cognoverunt  contentionem 

c.  1.  de  Nomine  Episcopates  oboriturum, 

1  ["  Non  dico  de  Episcopis,  non  de  et  ideo    constituerunt  praedictos,   et 

inferior!  gradu."] — S.  Hier.  Epist.lxix.  cum    consensu    universe    Ecclesise." 

ad  Ocean.  [§  2.  Op.,  torn.  i.  col.  412.  Clem.  Ep.  i.  ad  Corinth,  p.  57.  [Kol  ol 

D.]  'AvrocrToAoi  f]/j.(3v  eyvaxrai/  5ta  rov   Kv- 

k  "Apud  nos  Apostolorum   locum  piov  ^S>v  'lyvov  Xpiffrov,  on  epts  carat 

tenent  Episcopi  :  apud  60S  (i.  e.  Mon-  e?rl  rov  ov6jj.aros  TTJS  iTTia-KonTJs.  Atci  rau- 

tani  sectatores)  Episcopus  tertiusest."  TTJJ'  ovv  rrjv  alriav  irp6yv(ti<ni>  fl\-rj<poTes 

— S.  Hier.  Ep.   [xli.  (al.  liv.)  §  3,]  ad  TeAe^/caTeVrTjo-ayTousTrpoetprj^eVouy, 

Marcell.  adv.  Montan.    [Op.,  torn.  i.  KOI  /J.€TO.£V  tirl  vo/j.rjv  SeSw/facrtz/,  forcos 

col.  189.  C.]  eav  Koifj-TjOtaffLV,  SiaSe^cavrai  erepot  5e5o- 

"  Patres    missi  sunt    Apostoli,  pro  Kifj.a<r/j.evoi  avopes  T^V  \eirovpyiav  av- 

Apostolis  filii  nati  sunt,  ibi  constituti  raJp.     Tovs  ovv  KaraaraQevrus  vir  e«et- 

sunt  Episcopi." — S.  Aug.  in  Psal.  xliv.  vow,  %   fj.era£v    ixf)'   kr4pwv  €\KoyijjLcav 

[§  32.  Op.,  torn.  iv.  col.  564.  C.]  avSpuv,  a-vvevSoK-nffdo-ns  TTJS  eKK\r]fftas 

"  Sicut  autem  duodecim  Apostolos  Trda-ris,  •  .  .  rovrovs  ov  ducaicas  vo[j.i£o- 
formam  Episcoporum  [exhibere  simul  juei/a7roj8a\eV0aiT7jsAeiToup7ias.  Cotel. 
et]  prsemonstrare,  nemo  est  qui  dubi-  Patr.  Apost.  torn.  i.  p.  173.] 
tet,  sic  et  hos  LXXII.  figuram  Pres-  But  I  am  prevented  here  by  a  chap- 
by  terorum,  i.  e.  secundi  ordinis  sacer-  lain  of  mine,  Mr.  Jer.  Taylor,  in  his 
dotium  gessisse  sciendum  est." — Beda  book  entituled,  *  Episcopacy  Asserted,' 
in  Luc.  x.  [Op.,  torn.  v.  col.  328.  Colon.  §  1 0.  [Works,  vol.  v.  pp.  40—42.  Lond. 
Agr.  1612.]  1819.] 


174  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

will  reduce  the   Bishops    further   yet,  till  they   be   of  his 
marring,  and  not  of  Christ's  making. 

The  other  part  of  the  question  stated  by  this  Lord  is, 
'  Or  whether  the  Bishops  shall  continue  still  with  the  addition 
of  such  things  as  their  own  ambition,  and  the  ignorance  and 
superstition  of  succeeding  times,  did  add  unto  them/  I  would 
my  Lord  had  been  pleased  to  tell  us  what  those  things  are, 
which  he  says  are  thus  added  unto  them.  I  should  much  the 
better  have  seen  what  his  Lordship  aims  at,  and  been  able  to 
come  up  the  closer  to  him.  Now  I  must  be  forced  to  answer 
him  in  general.  That  there  are  many  things  of  honour  and 
profit,  which  emperors  and  great  kings  have  conferred  upon 
bishops  to  the  better  settlement  of  their  calling,  and  the  great 
advancement  of  Christianity;  and  for  which  bishops  in  all 
times  and  places,  in  which  they  have  lived,  have  been  both 
thankful  and  very  serviceable.  And  I  could  give  many 
instances  in  this  kingdom  of  such  services  done  by  them,  as 
this  Lord  and  all  his  posterity  will  never  equal.  But  '  what 
things  their  own  ambition  or  the  ignorance  and  superstition 
of  succeeding  times  have  added  to  them/  I  may  know  when 
this  busy  Lord  is  at  leisure  to  tell  me.  In  the  meantime 
I  doubt  the  piety  and  devotion  of  these  times  is  here  miscalled  2' 
(  ignorance  and  superstition/  while  the  knowledge  of  these 
times,  in  too  many,  is  a  running  headlong  into  sacrilege,  as 
the  best  way  to  cure  superstition. 

But  these  things,  whatever  they  be,  his  Lordship  tells  us, 
'  are  now  continued  for  several  politic  ends/  Yea,  and  with 
his  Lordship's  favour,  for  several  and  great  religious  ends  too. 
But  if  they  were  continued  for  politic  ends  only,  so  the  poli 
cies  be  good  and  befitting  Christians,  I  know  no  reason  why 
they  may  not  be  continued.  For,  as  for  that  which  is  here 
given  by  this  Lord,  'tis  either  weak  or  false.  He  says  these 
things  are  '  heterogeneal  to  their  function ; '  that 's  weak. 
For,  'tis  not  possible  for  any  priest,  that  is  not  cloistered,  to 
live  so  in  the  world,  as  to  meddle  with  nothing  that  is  '  hete 
rogeneal  to  their  function.'  And  he  says  further,  that  these 
things  are  '  inconsistent  with  their  function;'  and  that's 
false.  For  if  these  things  were  simply  '  inconsistent '  with 
priesthood,  God  Himself  would  never  have  made  Eli  both 
priest  and  judge  in  Israel :  nor  should  six  of  each  tribe  have 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  175 

been  of  the  Sanhedrim,  and  so  by  consequence  six  of  the 
tribe  of  Levi ;  and  so  the  high  priest  might  be  always  one, 
and  a  chief  in  that  great  court,  which  had  cognisance  of  all 
things  in  that  government 1 :  and  their  function,  as  they  are 
ministers  of  the  Gospel,  is  no  more  inconsistent  with  these 
things  than  the  Levitical  priesthood  was.  For  beside  their 
sacrificing,  they  were  to  read  and  expound  the  Law,  as  well  as 
we  the  Gospel.  For  so  it  is  expressly  set  down,  Deut.  xxxiii.  10, 
'  they'  (that  is,  the  tribe  of  Levi)  '  shall  teach  Jacob  Thy 
judgments,  and  Israel  Thy  laws/  So  that  meddling  with 
temporal  affairs  was  as  great  a  distraction  to  them  from  their 
calling,  as  from  ours ;  and  as  '  inconsistent '  with  it,  and  so 
as  hurtful  to  their  consciences  and  their  credits.  And  would 
God  put  all  this  upon  them,  which  this  Lord  thinks  so 
unlawful  for  us,  if  it  were  so  indeed  ?  But  this  Lord  goes 
yet  further,  and  tells  us,  that  these  things  are  '  such  as  have 
ever  been,  and  will  ever  be,  hurtful  to  themselves,  and  make 
them  hurtful  to  others  in  the  times  and  places  where  they 
are  continued/  Good  God  !  what  fools  we  poor  bishops  are, 
as  were  also  our  predecessors  for  many  hundred  years  toge 
ther,  that  neither  they  nor  we  could  see  and  discern  what 
was  and  is  '  hurtful  to  ourselves,'  nor  what  then  did,  or  yet 
doth,  '  make  us  hurtful  to  others,  in  times  and  places  where 
they  are  continued  to  us  \3  And  surely,  if  my  Lord  means  by 
this  our  meddling  in  civil  affairs,  when  our  Prince  calls  us  to 
it  (as  I  believe  he  doth),  I  doubt  his  Lordship  is  much  deceived ; 
for  certainly,  if  herein  the  Bishops  do  their  duties,  as  very 
many  of  them  in  several  kingdoms  have  plentifully  done, 
they  cannot  hurt  themselves  by  it ;  and  to  others,  and  the 
very  public  itself,  it  hath  occasioned  much  good  both  in 
Church  and  State.  But  now  my  Lord  will  not  only  tell  us 
what  these  things  are,  but  he  will  prove  it  also  that  they  are 
hurtful  to  us. 

And  these  things  alone  (says  my  Lord)  this  Bill  takes  away ; 
that  is,  their  offices  and  places  in  courts  of  judicature, 
and  their  employment  by  obligation  of  office  in  civil  affairs. 
I  shall  insist  upon  this  to  show,  first,  how  these  things 

1  Bertram  cle  Polit.  Jud.  cap.  vi.  [p.  35.  Qenev.  1580.] 


176  ANSWER  TO   THE    LOUD   SAY'S  SPEECH 

hurt  themselves ;  and,  secondly,  how  they  have  made,  and 
ever  will  make  them  hurtful  to  others,  [p.  2.] 

These  things  then,  you  see,  which  are  so  hurtful  and  dan-  21 
gerous  to  Bishops  themselves,  and  make  them  as  hurtful  to 
others,  are  their  '  offices/  and  f  places  in  courts  of  judicature/ 
and  their  '  employment  by  obligation  of  office  in  civil  affairs.' 
Where,  first,  for  '  offices ;'  I  know  no  bishop  since  the  Re 
formation  that  hath  been  troubled  with  any,  but  only  Dr. 
Juxon,  when  Bishop  of  London,  was  Lord  High  Treasurer 
of  England  for  about  five  yearsm.  And  he  was  made  when  the 
King's  affairs  were  in  a  great  strait ;  and,  to  my  knowledge, 
he  carried  so,  that  if  he  might  have  been  left  to  himself,  the 
King  might  have  been  preserved  from  most  of  those  difficulties 
into  which  he  after  fell  for  want  of  money.  As  all  kings  shall 
be  hazarded,  more  or  less,  in  some  time  or  other  of  their 
reign,  and  much  the  more  if  their  purses  be  empty,  and  they 
forced  to  seek  aid  from  their  subjects.  And  this,  as  'tis  every 
where  true,  yet  -'tis  most  true  in  England. 

As  for  '  places  in  courts  of  judicature/  the  Bishops  of 
England  have  ever  sat  all  of  them  in  Parliament,  the  highest 
court,  ever  since  Parliaments  were  in  England.  And  what 
soever  is  now  thought  of  them,  they  have  in  their  several 
generations  done  great  services  there :  and,  as  I  conceive,  it 
is  not  only  fit,  but  necessary  they  should  have  votes  in  that 
great  court;  howsoever* the  late  Act  hath  shut  them  out; 
and  that  Act  must  in  time  be  repealed0,  or  it  shall  undoubt 
edly  be  worse  for  this  kingdom  than  yet  it  is.  The  Bishops 
sat  in  no  other  courts  but  the  Star-Chamber  and  the  High- 
Commission.  And  of  these  the  High-Commission  was  most 
proper  for  them  to  sit,  and  see  sin  punished :  for  no  causes 
were  handled  there  but  ecclesiastical,  and  those  such  as  were 
very  heinous,  either  for  the  crime  itself,  or  the  persons  which 
committed  it,  being  too  great  or  too  wilful  to  be  ruled  by 
the  inferior  jurisdictions.  As  for  the  Star-Chamber,  there 
were  ordinarily  but  two  bishops  present,  and  it  was  fit  some 
should  be  there :  for  that  court  was  a  mixed  court  of  law, 
equity,  honour,  and  conscience,  and  was  composed  of  persons 
accordingly,  from  the  very  original  of  that  court.  For  there 

m  [He  held  the  office  from  March  9,          n  [It  was  repealed  by  13  Car.  II. 
163f,  to  May  17,  1641.]  cap.  ii.] 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  177 

were  to  be  there  two  judges  to  take  care  of  the  laws,  and  two 
bishops  to  look  to  the  conscience,  and  the  rest  men  of  great 
offices  or  birth,  or  both,  to  preserve  the  honour,  and  all  of 
them  together  to  maintain  the  equity  of  the  court.  So  here 
were  but  two  bishops  employed,  and  those  only  twice  a  week 
in  term  time.  As  for  the  Council-table,  that  was  never 
accounted  a  court,  yet  as  matters  civil  were  heard  and  often 
ended  there,  so  were  some  ecclesiastical  too.  But  the  Bishops 
were  little  honoured  with  this  trouble  since  the  Reformation : 
for  many  times  no  bishop  was  of  the  Council-table,  and 
usually  not  above  two.  Once  in  King  James's  time  I  knew 
three,  and  once  four,  and  that  was  the  highest  °,  and  but  for 
a  short  time.  And  certainly  the  fewer  the  better,  if  this  Lord 
can  prove  (that  which  he  says  he  will  insist  upon)  that  those 
things  are  c  hurtful  to  themselves,  and  make  them  hurtful  to 
others/  And  to  do  this  he  proceeds  : — 

They  themselves  are  hurt  thereby  in  their  conscience  and  in 
their  credits.     In  their  conscience.,  by  seeking  and  admit- 
»2  ting  things  which  are  inconsistent  with  that  function  and 

office  which  God  hath  set  them  apart  unto.   [p.  2.] 

His  Lordship  begins  with  this, c  that  the  Bishops  are  hereby 
hurt  both  in  their  consciences  and  their  credits/  Two  great 
hurts  indeed,  if  by  these  things  they  be  wounded  in  their 
consciences  towards  God,  and  in  their  credits  before  men. 
But  I  am  willing  to  hope  these  are  not  real,  but  imaginary 
hurts,  and  that  this  Lord  shall  not  be  able  to  prove  it  other 
wise  :  yet  I  see  he  is  resolved  to  labour  it  as  much  as  he  can. 
And,  first,  he  would  prove  that  these  things,  and  not  the 
ambitious  seeking  of  them  only,  but  the  very  admitting  of 
them,  though  offered,  or  in  a  manner  laid  upon  some  of  them 
by  the  supreme  power,  are  hurtful  to  their  consciences,  be 
cause  they  '  are  inconsistent  with  the  function  to  which  God 
hath  set  them  apart/  But  I  have  proved  already  that  they 
are  not  inconsistent  with  that  function,  and  so  there's  an  end 
of  this  argument.  For  Bishops,  without  neglect  of  their 
calling,  may  spend  those  few  hours  required  of  them,  in 

0  [Archbishop  Abbot,  Bishops  drewes,  were  Privy  Councillors  at  one 
Montagu  (of  Winchester)  and  An-  time.] 

LAUD. — YOL.  VI. 


178 

giving  their  assistance  in  and  to  the  forenamed  civil  affairs. 
And  'tis  well  known  that  S.  Augustin  did  both  in  great 
perfection,  so  high  up  in  the  primitive  Church,  and  in  that 
great  and  learned  age  :  for  he  complains  that  he  had  nor 
forenoon  nor  afternoon  free,,  he  was  so  held  to  it,  occupa- 
tionibus  hominum,  by  the  businesses  which  men  brought  to 
him ;  and  he  desires  that  he  may  ease  himself  in  part  upon 
him  that  was  at  his  desire  designed  his  successor ;  to  which 
the  people  expressed  their  great  liking,  by  their  acclamation  P. 
And  these  businesses  he  despatched  with  that  great  dexterity 
to  most  men's  content,  that  men  did  not  only  bring  their 
secular  causes  before  him,  but  were  very  desirous  to  have 
him  determine  them^.  And  S.  Ambrose  was  in  greater 
employment  for  secular  affairs  than  S.  Augustin  was,  for  he 
was  Bishop  and  Governor  of  Milan  both  at  once ;  and  was  so 
full  of  this  employment,  that  S.  Augustin,  being  then  upon 
the  point  of  his  conversion,  complains  he  could  not  find  him 
at  so  much  leisure  as  he  would r.  And  this,  besides  many 
bishops  and  clergymen  of  great  note,  who  have  been  employed 
in  great  embassies,  and  great  offices  under  emperors  and 
kings,  and  discharged  them  with  great  fidelity  and  advantage 
to  the  public,  and  without  detriment  to  the  Church8.  And 
surely  they  would  never  have  taken  this  burden  upon  them, 
had  their  conscience  been  hurt  by  it,  or  had  it  been  incon 
sistent  with  their  function,  or  absolutely  against  the  ancient 
canons  of  the  Church,  of  which  they  were  so  conscientious 
and  strict  observers.  My  Lord  goes  on  to  another  argument 
and  tells  us  : — 

P  S.  Aug.  Ep.  CX.   [ccxiii.  Ben.  §  5.  TrapaAiy  lepca^fvos,  Kal  ,ueO'  'days  aper^s 

Op.,  torn.  ii.  col.  1198.  B.]  el^e     7roAm«o?s     e/*/3aAo>i'     Trpo.yna.a'Lv, 

i  "  Et  homines  quidam  causas  suas  aartKols    Kal   |eVojs  iravroScnro'is  yvtupi- 

sseculares  apud  nos  finire  cupiente?,"  pos  eV  o^lyy  tyeveTo.~] 
&c. — S.Aug.Epist.  cxlvii.  [xxxiii.  Ben.          Et  de  Jacobo  quodam,  Theod.  lib.  ii. 

§  5.  Op.,  torn.  ii.  col.  94.  A.]  and  [S.]  Hist.  cap.  30.    [Theodoret   speaks  of 

Amb.   lib.  v.   Epist.    xxxiii.   [(Epist.  the  defence  of  Nisibis  against  Sapor 

Ixxxii.  Ben.)  Op.,  torn.  ii.  col.  1100.]  by  James,  the  Bishop  of  the  place.] 

r  "  Non  enim  quaerere  ab  eo  pote-          Et  de  Chrysostomo,  Socrat.  lib.  vii. 

ram  quod  volebam  sicut  volebam,  se-  Hist.  c.  8.     [Socrates  in  this  passage 

cludentibus  me   ab  ejus  aure  et  ore  speaks  of  Maruthas  being  sent  as  am- 

catervis  negotiosorum  hominum,  quo-  bassador  to  the  King  of  Persia,  and 

ruminnrmitatibusserviebat." — S.Aug.  does  not  make   any   mention    of   S. 

lib.  vi.  Confess,    cap.  3.    [Op.,  torn.  i.  Chrysostom.] 
col.  212.  B.C.]  Et  Constantinus  communicabat  cum 

*  Similiter  Sozomen.  refert  de  Epi-  Episcopis  consilia  de  expeditione  sua 

phanio,  lib.  vi.  Hist.  cap.  3.  [leg.  32.  contra  Persas.     Euseb.  lib.  i.  de  Vita 

'{is  eV  ouiAy  -}ap  Kdl  TroAet  ^ya\rt  Kal  Constant,  cap.  35.  [lib.  i.  cap.  42.] 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  179 

They  are  separated  unto  a  special  work,  and  men  must  take 
heed  how  they  misemploy  things  dedicated  and  set  apart 
>  to  the  service  of  God.     They  are  called  to  preach  the 

Gospel,  and  set  apart  to  the  luork  of  the  ministry ;  and 
the  Apostle  saith,  f  Who  is  sufficient  for  these  things  ?  ' 
showing  that  this  requireth  the  whole  man :  and  all  is  too 
little.  Therefore  for  them  to  seek  or  take  other  offices, 
which  shall  require  and  tie  them  to  employ  their  time  and 
studies  in  the  affairs  of  this  world,  will  draw  a  guilt  upon 
them,  as  being  inconsistent  with  that  which  God  doth  call 
them,  and  set  them  apart  unto.  [p.  2.] 

This  is  my  Lord's  next  argument.  And  truly  I  like  the 
beginning  of  it  very  well,  and  I  pray  God  this  Lord  may  be 
mindful  of  it  when  time  may  serve ;  for  surely  men  ought  to 
take  heed  how  they  misemploy  things  dedicated  and  set  apart 
to  the  service  of  God.  And  therefore,  as  ministers  must  not 
misemploy  their  persons  or  their  times,  which  are  dedicated 
to  God  and  His  service ;  no  more  must  laymen  take  away  and 
misemploy  the  Church  revenues  devoutly  given,  dedicated, 
and  set  apart  to  maintain  and  hold  up  the  service  of  God, 
and  to  refresh  Christ  in  his  poor  members  upon  earth.  And 
if  ever  a  scambling  time  come  for  the  Church-lands  (as  these 
times  hereafter  must),  I  hope  his  Lordship  will  remember 
this  argument  of  his,  and  help  to  hold  back  the  violent  from 
committing  more  sacrilege,  whereas  too  much  lies  heavy  on 
the  kingdom  already. 

The  rest  of  the  argument  will  abide  some  examination. 
First,  then,  most  true  it  is,  that  Bishops  are  '  called  to  preach 
the  Gospel,  and  set  apart  to  that  work/  but  whether  they  be 
so  set  apart,  as  that,  what  necessity  soever  requires  it,  they 
may  do  nothing  else  but  study  and  preach,  is  no  great  ques 
tion  ;  for  certainly,  they  may  in  times  of  persecution  labour 
many  ways  for  their  preservation,  and  in  times  of  want  for 
their  sustenance,  and  at  all  times  (if  they  be  called  to  it)  give 
their  best  counsel  and  advice  for  the  public  safety  of  the 
State  as  well  as  their  own. 

Nor  doth  that  of  the  Apostle,  2  Cor.  ii.  16,  '  Who  is  suffi 
cient  for  these  things  ? '  hinder  this  at  all ;  for  though  this 
great  calling  and  charge  'requires  the  whole  man/ though  all 

N  2 


180 

that  the  ablest  man  can  do  in  it  be  'too  little '  (all  things 
simply  and  exactly  considered),  yet  he  that  saith  here,  '  none 
are  sufficient   for  these  things/   (for  so  much  the   question 
implieth,)  saith  also  in  the  very  next  chapter,  that  God  hath 
made  him  and  others  '  able  ministers  of  the  New  Testament/ 
2  Cor.  iii.  6,  and  if  able,  then  doubtless  sufficient.     And  the 
Greek  word  is  the  same,  'Uavos,  '  sufficient/  in  the  one  place, 
and  iKavwcrev  r^as, c  made  us  sufficient/  in  the  other.   Besides, 
it  may  be  the  sense  of  the  places  will  bear  it,  that  no  man  is 
sufficient  for  the  dignity  of  the  office,  which  brings  with  it 
the  '  savour  of  life  or  death '  to  all  men,  and  yet  that  many 
men  are  made  sufficient  by  God's  grace  to  perform  this  office  ; 
that  is,  to  bring  both  the  one  and  the  other.    But  howsoever, 
be  the  office  as  high  it  is,  and  be  the  men  never  so  sufficient, 
yet  the  function  is  such  as  cannot  be  daily  performed  by  the 
priest  for  the  preaching  part,  nor  attended  by  the  people  for 
their  other  necessary  employments  of  life,  which  made  the 
wisdom  of  God  Himself  command  a  Sabbath  under  the  Law, 
and  the  Church  to  settle  the  Lord's-day,  and  other  holy-days 
under  the  Gospel,  for  the  public  service  and  worship  of  God, 
and  the  instruction  of  the  people.     I  say,  in  regard  of  this, 
a  bishop  or  a  priest  who  shall  be  judged  fit  for  that  public 
service,  may  give  counsel  in  any  civil  affairs,  and  take  upon 
him  (if  not  seek)  any  office  temporal  that  may  help  and  assist 
him  in  his  calling,  and  give  him  credit  and  countenance  to 
do  the  more  good  among  his  people,  but  not  to  the  desertion 
of  his  spiritual  work.     And  this  Lord  is  much  deceived  if  he 
thinks  all  offices  do  require  and  tie  them  to  employ  their 
time  and  studies  in  the  affairs  of  this  world.     If  they  be  such 
offices  as  do,  I  grant  with  him,  that  to  take  them  (unless  it  be 
upon  some  urgent  necessity)  may  '  draw  a  guilt  upon  them :' 
but  if  they  be  such  as  clergymen  may  easily  execute  in  their 
empty  hours,  without  any  great  hindrance  to  their  calling, 
arid  perhaps  with  great  advantage  to  it,  then,  out  of  doubt, 
it  can  draw  no  guilt  upon  them  which  take  them.     And  this 
Lord  in  this  passage  is  very  cunning  :  for,  instead  of  speaking 
of  Bishops  having  anything  to  do  in  civil  affairs,  he  speaks  of 
nothing  but  taking  of  offices.     Now  a  clergyman  may  many 
ways  have  to  do  in  temporal  affairs,  without  taking  any  set 
office  upon  him,  which  shall  not  tie  up  his  time  or  his  studies 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  181 

to  the  affairs  of  this  world,  as  it  seems  this  Lord  would  per 
suade  the  world  all  do. 

Now,  that  a  bishop  or  other  clergyman  may  lawfully 
meddle  with  some  temporal  affairs,  (always  provided  that  he 
'  entangle  i '  not  himself  with  them ;  for  that  indeed  no  man 
doth  that  wars  for  Christ  as  he  ought,  2  Tim.  ii.  4,)  is,  I 
think,  very  evident,  not  only  by  that  which  the  priests  did, 
and  might  do  under  the  Law,  but  also  by  that  which  was 
done  after  Christ,  in  the  Apostles'  time,  and  by  some  of  them. 
To  study  and  practise  physic  is  as  much  inconsistent  with  the 
function  of  a  minister  of  the  Gospel,  as  to  sit,  consult,  and 
give  counsel  in  civil  affairs :  but  St.  Luke,  though  an  Evan 
gelist,  continued  his  profession,  as  appears,  Coloss.  iv.  14, 
where  St.  Paul  says  thus :  '  Luke  the  beloved  physician 
greets  you ;'  where  St.  Paul  would  never  have  called  him  a 
'physician'  had  he  left  off  that  calling  to  attend  the  Gospel 
only.  And  S.  Paul  himself,  when  he  might  have  lived  on 
the  Gospel  by  the  Lord's  own  ordinance,  1  Cor.  ix.,  would 
never  have  betaken  himself  to  live  by  '  making  of  tents/ 
Acts  xviii.,  only  for  a  convenience  (as  I  conceive),  that  he 
might  work  the  more  upon  the  people  while  he  charged  them 
not,  if  in  so  doing  he  had  found  it  a  hindrance  to  his  preach 
ing  the  Gospel.  And  this  Lord  and  others,  who  would  not 
have  ministers  meddle  with  civil  affairs,  are  content,  not  only 
to  the  disgrace  of  the  ministry,  but  even  of  religion  itself,  to 
hear  felt-makers,  and  ironmongers,  and  gardeners,  and  brew 
ers,  clerks,  and  coachmen  preach  God  knows  what  stuff,  and 
countenance  them  in  this  sacrilegious  presumption.  Nay, 
and  are  never  troubled  that  these  men  have  all  their  time 
taken  up  in  the  affairs  of  the  world,  but  rather  say  their  gifts 
are  the  greater,  that  they  are  able  to  do  both.  Out  of  doubt 
they  hope  that  their  coachmen-preachers  shall  hurry  them  to 
heaven  in  some  fiery  chariot ;  and  I  myself  in  time  might  be 
5  brought  to  believe  it  too,  did  I  not  see  Phaeton  setting  the 
Christian  world  on  fire,  but  no  Elias  there.  Nor  yet  will 
S.  Paul's  example  any  whit  advantage  them  :  for  he  was  no 
ignorant  tradesman,  but  a  learned  Pharisee  brought  up  under 
Gamaliel,  Acts  xxii.  And  it  was  the  custom  of  their  doc- 

,  implicatur. 


182  ANSWER  TO   THE   LOUD  SAYJS    SPEECH 

tors,  (as  it  is  at  this  day  in  Turkey,  and  many  other  places 
in  the  East,)  to  breed  up  their  scholars  to  a  trade  as  well  as 
to  the  knowledge  of  their  law ;  both  that  they  might  know  the 
better  how  to  spend  their  empty  hours  honestly,  and  be  able 
to  get  their  living  should  necessity  overtake  them.  Now  let 
these  bold  men  show  under  what  Gamaliel  they  were  bred, 
and  how  they  profited  under  him ;  or  that  they  have  S.  Paul's 
revelation  as  well  as  his  trade,  and  then  I'll  say  more  to 
them.  But  this  Lord  is  very  full  in  this  theme,  and  falls 
upon  another  argument. 

In  this  respect  (saith  he)  our  Saviour  hath  expressly  prohi 
bited  it,  telling  His  Apostles  that  they  should  not  '  lord  it 
over  their  brethren,3  nor  exercise  jurisdiction  over  them, 
as  was  used  in  civil  governments  among  the  heathen. 
They  were  called  Gracious  Lords,  and  exercised  juris 
diction,  as  lords,  over  others  ;  and  sure  they  might  law- 
fully  do  so.  But  to  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel  our 
Saviour  gives  this  rule  :  It  shall  not  be  so  done  to  you  ;  if 
you  strive  for  greatness,  he  shall  be  greatest  that  is  the 
greatest  servant  to  the  rest.  Therefore  in  another  place 
he  saith,  '  He  that  putteth  his  hand  to  the  plough,  and 
looketh  back  to  the  things  of  this  world,  is  not  fit  for  the 
kingdom  of  God?  that  is,  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  as 
it  is  usually  called,  [p.  2.] 

This  argument  will  be  somewhat  indeed,  if  it  proves  such 
as  this  Lord  says  it  is.  For  he  says  that  our  Saviour  hath 
expressly  prohibited  it :  and  if  it  be  so,  there 's  an  end  of  the 
controversy.  No  question  but  it  is  utterly  unlawful  if  our 
Saviour  prohibited  it.  But  where  is  it  that  He  hath  done  so  ? 
Where  ?  Why,  'tis  where  He  tells  His  Apostles,  that  they 
should  not  flord  it  over  their  brethren/  Not  lord  it  over 
their  brethren  ?  That's  true.  Nor  exercise  jurisdiction  over 
them?  That's  false,  if  the  proposition  be  general;  for  then 
there  can  be  no  order,  no  government  among  Churchmen. 
And  if  it  be  particular,  no  such  jurisdiction  as  was  used  in 
civil  government  among  the  heathen,  then  'tis  fit  to  weigh 
this  place  through  and  throughout.  Well  then !  the  mother 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  183 

of  Zebedee's  children  desired  of  Christ  for  her  two  sons,  that 
( the  one  might  sit  at  His  right  hand,  and  the  other  at  His  left 
hand  in  His  kingdom/   S.  Matth.  xx.  21.      Where,  first,  it 
appears  plainly,  that  this  was  not  only  a  piece  of  feminine 
ambition, for  her  sons  made  the  suit  as  well  as  she ;  so  S.  Mark, 
x.  35,  tells  us :  and  they  came  with  her  when  she  made  it  ; 
so  S.  Matth.  xx.  20.    And  little  doubt  need  be  made  but  that 
they  set  their  mother  on  to  move  it,  as  may  appear  partly  by 
our  Saviour,  who  says  nothing  to  the  mother,  but  first  puts 
a  question  to  the  sons,  which  they  answer,  and  then  gives 
His  answer  to  them,  ver.  22,  23 ;  which,  I  conceive,  He  would 
not  have  done,  had  not  they  been  in  the  business :  and  partly, 
because  the  other  ten  disdained  u  at  the  two  brethren  for  this, 
6  ver.  24.     Secondly,  if  it  were  here  meant  by  them,  '  to  sit 
at  His  right  hand  and  at  His  left  in  His  kingdom  in  heaven/ 
as  may  be  thought  not  altogether  improbable  by  the  question 
Christ  put  to  them  about  His  baptism  and  His  cup,  both 
preparatory  to  that  kingdom :  and  if  it  be  so  (and  so  some 
think  it  is),  then  this  text  is   applied  by  this  Lord   to  no 
purpose,  if  it    meddles  nothing  with  temporal   offices   and 
employments,  but  relates  to  the  kingdom  of  heaven.     But  if 
they  meant  by  this  sitting  at  His  right  hand  and  at  His  left 
the  honourable  places  about  Him  in  His  earthly  kingdom, 
which  the  Apostles  sometimes  fancied  He  should  here  have, 
as  some  think,  because  of  the  other  part  of  Christ's  answer, 
that  e  the  princes  of  the   Gentiles  exercise    dominion   over 
them,  but  it  shall  not  be  so  amongst  you/  ver.  25,  26  ;  then 
the  answer  is  clear,  that  Christ  did  not  here  forbid  them  the 
taking  of  such  places  upon  them  simply,  but  He  forbids  either 
an  absolute  independent  power, — for  so  Karaicvpieveiv  signifies, 
which  takes   not  away  superiority  over  others,   so  they  be 
subject  to  the  prince  and  state, — or   else  the  using  of  such 
places  after  the  lordly  and  tyrannous  manner  of  some  hea 
thens.     And  the  Geneva  divines,  in  their  notes   upon  the 
Bible,  tell  us,  that  the  meaning  of  Christ's  answer  to  them  in 
these  words,  '  To  sit  at  My  right  hand  and  at  My  left  is  not 
Mine  to  give/  ver.  23,  is,  that  God  the  Father  had  not  given 
Him  charge  to  bestow  offices  of  honour  here,  but  to  be  an 

u  Or  \vcre  moved  with  indignation,  ^ 


184  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD   SAY'S  SPEECH 

example  of  humility  to  allx.  So  Christ  came  not  then  to 
give  such  places  ;  but  here's  no  prohibition  for  the  Apostles 
to  take  them  at  their  hands,  who  would  give  them  for  the 
good  of  the  Church.  And  howsoever,  if  this  place  must  be 
understood  of  temporal  honours  and  employments,  then  it 
follows,  that  though  these  two  Apostles  had  not  those  seats, 
some  other  of  them  should.  For  Christ  says  plainly,  that 
the  sitting  at  His  right  hand  and  at  His  left  '  shall  be  given  to 
them  for  whom  it  is  prepared  by  His  Father/  So  then  it 
shall  be  given  to  some,  and  doubtless  to  some  of  the  Apostles  : 
strangers  should  not  be  preferred  before  them.  And  'tis  all 
one  to  our  present  business,  which  of  the  Apostles  sat  there, 
so  some  did,  or  were  to  do ;  and  rather  than  yield  this,  his 
Lordship  perhaps  were  better  grant  that  this  is  to  be  under 
stood  of  another  kingdom,  and  that .  this  text  meddles  with 
no  temporal  either  offices  or  employments,  but  that  by  occa 
sion  of  this  our  Saviour  preaches  humility  to  them,  yet  so  as 
still  to  keep  up  authority  and  government  in  the  Church,  to 
which  He  applies  it. 

And  for  that  other  parallel  place,  '  Be  ye  not  called  Rabbi/ 
S.  Matth.  xxiii.  8,  that  cannot  prejudice  all  jurisdiction  in  men 
in  holy  orders ;  as  if  to  meddle  with  it  were  forbidden  by 
Christ,  or,  as  if  it  were  Antichristian,  as  now  'tis  made ;  since 
it  is  plain  that  Christ  there  forbids  neither  the  title,  nor  the 
preeminence,  nor  the  authority,  but  the  vain-glorious  affecta 
tion  of  it,  ver.  5,  6;  and  that's  a  sin  indeed,  no  man  doubts. 
And  it  may  be  observed,  too,  if  this  Lord  pleases,  that  this 
precept  was  given  to  the  people  too,  as  well  as  to  the  disciples, 
ver.  1 ;  and  then,  for  aught  I  know,  this  truth  will  come  in 
as  strongly  to  pull  down  temporal  Lords,  as  Bishops ;  and 
what  will  his  Lordship  say  to  that  ? 

As  for  that  which  is  added  by  this  Lord,  '  If  ye  strive  for 
greatness,  he  shall  be  greatest  who  is  the  greatest  servant  to 
the  rest  /  though  the  words  differ  somewhat  from  the  text, 
yet  my  Lord  must  be  content  to  hear  that  there  is  a  twofold 
greatness;  the  one  in  God's  account,  and  that's  greatness 
indeed  :  and  so  our  Saviour  means  it  here,  that ( he  is  greatest 
who  is  the  greatest  servant  to  the  rest,'  (if  this  Lord  will 

x  Annot,  in  St.  Matth.  xx.  23. 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  185 

needs  read  it  so  :)  the  other  is  in  man's  account,  when  one 
man  hath  power  and  superiority  over  another ;  and  which 
was  that  which  the  Apostles  affected.  In  which  case,  though 
our  Saviour's  precept  be,  l  Whosoever  will  be  great  among 
you,  let  him  be  your  servant ;'  that  is,  the  more  serviceable 
to  you  and  the  Church,  the  greater  he  is ;  yet  these  words, 
'  it  shall  not  be  so  with  you,'  do  not  deny  this  authority  or 
greatness  which  one  may  have  over  another  in  the  Church  of 
Christ  for  the  necessary  government  thereof,  though  they 
neither  do  nor  may  domineer  over  their  brethren.  And 
therefore  where  St.  Matthew  reads  it,  he  that  will  be  //,e'ya?, 
'  great/  and  Trpwro?,  '  first,'  among  you  y  ;  there  St.Luke2  hath 
it,  6  fjLei&v,  'greater/  and  6  rjyovpevos,  ' chief  or  ' leader  V 
Nor  doth  he  say  so  as  St.  Matthew  does,  he  that  would  be 
so,  but,  '  he  that  is,'  which  argues  clearly,  that  even  in  our 
Saviour's  own  account  and  institution  too,  there  was  then, 
and  should  be  after  His  ascension,  '  greater '  and  '  less/  such 
as  were  to  lead,  and  such  as  were  to  be  led.  No  parity,  and 
yet  no  barbarous  lording ;  but  orderly  and  Christian  govern 
ing  in  the  Church.  And  this  must  needs  be  so,  or  else  Christ 
left  His  Church  in  a  worse  condition  than  this  Lord  acknow 
ledges  the  civil  governments  were  among  the  heathen,  which 
he  says  might  lawfully  govern  so.  For  I  hope  he  will  not 
say  that  even  the  heathen  might  tyrannise. 

If  this  be  not  sufficient,  this  Lord  puts  us  in  mind  that  our 
Saviour  says  in  another  place,  that  '  he  which  lays  his  hand 
to  the  plough,  and  looks  back  to  the  things  of  this  world,  is  not 
fit  for  the  kingdom  of  God;  that  is,  the  preaching  of  the 
Gospel,  as  'tis  usually  called/  St.  Luke  ix.  ult.  Where,  first, 
it  may  be  doubted  whether  this  laying  of  the  '  hand  to  the 
plough'  belong  to  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel  only,  or  to  others 
also ;  for  if  it  belongs  to  others  as  well  as  to  them  (though 
perhaps  not  so  much),  then  no  Christian,  though  he  be  not 
a  minister,  may  have  to  do  with  worldly  affairs ;  and  then  we 
shall  have  a  devout  wise  world  quickly.  Secondly,  it  may  be 
doubted,  too,  whether  this  '  looking  back '  be  any  kind  of 
meddling  at  all  with  worldly  affairs,  or  such  a  meddling  as 

y  St.  Matth.  xx.  26,  27.  a  And  St.  Paul  uses  it  for  a  bishop 

z  St.  Luke  xxii.  26.  or  governor,  Heb.  xiii.  1. 


183  ANSWER  TO  THE  LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

shall  so  entangle  the  husbandman  that  his  plough  stands  still, 
or  so  bewitches  him  that  he  forsakes  his  '  plough/  that  is,  his 
calling,  altogether.  If  it  be  no  meddling  at  all,  no  man  can 
live ;  if  it  be  no  meddling  but  that  which  entangles,  then 
any  minister  may  meddle  with  worldly  affairs,  so  far  and  so 
long  as  he  '  entangles '  not  himself  with  them  :  and  so  far  as 
to  entangle  himself,  no  Christian  may  meddle,  '  that  will  live 
godly  in  Christ  Jesus/ 

If  this  be  not  sufficient,  this  Lord  will  prove  it  e'er  he  hath 
done,  for  he  goes  on  : — 

To  be  thus  withdrawn,  by  entangling  themselves  with  the 
affairs  of  this  life,  by  the  necessity  and  duty  of  an  office 
received  from  men,  from  the  discharge  of  that  office  which 
God  hath  called  them  to,  brings  a  ivoe  upon  them.  '  Woe 
unto  me,'  saith  the  Apostle,  '  if 'I preach  not  the  Gospel?  2 
What  doth  he  mean  ?  If  I  preach  not  once  a  quarter,  or 
once  a  year  in  the  King's  Chapel?  No.  He  himself 
interprets  it,  ( Preach  the  word,  be  instant  in  season  and 
out  of  season ;  rebuke,  exhort,  or  instruct  ivith  all  long- 
suffering  and  doctrine.3  He  that  hath  an  office  must 
attend  on  his  office,  especially  this  of  the  ministry. 
[pp.  2,  3.] 

I  see  my  Lord  will  not  mend  his  terms,  though  they  mar 
the  sense,  and  mislay  the  question.  For  no  man  says  that 
which  this  Lord  so  often  repeats ;  namely,  that  a  Bishop  or 
any  other  clergyman  may  '  entangle  himself  with  the  affairs 
of  this  life '  (which  yet  may  be  with  covetousness  and  volup 
tuous  living,  as  much  or  more  than  with  being  called  to  council 
in  civil  affairs)  '  by  any  office  received  from  man,  from  the 
discharge  of  that  office  which  God  hath  called  them  unto/ 
No !  God  forbid !  this  would  '  bring  a  woe  upon  them ' 
indeed.  But  since  no  man  says  it,  this  Lord  fights  here 
with  his  own  shadow.  For  all  that  is  said  is  this,  that  a 
Bishop  being  grown  old  and  full  of  experience,  if  the  King, 
or  the  State  in  which  he  lives,  thinks  him  for  his  wisdom, 
experience,  and  fidelity,  fit  to  be  employed  in  civil  councils 
or  affairs,  be  it  with  an  office  or  without,  the  Bishop  may 
lawfully  undertake  this,  so  he  be  able  to  discharge  it  without 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  187 

deserting  the  office  which.  God  and  His  Church  have  laid 
upon  him.  But  if  he  takes  it,  and  be  not  able  to  discharge 
both ;  or  being  able,  doth  loiter  and  not  discharge  them ; 
either  of  these  is  vitium  hominis,  the  fault  of  the  person,  but 
the  thing  is  lawful. 

As  for  the  place  of  Scripture  which  his  Lordship  adds; 
I  doubt  his  Lordship  understands  it  not  as  the  Apostle  means 
it ;  for  'tis  a  text  very  much  abused  by  ignorant  zeal.  For 
when  he  saith,  '  Woe  unto  me  if  I  preach  not  the  Gospel/ 
1  Cor.  ix.  16,  '  what  doth  he  mean?  if  he  preach  not  once 
a  quarter?'  No  sure,  that's  too  seldom.  What  then?  if 
he  preach  not  '  once  a  year  in  the  King's  Chapel  ? '  No  sure, 
much  less.  For  in  those  days  there  was  no  king  in  Corinth, 
nor  anywhere  else,  that  was  Christian,  to  have  a  chapel  to 
preach  in.  So  this  Lord  might  have  let  this  scorn  alone, 
had  it  so  pleased  him.  No  ;  nor  is  it  if  a  man  prate  not  three 
or  four  times  a  week  in  one  of  his  Lordship's  Independent  con 
gregations,  and  then  call  it  preaching.  The  Apostle  knew  no 
such  schismatical  conventicles.  No  sure,  none  of  this.  Why, 
but  what  is  this  preaching,  then,  the  neglect  whereof  draws  this 

1  woe'  after  it?    This  he  tells  you  St. Paul  interprets  himself, 

2  Tim.  iv.  2,  'tis  to  (  preach  the  word.'     'Tis  indeed,  and  nei 
ther  schism  nor  sedition,  which  are  the  common  themes  of 
these  times.     'Tis  to  be  ( instant  in  preaching  the  word/  as 
God    gives    ability  and    opportunity ;  'tis  to  be  '  instant  in 
season  and  out  of  season  /  that  is,  to  take  God's  opportunity 
rather  than  our  own,  and  not  preach  out  of  season  only,  as 
some  of  this  Lord's  great  favourites  use  to  do  ;  'tis  to  '  re 
buke,  exhort,  and  instruct/  with  knowledge  and  gravity,  and 
not    spend   hours  in  idle  and  empty   discourses.      And  all 
this  is  to  be  done  '  with  all  long-suffering  and  doctrine/ 
and  let  the. clergy  but  study  hard,  and  provide  that  their 
doctrine  be  sound  and  good,  and  I  will  pass  my  word  this 

29  Lord  and  his  friends  shall  take  order  they  shall  do  it 
with  all  the  '  long-suffering '  that  may  be  ;  and  if  they  do 
not  suffer  enough,  or  not  long  enough,  it  shall  not  be  his 
fault,  so  dearly  doth  he  love  that  they  should  preach  the 
word. 

Nay,  I  must  go  further  yet.     To  ' preach  the  word'    in 
this  manner,  is  not  only  to  go  up  into  the  pulpit,  and  thence 


188 

deliver  wholesome  and  pious  instructions,  and  necessary  and 
Christian  reproof,  though  this  be,  as  the  commendable,  so 
the  ordinary  way  of  public  preaching,  that  most  at  once  may 
hear.  For  he  may  be  said  to  preach  the  Gospel  that  any 
ways  declares  (  Christ  crucified/  and  informs  the  understand 
ings  and  consciences  of  men,  for  right  belief  and  true  obe 
dience,  be  it  privately  or  publicly ;  be  it  by  word  of  mouth 
or  by  writing :  and  a  man  may  be  seasonably  instant  this 
way  sometimes,  when  in  the  public  way  of  preaching  he 
cannot.  And  if  this  be  not  so,  how  is  it  said  of  the  Apostles, 
Acts  v.  42,  that  'in  the  temple  and  in  every  house,  they 
ceased  not  to  teach  and  to  preach  Jesus  Christ  ?'  Acts  xx.  20, 
'  I  have  taught  you  publicly,  and  from  house  to  house/  And 
I  believe  some  Bishops,  whom  this  Lord  in  this  passage  is 
pleased  to  jeer  at,  have  preached  more  and  to  more  purpose 
than  any  of  his  Lordship's  Divinity-darlings.  That  which 
follows  is  true,  that  he  which  hath  an  office,  '  must  wait  upon 
his  office/  Rom.  xii.  7,  and  '  especially  this  of  the  ministry  / 
of  which  office  there  the  Apostle  principally  treats.  But  this 
again  no  man  denies.  And  yet  by  his  Lordship's  good  leave, 
no  man  is  bound  to  starve  by  waiting  upon  his  office.  He 
must  wait  upon  it,  that's  true;  but  he  must  provide  neces 
saries  too,  that  he  may  be  able  to  wait.  Next,  this  Lord 
tells  us : — 

The  practice  of  the  Apostles  is  answerable  to  the  direction 
and  doctrine  of  our  Saviour.  There  never  'was,  nor  wilt 
be,  men  of  so  great  abilities  and  gifts  as  they  were  endued 
loithal,  yet  they  thought  it  so  inconsistent  with  their 
calling,  to  take  places  of  judicature  in  civil  matters  and 
secular  affairs  and  employment  upon  them,  that  they  would 
not  admit  of  the  care  and  distraction  that  a  business  far 
more  agreeable  to  their  callings  than  these  would  cast 
upon  them,  and  they  give  the  reason  of  it  in  the  sixth  of 
the  Acts,  ver.  2,  '  It  is  not  reason  that  we  should  leave  the 
word  of  God,  and  serve  tables.'  [p.  3.] 

There  is  no  doubt  but  that  '  the  practice  of  the  Apostles 
was  answerable  to  the  direction  and  doctrine  of  our  Saviour.' 
And  as  certainly  true  it  is,  that  ( there  never  were,  nor  ever 
\\  ill  be,  men  of  so  great  abilities  and  gifts/  in  supernatural 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  189 

and  heavenly  things  especially, '  as  they  were  endued  withal/ 
But  how  will  this  Lord  prove  that  they  thought  it  a  thing 
ahsolutely  '  inconsistent  with  their  calling'  to  meddle  with 
temporal  or  civil  affairs.  No  one  of  them  hath  in  any  place 
of  Scripture  expressed  so  much.  Against  '  entangling'  them 
selves  with  the  world  and  the  affairs  of  it,  I  confess  they 
have,  but  no  more.  Yet  this  Lord  proves  it  thus  :  '  They 
would  not  admit  of  the  care  and  distraction  that  a  business 
far  more  agreeable  to  their  calling  than  these  would  cast 
upon  them/  His  Lordship  means  the  Deacon's  office.  And 
therefore  surely  they  would  not  take  these.  But  this  argument, 
30  by  his  Lordship's  leave,  is  inconsequent.  For  if  any  offices 
or  employments,  how  agreeable  soever  to  their  calling,  bring 
with  them  such  '  care  and  distraction '  as  shall  in  a  mariner 
quite  take  them  off  from  preaching  the  Gospel,  the  Apostles 
did  not,  and  their  successors  may  not  trouble  themselves  with 
them.  When  as  yet  the  Apostles  might,  and  their  successors 
may  take  on  them  other  employments,  though  in  their  nature 
less  agreeable  to  their  calling,  if  they  be  less  distractive  from 
it.  Now  the  Deacon's  office  (as  it  was  then)  brought  more 
trouble  upon  them  for  the  poor  and  the  widows,  than  any 
places  of  judicature  or  council  do  upon  clergymen  now. 
Which  may  appear  by  the  very  reason  they  have  given,  and 
here  remembered,  that  '  it  was  110  reason  they  should  leave 
the  word  of  God  and  serve  tables.'  For  there  it  is  not  said, 
that  they  might  not  at  all  meddle  with  the  ordering  of  those 
tables,  but  that  it  was  not  fit  they  should  so  meddle  with 
them  as  KaTaXetyavras — leaving  the  word  of  God  to  attend 
them.  And  this  to  do,  no  man  says  is  lawful  now.  But 
his  Lordship  presses  this  argument  yet  further  : — 

And  again,  when  they  had  appointed  them  to  choose  men  fit 
for  that  business,  they  institute  an  office  rather,  for  taking 
care  of  the  poor,  than  they  by  it  would  be  distracted  from 
the  principal  work  of  their  calling,  and  then  show  how 
they  ought  to  apply  themselves :  '  But  we,'  say  they,  '  will 
give  ourselves  continually  unto  prayer,  and  to  the  ministry 
of  the  word'  Did  the  Apostles,  men  of  extraordinary 
gifts,  think  it  unreasonable  for  them  to  be  hindered  from 
giving  themselves  continually  to  preaching  the  ivord  and 


190  ANSWER   TO   THE   LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

prayer,  by  taking  care  for  the  tables  of  poor  widows ;  and 
can  Bishops  now  think  it  reasonable  or  lawful  for  them  to 
contend  for  sitting  at  Council-tables,  to  govern  states,  to 
turn  statesmen  instead  of  Churchmen,  to  sit  in  the  highest 
courts  of  judicature,  and  to  be  employed  in  making  laws 
for  civil  polities  and  government?  [p.  3.] 

It  is  true,  indeed,  that  the  Apostles  appointed  the  disciples 
to  choose  men  fit  for  that  business,  and  that  they  did  institute 
the  office  of  Deacons,  to  take  care  of  the  poor,  rather  than 
they  would  be  distracted  from  the  principal  work  of  their 
calling.  But  when  was  this  done?  When  ?  Why,  not  till  the 
disciples  were  multiplied ;  not  till  there  arose  contentions 
between  'the  Greeks  and  the  Hebrews,  that  their  widows 
were  neglected  in  the  daily  ministration,'  Acts  vi.  1.  There 
fore,,  till  the  work  grew  so  heavy,  and  the  contentions  so 
warm,  the  Apostles  themselves  did  order  those  tables,  and 
attend  them  too.  Therefore,  the  work  was  not  unlawful  in 
itself  for  them,  for  then  it  had  been  sin  in  them  to  do  it  at  all 
at  any  time.  For  that  which  is  simply  evil  in,  and  of  itself, 
is  ever  so;  therefore  the  most  that  can  be  made  of  this 
example  is,  that  it  was  lawful,  very  lawful  and  charitable  too, 
for  the  Apostles  to  take  care  of  those  tables  themselves  ;  and 
they  did  it.  For  all  the  provision  for  the  poor  was  brought 
and  '  laid  at  the  Apostles'  feet,'  Acts  iv.  35,  which  doubtless 
would  never  have  been  done,  had  it  been  unlawful  for  the 
Apostles  to  order  and  to  distribute  it.  But  when  they  found 
the  increasing  burden  too  heavy  for  both  the  one  work  and 
the  other,  then,  though  both  were  lawful,  yet  it  was  more  31 
expedient  to  leave  the  tables  than  the  word  of  God,  with 
which  the  world  was  then  as  little  acquainted,  as  now  "'tis  full 
of;  (and  I  pray  God  it  be  not  full  to  a  dangerous  surfeit.) 
Now  this,  as  I  conceive  in  humility,  states  the  Bishops' 
business :  for  to  me  it  seems  out  of  question,  that  it  is  most 
lawful  for  Bishops  to  be  conversant  in  all  the  courts,  councils, 
and  places  of  judicature,  to  which  they  have  been  called  since 
the  Reformation  in  the  Church  and  State  of  England,  till 
they  find  themselves,  or  be  found  unable  to  discharge  the  one 
duty  and  the  other.  And  then,  indeed,  I  grant  no  serving 
of  tables,  no  nor  Council-tables  is  to  be  preferred.  But  then 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  191 

you  must  not  measure  preaching  only  by  a  formal  going  up 
into  the  pulpit :  for  a  Bishop  (and  such  occasions  are  often 
offered)  may  preach  the  Gospel  more  publicly  and  to  far 
greater  edification  in  a  court  of  judicature,  or  at  a  Council- 
table,  where  great  men  are  met  together  to  draw  things  to 
an  issue,  than  many  preachers  in  their  several  charges  can; 
and  therefore  to  far  more  advancement  of  the  Gospel,  than 
any  one  of  his  Lordship's  sect  at  a  table's  end  in  his  Lordship's 
parlour,  or  in  a  pulpit  in  his  Independent  congregation, 
wheresoever  it  be.  And  when  he  hath  said  all  that  he  can, 
or  any  man  else,  this  shall  be  found  true,  that  there  is  not  the 
like  necessity  of  preaching  the  Gospel  lying  upon  every  man 
in  Holy  Orders,  now  Christianity  is  spread  and  hath  taken 
root,  as  lay  upon  the  Apostles  and  apostolical  men,  when 
Christ  and  His  religion  were  strangers  to  the  whole  world. 
And  yet  I  speak  not  this  to  cast  a  damp  or  dullness  upon 
any  man's  zeal  or  diligence  in  that  work.  No,  God  forbid  ! 
For,  though  I  conceive  there  is  not  the  same  necessity,  yet 
a  great  necessity  there  is  still,  and  ever  will  be,  to  hold  up 
both  the  verity  and  devotion  which  attend  religion;  and — 
Non  minor  est  virtus,  quam  queer  ere,  part  a  tueri.  So  there 
may  be  as  great  virtue  in  the  action,  though  perhaps  not 
equal  necessity  of  it. 

Besides,  Deacons  were  not  laymen,  but  men  in  Holy  Orders, 
though  inferior  to  the  Apostles  ;  as  appears  by  Stephen's 
undertaking  the  Libertines  and  Cyrenians  in  the  cause  of 
Christ;  and  Philip's  preaching  of  Christ  in  Samaria,  and 
baptizing13.  And  if  they  were  of  the  Seventy  (as  Epiphanius 
thinks  they  were,  Hser.  [xx.])c,  then  they  were  presbyters 
before  they  had  this  temporary  office  (if  such  it  were) 
put  upon  them.  Therefore,  if  to  meddle  with  these  things 
were  simply  unlawful  in  themselves,  or  for  men  in  holy 
orders ;  or,  if  all  meddling  with  them  were  such  a  distraction 
as  must  needs  make  them  leave  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel ; 
then  these  Seventy  might  not  discharge  the  office  to  which 
they  were  chosen.  And  if  this  be  so,  then  this  Lord  must 
needs  infer  that  the  Apostles,  and  all  which  chose  them,  did 
sin  in  instituting  such  men  to  take  care  of  the  tables,  and  to 

b  Acts  vi.  9  :  Acts  viii.  5,  38  ;  Acts          c  [S.  Epiph.  Heer.  xx.  §  4.  p.  50.] 
vi.  6. 


192  ANSWER  TO  THE  LOUD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

distract  them  from  preaching  of  the  word,  which  they  thought 
unfit  for  themselves  to  do.  And  yet,  I  hope,  my  Lord  will 
not  say  this  in  his  privatest  conventicle.  Nay,  yet  more; 
though  this  care  was  delivered  over  to  the  deacons  in  ordi 
nary,  yet  Calvin  tells  us  plainly,  that  in  things  of  moment 
they  could  do  nothing — nee  quicquam — without  the  authority 
of  the  presbytersd.  So  they  meddled  still. 

Next  this  Lord  shows,  since  the  Apostles  did  not  think  fit  3 
to  distract  themselves  with  business  about  these  tables,  how 
they  ought  to  apply  themselves.  And  this  he  sets  down  in 
the  Apostles'  words,  Acts  vi.  4  :  '  But  we  will  give  ourselves 
continually  to  prayer,  and  the  ministry  of  the  word.'  And 
yet  I  hope  this  Lord  doth  not  think  the  Apostles  by  this  word 
'  continually/  meant  to  do  nothing  else  but  pray  and  preach ; 
for  if  they  did  one  of  these  two  '  continually'  without  any 
intermission,  then  they  could  do  nothing  else  ;  which  is  most 
apparently  false.  And,  indeed,  (which  it  seems  this  learned 
Lord  considered  not,)  this  word  'continually'  is  not  in  the 
text ;  for  in  the  Greek  the  word  is  Trpoo-KapTeprjo-o/jLev,  '  we 
will  be  constant  and  instant  in  prayer  and  ministration  of 
the  word  ;'  which  may  and  ought  to  be  done,  though  neither 
of  them  '  continually /  and  which  many  of  God's  servants 
have  done,  and  yet  meddled  some  way  or  other  with  temporal 
or  worldly  affairs. 

The  argument  is  over:  the  rest  of  this  passage  is  this 
Lord's  rhetoric,  which  I  shall  answer  as  I  repeat  it.  '  Did 
the  Apostles/  saith  his  Lordship,  '  men  of  extraordinary 
gifts,  think  it  unreasonable  for  them  to  be  hindered  from 
giving  themselves  continually  to  preaching  the  word  and 
prayer,  by  taking  care  of  the  tables  of  the  poor  widows  ? ' 
No  ;  sure  they  did  not  think  it  '  unreasonable ;'  that  is  this 
Lord's  word,  to  make  the  present  business  of  the  Bishops 
more  odious,  as  if  it  were  against  common  reason.  But 
there's  no  such  word  in  the  text.  The  word  is,  OVK  dpearov, 
'  it  is  not  meet.'  Now,  many  things  may  not  be  meet  or 
comely,  which  yet  are  not  altogether  unreasonable;  nay, 
which  at  some  times,  and  upon  some  occasions,  may  be 
meet  and  comely  enough;  nay,  perhaps  necessary  for  the 

d  ["  Sic  mensis  prsefuisse  diaconos,  ut      quam  nisi  ex  eorum  auctoritate  age- 
prcsbyteris  tarn  en  subessent,  nee  quic-      rent."] — Calv.  in  Acts  xi.  [3p,  p.  106.] 


AGAINST   THE  BISHOPS.  193 

very  Gospel  itself,  and  therefore  no  way  unreasonable ;  how 
soever  at  this  time  unfit  for  the  Apostles,  and  worthily 
refused  by  them. 

Well,  the  rhetoric  goes  on.  Did  the  Apostles  thus,  '  and 
can  the  Bishops  now  think  it  reasonable  or  lawful  for  them?' 
Yes;  the  times  and  circumstances  being  varied,  and  many 
things  become  fit  which  in  some  former  times  were  not,  they 
can  think  it  both  reasonable  and  lawful,  nay,  necessary  for 
some  of  them.  What  ?  To  contend  for  sitting  at  council - 
tables?  No,  God  forbid:  perhaps  not  to  sue  for  sitting 
there,  but  certainly  not  to  contend  for  it  :  but  to  sit  there, 
being  called  unto  it,  and  to  give  their  best  advice  there, 
never  unlawful,  and  ofttimes  necessary.  And  here  let  me 
tell  this  Lord  by  the  way,  that  the  Bishop  which  he  hath 
sufficiently  hated,  was  so  far  from  contending  for  this,  that 
though  he  had  that  honour  given  him  by  his  Majesty  to  sit 
there  many  years,  yet  I  do  here  take  it  upon  my  Christianity 
and  truth,  that  he  did  never  move  his  Majesty,  directly  or 
indirectly,  for  that  honour,  and  was  surprised  with  it  as 
altogether  unlocked  for,  when  his  Majesty's  resolution 
therein  was  made  known  unto  himc.  Nor  ever  did  that 
Bishop  take  so  much  upon  him  as  a  j  usticeship  of  the  peace, 
or  meddle  with  any  lay  employment,  save  what  the  laws  and 
customs  of  this  realm  laid  upon  him  in  the  High- Commission 
and  the  Star-Chamber,  while  those  courts  were  in  being ; 
and  continued  preaching  till  he  was  threescore  and  four,  and 
then  was  taken  off  by  writing  of  his  book  against  Fisher  the 
Jesuit,  being  then  not  able  at  those  years  to  continue  both. 
»3  And  soon  after  the  world  knows  what  trouble  befel  him,  and 
in  time  they  will  know  why  too,  I  hope.  Besides,  the  care  of 
government,  which  is  another  part  of  a  Bishop's  office,  and  a 
necessary  one  too,  lay  heavy  upon  him,  in  these  factious  and 
broken  times  especially.  And  whatsoever  this  Lord  thinks 
of  it,  certainly,  though  preaching  may  be  more  necessary  for 
the  first  planting  of  a  Church,  yet  government  is  more  noble 
and  necessary  too,  where  a  Church  is  planted ;  as  being  that 
which  must  keep  preaching  and  all  things  else  in  order. 
And  preaching  (as  His  now  used)  hath  as  much  need  to  be 

e  [Laud  was  appointed  Privy  Councillor  April  29,  1627.     See  Diary  at 
that  date.] 

LAUD. — VOL.  vi.  O 


194  ANSWER  TO   THE  LORD   SAY'S  SPEECH 

kept  in  order  as  any,  even  the  greatest  extravagance  that 
I  know.  Nor  is  this  out  of  Christ's  commission,  Pasce  oves, 
John  xxi.  15,  for  the  feeding  of  His  sheep.  For  a  shepherd 
must  guide,  govern,  and  defend  his  sheep  in  the  pasture,  as 
well  as  drive  them  to  it.  And  he  must  see  that  their  pasture 
be  not  tainted  too,  or  else  they  will  not  thrive  upon  it.  And 
then  he  may  be  answerable  for  the  rot  that  falls  among 
them. 

The  rhetoric  goes  further  yet.  '  To  contend  for  sitting  at 
council-tables  to  govern  states/  No ;  but  yet  to  assist  them, 
being  called  by  them.  '  To  have  statesmen,  instead  of 
Churchmen.'  No;  but  doing  the  duty  of  Churchmen,  to 
mingle  pious  counsels  with  statesmen's  wisdom.  (  To  sit  in 
the  highest  courts  of  judicature.'  And  why  not,  in  a  king 
dom  where  the  laws  and  customs  require  it  ?  '  Not  to  be 
employed  in  making  laws  for  civil  polities  and  government.' 
And  I  conceive  there  is  great  reason  for  this  in  the  kingdom 
of  England,  and  greater  since  the  Reformation  than  before. 
Great  reason,  because  the  Bishops  of  England  have  been 
accounted,  and  truly  been,  grave  and  experienced  men,  and 
far  fitter  to  have  votes  in  Parliaments  for  the  making  of  laws, 
than  many  young  youths  which  are  in  either  House.  And 
because  it  is  most  fit,  in  the  making  of  laws  for  a  kingdom, 
that  some  divines  should  have  vote  and  interest  to  see  (as 
much  as  in  them  lies)  that  no  law  pass,  which  may  perhaps, 
though  unseen  to  others,  intrench  upon  religion  itself,  or  the 
Church.  And  I  make  no  doubt  but  that  these  and  the  like 
considerations  settled  it  so  in  England,  where  Bishops  have 
had  their  votes  in  Parliaments,  and  in  making  laws,  ever 
since  there  were  Parliaments,  yea,  or  anything  that  resembled 
them,  in  this  kingdom.  And  for  my  part,  were  I  able  to 
give  no  reason  at  all  why  Bishops  should  have  votes -in  Par 
liament,  yet  I  should  in  all  humility  think  that  there  was 
and  is  still  some  great  reason  for  it,  since  the  wisdom  of  the 
State  hath  successively  in  so  many  ages  thought  it  fit.  And 
as  there  is  great  reason  they  should  have  votes  in  making 
laws,  so  is  there  greater  reason  for  it  since  the  Reformation 
than  before.  For  before  that  time  clergymen  were  governed 
by  the  Church  canons  and  constitutions,  and  the  common 
laws  of  England  had  but  little  power  over  them.  Then  in 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  195 

the  year  1532  the  clergy  submitted,  and  an  Act  of  Parliament 
was  made  upon  it ;  so  that  ever  since  the  clergy  of  England, 
from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  are  as  much  subject  to  the 
temporal  laws  as  any  other  men,  and  therefore  ought  to  have 
as  free  a  vote  and  consent  to  the  laws  which  bind  them,  as 
other  subjects  have.  Yet  so  it  is,  that  all  clergymen  are,  and 
have  long  since  been,  excluded  from  being  members  of  the 
House  of  Commons ;  and  now  the  Bishops  and  their  votes, 
4  by  this  last  Act,  are  cast  out  of  the  Lords'  House.  By 
which  it  is  at  this  day  come  to  pass,  that  by  the  justice  of 
England,  as  now  it  stands,  no  clergyman  hath  a  consent, 
by  himself  or  his  proxy,  to  those  laws  to  which  all  of  them 
are  bound. 

In  the  meantime,  before  I  pass  from  this  point,  this  Lord 
must  give  me  leave  to  put  him  in  mind  of  that  which  was 
openly  spoken  in  both  Houses :  that  the  reason  why  there 
was  such  a  clamour  against  the  Bishops'  votes  was,  '  because 
all  or  most  of  them  voted  for  the  King,'  so  that  the  potent 
faction  could  not  carry  what  they  pleased,  especially  in  the 
Upper  House.  And  when  some  saw  they  could  not  have 
their  will  to  cast  out  their  votes  fairly,  the  rabble-  must  come 
down  again,  and  clamour  against  their  votes;  not  without 
danger  to  some  of  their  persons.  And  come  they  did  in 
multitudes.  But  who  procured  their  coming  I  know  not, 
unless  it  were  this  Lord  and  his  followers.  And  notwith 
standing  this  is  as  clear  as  the  sun,  and  was  openly  spoken 
in  the  House,  that  this  was  the  true  cause  only  why  they 
were  so  angry  with  the  Bishops'  votes ;  yet  this  most  godly 
and  religious  Lord  pretends  here  a  far  better  cause  than  this ; 
namely,  that  they  may,  as  they  ought,  carefully  attend  to  the 
preaching  of  the  word,  and  not  be  distracted  from  that  great 
work  by  being  troubled  with  these  worldly  affairs.  And 
I  make  no  doubt,  but  that  the  same  zeal  will  carry  the  same 
men  to  the  devout  taking  away  the  Bishops'  and  the  Church 
lands,  and  perhaps  the  parsons'  tithes  too,  and  put  them  to 
such  stipends  as  they  shall  think  fit,  that  so  they  may  preach 
the  Gospel  freely,  and  not  be  drawn  away  with  these  worldly 
affairs  from  the  principal  work,  of  that  function.  Well! 
my  Lord  must  give  me  leave  here  to  prophesy  a  little :  and 
'tis  but  this,  in  short ;  Either  the  Bishops  shall  in  few  years 

o  2 


196  ANSWER   TO   THE   LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

recover  of  this  hoarseness,  and  have  their  honour  and  their 
votes  in  Parliament  again;  or,  before  many  years  be  past, 
all  baseness,  barbarity,  and  confusion,  will  go  near  to  possess 
both  this  Church  and  kingdom. 

But  this  Lord  hath  yet  somewhat  more  to  say;  namely, 
that 

If  they  shall  be  thought  fit  to  sit  in  such  places,  and  will 
undertake  such  employments,  they  must  not  be  there  as 
ignorant  men,  but  must  be  knowing  in  business  of  state, 
and  understand  the  rules  and  laws  of  government ;  and 
thereby  both  their  time  and  studies  must  be  necessarily 
diverted  from  that  which  God  hath  called  them  unto. 
And  this  surely  is  much  more  unlawful  for  them  to  admit 
of,  than  that  which  the  Apostles  rejected  as  a  distraction 
unreasonable  for  them  to  be  interrupted  by.  [p.  3.] 

Why,  but  yet,  fif  they  shall  be  thought  fit  to  sit  in  such 
places,  and  will  undertake  such  employments,'  what  then  ? 
Why,  then,  '  they  must  not  sit  there  as  ignorant  men/  but 
they  must  be  knowing  men,  '  and  understand  the  rules  and 
laws  of  government/  This  is  most  true ;  and  if  any  man  sit 
in  those  places  as  an  ignorant,  -'tis  an  ill  choice  that  is  made 
of  him,  and  he  doth  not  well  that  accepts  them.  But  sure, 
if  Bishops  sit  there  as  ignorants,  they  are  much  to  be  blamed. 
For  if  they  spend  their  younger  studies,  before  they  meddle 
with  divinity,  as  they  may  and  ought,  sure  there  is  some  3: 
great  defect  in  them,  if  they  be  not  as  knowing  men  in  the 
rules  of  government  as  most  noblemen  or  others  are,  who 
spend  all  their  younger  time  in  hawking  and  hunting,  and 
somewhat  else.  And  this  younger  time  of  theirs,  if  Bishops 
have  spent  as  they  ought,  they  may,  with  a  little  care  and 
observation,  and  without  any  great  diversion  of  their  time 
and  studies  from  that  which  God  hath  called  them  unto, 
perform  those  places  with  great  knowledge,  and  much  happi 
ness  to  the  states  in  which  they  serve,  as  hath  formerly  in 
this,  and  doth  at  present  in  other  neighbouring  states,  appear.  ' 
And  for  aught  this  Lord  knows,  if  some  counsels  had  been 
followed,  which  some  Bishops  gave,  neither  the  King,  nor 
the  State,  nor  the  Church,  had  been  in  that  ill  condition  in 
which  they  now  are.  Nor  are  these  places  '  more  unlawful 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  197 

for  Bisliops  to  admit  of  in  these  times  and  conditions  of  the 
Church,,  '  than  that  which  the  Apostles  rejected  as  a  distrac 
tion/  but  not  as  an  'unreasonable'  one,  in  those  times  and 
beginnings  of  Christianity,  as  is  proved  before.  But  the  zeal 
of  this  Lord  burns  still ;  and  as  it  hath  fired  him  already  out 
of  the  Church,  and  made  him  a  Separatist;  so  it  would  now 
fire  the  Bishops  out  of  the  State,  and  make  them  members 
of  Antichrist.  His  Lordship  goes  on,  therefore,  and  as  before 
he  told  us  the  practice  of  the  Apostles  was  answerable  to  the 
doctrine  of  Christ,  so  here  he  tells  us  again  ;— 

The  doctrine  of  the  Apostles  is  agreeable  to  their  "practice 
herein.  For  St.  Paul,  when  he  instruct eth  Timothy  for 
the  work  of  the  ministry,  presseth  this  argument  from  the 
example  of  a  good  soldier :  f  No  man  that  warreth  entan- 
gleth  himself  with  the  affairs  of  the  ivorld.'  [p.  4.] 

'  The  doctrine  of  the  Apostles  is  agreeable  indeed  to  their 
practice  herein/  and  in  all  things  else ;  and  I  would  to  God 
with  all  my  heart  this  Lord's  opinions  were  agreeable  to 
either  their  practice  or  their  doctrine ;  and  then,  I  am  sure, 
he  would  be  a  better  soldier  for  Christ  than  this  poor  Church 
hath  cause  to  believe  he  is.  But  his  Lordship  says  that  '  Paul, 
when  he  instructs  Timothy  for  the  work  of  the  ministry, 
presseth  this  argument  from  the  example  of  a  good  soldier  : 
That  no  man  that  warreth,  e/^TrXe/ceTat,  entangles  himself 
with  the  affairs  of  the  world  V  The  word  e/^7rA.e/c&>  signifies 
involvere  et  permiscere  se>  to  involve  and,  as  it  were,  tho 
roughly  to  mingle  himself  with  that  which  he  undertakes ; 
to  be  so  busied,  ut  extricare  se  non  possit,  that  he  cannot 
untwist  himself  out  of  the  employment.  And  I  easily  grant 
that  no  good  Christian,  much  less  any  good  Bishop,  may  so 
entangle  himself  with  the  world,  as  either  to  desert  his  call 
ing,  or  to  be  so  distracted  from  it,  as  not  to  do  his  duty  in 
it.  But  this  bars  not  all  meddling  with  it.  For  the  Geneva 
note  upon  that  place  says  plainly,  he  may  not  entangle 
himself;  no,  not  so  much  as  with  his  household  and  other 
ordinary  affairs  %.  But  then  if  he  shall  not  meddle  with,  or 
take  care  of  these  at  all,  he  may  beg  or  starve,  unless  he  have 
better  means  than  the  competency  which  this  devout  age 
f  2  Tim.  ii.  4.  «  Annot.  ibid. 


198 

thinks  sufficient  for  the  ministry.  Nay,  which  is  more,  he 
may  by  so  doing  fall  under  that  heavy  sentence  of  the  Apostle,  3( 
1  Tim.  v.  8,  '  That  if  he  provide  not  for  his  own,  he  hath 
denied  the  faith,  and  is  worse  than  are  infidels/  Nay,  which 
is  yet  more,  if  all  meddling  with  temporal  affairs,  all  care  of 
the  world,  be  an  '  entanglement/  the  clergy  must  needs  be 
in  a  perplexity,  whatsoever  they  do.  For  if  they  meddle  with 
any  worldly  business,  and  entangle  themselves,  they  do  that 
they  ought  not,  2  Tim.  ii.  4.  And  if  they  do  not  meddle 
with  worldly  affairs,  and  so  do  not  provide  for  their  own, — 
and  provide  they  cannot  without  some  meddling, — then,  for 
fear  of  this  Lord's  sour  divinity,  that  all  meddling  with  is 
'  entangling '  in  them,  they  are  f  worse  than  infidels/  Now 
a  perplexity  which  shall  wrap  a  man  up  in  sin,  which  way 
soever  he  sets  himself  to  action,  is  so  contrary  to  divine 
justice,  as  that  no  law  or  scripture  of  God  can  command  it, 
nor  any  right  reason  of  man  approve  it. 

But  examining  this  text  further,  I  find  two  things  more 
observable.  The  one,  that  the  '  soldier '  here,  whose  example 
is  the  ground  of  this  argument,  is  not  bound  under  pain  of 
any  sin,  not  to  busy  himself  with  the  affairs  of  this  life ;  but 
he  doth  it  not  (saith  the  text)  to  the  end  f  he  may  please 
him  whose  soldier  he  is/  So  then,  if  any  man,  the  better  to 
please  God,  forbears  this  employment,  and  his  conscience  and 
love  to  his  calling  be  his  motives  so  to  do,  he  does  well. 
But  if  another  man,  who  hath  no  scruple  in  himself,  and 
finds  he  can  do  both  without  an  ( entanglement '  by  the  one 
to  the  prejudice  of  the  other,  and  thereupon  be  so  employed, 
(for  aught  I  know)  he  doth  not  sin.  The  other  is,  perhaps 
this  Lord  may  find  that  St.  Paul  here  in  this  place  instructs 
Timothy,  not  so  much  for  the  work  of  the  ministry,  (as  here 
he  affirms,)  as  for  the  general  work  of  Christianity.  For, 
ver.  !_,  he  exhorts  to  constancy  and  perseverance,  that  he  '  be 
strong  in  the  grace  which  is  in  Jesus  Christ/  And  then  this 
argument  falls  upon  other  Christians  as  well  as  upon  ministers, 
though  not  so  much.  And  then  I  hope  this  Lord,  who  is  so 
careful  for  our  spiritual  warfare,  will  take  some  care  of  his 
own  also ;  if  the  great  care  which  he  takes  at  this  present 
for  the  militia  of  the  kingdom  entangles  him  not.  But  his 
Lordship  is  now  come  to  conclude  this  point ; — 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  199 

/  conclude ;  That  which  by  the  commandment  of  our  Saviour, 
by  the  practice  and  doctrine  of  the  Apostles,  and  I  may 
add,  by  the  Canons  of  ancient  Councils  grounded  thereupon, 
is  prohibited  to  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  and  showed  to  be 
such  a  distraction  unto  them  from  their  calling  and  func- 
tion,  as  will  bring  a  woe  upon  them,  and  is  not  reason 
able  for  them  to  admit  of;  if  they  shall  notwithstanding 
entangle  themselves  withal,  and  enter  into,  it  will  bring 
a  guilt  upon  their  souls,  and  hurt  them  in  respect  of  their 
consciences,  [p.  4.] 

His  Lordship  is  now  come  (so  he  tells  us)  to  conclude  this 
point;  and  in  this  conclusion  he  artificially  sums  up,  and 
briefly,  all  his  arguments.  I  shall  as  briefly  touch  at  my 
answers  before  given,  and  stay  upon  nothing,  unless  I  find 
somewhat  new.  This  done,  I  shall  wait  upon  him  (for  that's 
his  desire  clergymen  should)  to  the  next  point. 

And  truly,  I  find  nothing  new  in  the  folding  up  this  con 
clusion,  but  that  he  says  he  may  add  that  ministers  are 
prohibited  from  meddling  with  worldly  affairs,  '  by  the  Canons 
of  ancient  Councils  grounded  upon  the  Apostles'  doctrine/ 
The  Church  is  much  beholding  to  this  Lord  that  he  will 
vouchsafe  to  name  her  ancient  Councils  :  he  doth  not  use  to 
commit  this  fault  often ;  and  yet  lest  he  should  sin  too  much 
in  this  kind,  he  doth  but  tell  you  that  he  may  add  these,  but 
he  adds  them  not.  It  may  be  he  doubts,  that  if  he  should 
name  those  Canons,  some  sufficient  answer  might  be  given 
them,  and  yet  the  truth  remain  firm,  that  it  is  not  only 
lawful,  but  fit  and  expedient  in  some  times  and  cases,  for 
Bishops  to  intermeddle  with,  and  give  counsel  in  temporal 
affairs ;  and  though  this  Lord  names  none,  yet  I  will  produce 
and  examine  such  Canons  and  ancient  Councils  as  I  find,  and 
see  what  they  say  in  this  business. 

The  first  I  meet  withal  is — but  here  I  find  myself  met 
with,  and  prevented  too,  by  a  book  entituled,  '  Episcopacy 
asserted,'  made  by  a  Chaplain  of  mine,  Mr.  Jer.  Taylor, 
who  hath  learnedly  looked  into  and  answered  such  Canons 
of  Councils  as  are  most  quick  upon  Bishops  or  other  clergy 
men  for  meddling  much  in  temporal  affairs  h.  And  therefore 

h  Episcopacy  asserted,  §  49.  [Works,  vol.  v.  pp.  207—218.] 


200 

thither  I  refer  the  reader,  being  not  willing  to  trouble  him 
with  saying  over  another  man's  lesson ;  only  I  shall  examine 
such  Councils  (if  any  I  find)  which  my  Chaplain  hath  not 
met  with,  or  omitted.  And  the  last  that  I  meet  with  is  the 
Council  of  Sardis1;  which,  though  the  last,  is  as  high  up  in 
the  Church  as  about  the  year  347.  And  there  was  a  Canon 
to  restrain  prelates  from  their  frequent  resorts  to  the  court  '• 
yet  there  are  many  cases  left  at  large  in  which  they  are 
permitted  to  use  their  own  judgment  arid  freedom.  So  that 
Canon  seems  to  bring  along  with  it  rather  counsel  than 
command .  And  howsoever,  they  are  well  left  to  their  liberty 
(as  I  conceive  it),  because  to  frequent  the  court,  as  over- 
loving  the  place,  is  one  thing ;  and  to  go  thither,  though 
often,  when  good  cause  calls  for  them  (be  that  cause  spiritual 
or  temporal),  is  far  from  an  offence.  For  if  it  be  spiritual, 
they  must  go;  that's  their  office  and  duty  directly:  and 
I  see  no  reason  why  the  physicians  should  be  forbid  to  visit 
the  places  of  greatest  sickness.  This  I  am  sure  of,  Constan- 
tine  the  Great  commanded  the  personal  attendance  of  Bishops 
and  other  clergymen  in  his  court  J.  And  if  it  be  temporal, 
they  may  go :  that 's  their  duty  by  consequence,  especially, 
if  they  be  called.  For  as  their  exemplary  piety  may  move 
much,  so  do  I  not  yet  know  any  designs  of  state  which  are 
made  the  worse  by  religion ;  or  any  counsels  of  Princes  hurt 
by  being  communicated  with.  Bishops,  in  whom  doth,  or 
should,  reside  the  care  of  religion  and  religious  conversation. 
But  perchance  I  have  known  some  counsels  miscarry  for 
want  of  this. 

The  next  is  the  first  Council  at  Carthage,  and  there  the 
prohibition  runs  thus  :  '  They  which  are  of  the  Clergy,  non 
accedant  ad  actus  sen  administrationem,  vel  procurationem 
domorum k  /'  which  forbids  (as  I  conceive  it)  this  only,  that 
they  should  not  be  stewards  of  the  houses  or  bailiffs  of  the 
lands  of  great  persons.  And  this  may  be  both  in  regard  of 

1  Cone.  Sardicens.  edit.  Lat.  apud  TOVTO.— Cone.   Sard.   Can.  vii. — Cone. 

Binn.  torn.  i.  par.  1.  p.  431.  [Et  roiwv,  torn.  ii.  col.  633.  B.  C.] 

ayairrjTol    a5eA(£ol,    Traai    TOUTO    So/re?,  J  ['Eirtjyfro  6"  avrovs,  Kal  oVot  irore 

e-n-iKplvarf  /UTjSeVa  eiriffKOirov  xpjvat  et?  <rre\\oiTO    iropetavJ] — Euseb.    de    Vita 

TO  crrpaToirtSov  TrapayiveaBai,  irapeKT&s  Constant,  lib.  i.  C.  35.  [lib.  i.  cap.  4.5. 

rovTUV,  ovs  av  o  euAa/Seo'TaTos  $curt\€vs  p.  522.] 

rip.wv  TO?S  eavrov  ypd/n/j.a(Ti  /utTa/crfAorro  k  Cone.  Carthag.  I.  Can.  vi.   [Cone. 

.  .  .  aTreKpivavro  arravrfs'  'OpttffcrFu  Kal  torn.  i.  col.  616.  A.] 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  201 

the  great  trouble  belonging  to  such  places,  and  the  hazard  of 
scandal  which  might  arise,  in  case  there  should  happen  any 
8  failure  in  such  great  accounts.  And  in  the  Code  of  the 
African  Councils  it  is  thus  read :  Non  sint  conductores  et 
procuratores,  nee  ullo  turpi  et  inhonesto  negotio,  victum 
qucerant l :  which  I  think  is  the  truer  reading.  And  then  this 
Council  doth  not  forbid  all  meddling  in  secular  affairs,  but 
such  as  by  their  dishonest  gain  draw  scandal  upon  the 
Church  :  and  there  is  great  reason  such  should  be  forbidden 
them. 

A  third  I  meet  withal,  and  that  is  the  Council  of  Eliberis, 
about  the  year  of  our  Lord  306,  where  the  Canon  seems  to 
be  very  strict  against  clergymen's  going  to  markets  and  fairs 
negotiandi  causa,  to  make  profit  by  negotiation ;  but  require 
them  to  send  their  son,  their  friend,  or  their  servant  to  do 
such  business  for  them  m.  And  yet  this  prohibition,  as  strict 
as  it  seems,  is  not  absolute,  nor  binding,  further  than  that 
they  shall  not  pursue  those  matters  of  gain  out  of  their  own 
provinces ;  but  if  they  will  and  think  fit,  they  might  for 
all  this  Canon  negotiate,  either  for  their  necessary  main 
tenance  or  improvement  of  their  fortunes,  so  that  they 
wandered  not  abroad  out  of  their  own  province  where  they 
serve. 

In  the  meantime  when  all  these,  or  any  other  Councils, 
are  duly  weighed,  and  their  meaning  right  taken,  this  will 
be  the  result  of  all;  that  neither  Bishop  nor  other  clergyman 
might  or  may,  by  the  Canons  of  Holy  Church,  ambitiously 
seek,  or  voluntarily  of  himself  assume  any  secular  engage 
ment.  And  as  they  might  not  ambitiously  seek  great  temporal 
employments,  so  might  they  not  undertake  any  low  or  base 
ones  for  sordid  and  covetous  ends.  Nor  might  they  relin 
quish  their  own  charge  to  spend  their  strength  in  the 
assistance  of  a  foreign  one.  But  though  they  might  not  seek 
or  voluntarily  assume  secular  employment,  yet  they  might 

eaev,  'iva  titiaKo-noi  Kal  quaestuosas  mmdinas  sectentur.    Sane 

Kal  SKIKOVOI  e/cA^Trropes  /j.r]  ad  victum  suum  [leg,  sibi]  conquiren- 

rpoKovpdrcjpes,  ,u7j5e  e«  rivos  dum,    aut  filium,   aut   libertum,   ant 

arl/j-ov   Trpdy^aTos    TpoQyv  mercenarium,  aut  amicum,  aut  quein- 

Tropifavrai.] — Cod.  Can.  Eccl.  Afric.  libet  mittant :  et  si  vohierint  negoti- 

Can.  xvi.  [Cone.  torn.  ii.  col.  1058.  B.]  ari,  intra  provinciam  negoticntur."-- 

m  Episcopi,  presbyter!  et  diaconi  de  Cone.  Eliberit.  Can.  xviii.  [Cone.  torn, 

locis  suis  negotiandi  causa  non  disco-  i.  col.  972.  E.] 
dant,    ncc    circumeuntcs    provincias 


202  ANSWER  TO   THE  LOUD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

do  any  lawful  thing  imposed  on  them  by  their  superiors  n. 
And  so  might  the  Bishop  (who  had  no  superior  in  his  pro 
vince),  if  the  Prince  required  his  service;  or  that  he  thought 
it  necessary  for  the  present  state  of  the  Church  in  which  he 
lived  :  for  if  he  might  transmit  his  power  to  those  of  the 
inferior  clergy  °,  no  doubt  but  he  might  deal  himself  in  such 
civil  affairs  as  are  agreeable  to  the  dignity  of  his  place  and 
calling  :  and  generally  the  Bishop,  or  any  other  clergyman, 
may  and  might  by  the  ancient  Canons  of  the  Church  be 
employed  in  any  action  of  piety,  though  that  action  be 
attended  with  secular  care  and  trouble.  And  this  is  without 
any  strain  at  all  collected  out  of  that  great  and  famous 
Council  of  Chalcedon,  one  of  the  four  first  General  Councils, 
approved  of  highly  throughout  all  Christendom,  and  with 
great  reverence  acknowledged  in  the  laws  of  this  kingdom. 
And  therefore  after  the  Canon  of  that  Council  had  laid  it 
down  in  general  terms,  that  neither  bishop,  clerk,  nor  monk 
should  farm  grounds,  or  immiscere  se,  mix  himself  as  it  were, 
with  such  temporal  affairs,  it  adds  some  exceptions  of  like 
nature  to  those  by  me  expressed,  especially  the  last  of  them  P. 
And  some  of  these  will  expound  the  canon  of  any  Council  3 
which  I  have  yet  seen,  that  speaks  most  against  clergymen 
embarking  themselves  in  secular  business.  And  therefore 
though  this  Lord  would  not,  yet  I  have  laid  before  you  what 
soever  is  come  to  my  knowledge  out  of  the  '  ancient  Councils  ;' 
where  by  this  last  cited  and  great  Council,  his  Lordship  may 
see,  that  Bishops  should  meddle  with  and  order  some  temporal 
affairs,  as  persons  in  that  kind  fitter  to  be  trusted  than  other 


[n  ''ripio-e  roiwv  77  6710  (TvvoSos,  /u.-fj5e-  viduarum,  eorum  qui  sine  ulla  defen- 

va  rov  AoiTroC,  /j.%  tiriffKoirov,  fjL-fj  /cArjp:-  sione  sunt,  ac  personarum  quse  maxiine 

KOV,  nr)  iJLovd^ovTa,  3)  madovaQai  KTTJ/J.O.-  indigent    ecclesiastico   adjutorio,    et 

TO,   %  irpdynara,  j)   firfi<rdyeiv   euvrtiv  propter  timorem  Domini  causa  depos- 

cus  5iot/c7j(recrr  TTATT'I'  el  fjiij  irov  t/c  cat."  —  Cone.  Chalced.  Act.  xv.  Can.  iii. 

Ka\o"iTo  els  d(pT]h(KCi}v  dirapafr^Tov  [Cone.   torn.  iv.   coll.  755.  E.,  758.  A. 

,  %  6  TTJS  iroAecos  iiria-Koiros  e'/c-  The  Latin  version  is  that  of  Dionysius 

v  eTTLTpe\l/oi  (ppovri^ivirpay-  Exiguus.      See  ibid.  col.  173.  C.] 

,  r)  bpfyav&v  KU.I  xnP<*v  dirpjuvoriroiv,  °   ["Hare  ffwayuv  drre,  on  Trdvres  ol 

Kal  Ttav  TTpofftairtoV  T&V  /xaAicrra  rfjs  e/c-  T<$  KO.VOVI  irfpifxp^voi,  /car'  firirpoirr)v 

K\r]<Tia(TTiKTJs  $€ofj.ivwv  j8orj0€/as,  Sici  riv  tnLffitoTTiKriv     ov    IJLOVOV    eKK\7)cnaaTiKd 

tyofiov  TOV  Ki'/nou.]  —  "  Aut  negotiis  soe-  irpdyp.aTa,    aAAa    Kal    iroXiriKa   evspyr,- 

cularibus  se  immiscere,  praeter  pupil-  a-ovcnv  dwoKpifMarin-Tus,  K.T.A.]  —  Balsa- 

lorum  si  forte  leges  imponant  inexcu-  mon.  in  Concil.  Chalcedon.  c.  iii.  p.  27. 

sabilem  curam,  aut  civitatis  episcopus  [Beveregii  Pand.  Can.  torn.  i.  p.  114. 

ecclesiasticarum  rerum  solicitudinem  C.] 

habere  praecipiat,  aut  orphanorum  et  «•  [See  note  ".] 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  203 

men  of  what  rank  or  condition  soever ;  and  therefore  excepts 
from  its  own  general  Canon  the  cases  of  orphans  and  widows, 
and  the  estates  of  such  persons  as  most  need  ecclesiastical 
help,  or  where  any  cause  in  the  fear  of  God  requires  it.  In 
which  cases  the  widows  and  the  fatherless  have  had  much 
cause  to  bless  God,  when  they  have  been  referred  to  the 
conscience,  trust,  and  care  of  Bishops.  But  this  were  in  a 
manner  to  make  them  masters  of  the  wards  or  guardians 
to  them,  which  I  know  this  Lord  will  not  like  by  any  means. 
It  would  come  too  near  his  office  q ;  and  then  he  would  cry 
out  indeed,  that  this  was  a  greater  distraction  of  them  from 
their  function  to  which  God  had  called  them,  than  that  of 
the  attending  poor  '  "widows'  tables  '  was  to  the  Apostles  :  and 
yet  he  sees  what  some  Canons  of  ancient  Councils  have 
decreed  in  this  case.  Besides,  we  cannot  have  a  better  or 
a  clearer  evidence  of  the  true  meaning  of  the  ancient  Canons, 
than  from  the  practice  of  the  ancient  Fathers  of  the  Church, 
who  were  strict  and  conscientious  observers  of  the  Canons, 
and  yet  (as  is  before  proved)  meddled  in  many,  and  some  the 
greatest  civil  affairs,  being  employed  as  ambassadors  from 
great  emperors  and  kings  :  and  Balsamon  observes,  that 
whensoever  it  shall  please  the  Prince  to  call  any  Bishops  to 
such  employments,  they  neither  are  to  be  restrained  by  the 
aforesaid  Canons,  nor  censured  by  them  r. 

I  conclude  this  point  then,  that  Bishops  are  not  prohibited 
to  meddle  with  civil  public  affairs,  either  by  Christ's  command 
or  by  the  Apostles'  either  doctrine  or  practice,  (though  all 
their  practice  doth  not  give  an  absolute  rule  for  all  future 
obedience,  as  their  doctrine  doth ;)  and  I  may  add,  not  by 
Canons  of  ancient  Councils  (rightly  understood) ;  nor  are  all 
of  them  such  distractions  '  as  will  bring  a  woe '  upon  Bishops 
or  other  clergymen,  though  they  meddle  with  them.  I 
rather  believe  some  things  will  be  in  a  woful  case  if  they 
meddle  not.  And  in  some  cases  there's  all  the  reason  in  the 
world  they  should  be  not  only  permitted,  but  some  of  them 


''  [Se 

r  [Ae 


[See  above,  p.  95.]  faOevTwv  K.O.VOVUV  ov  KcaXvO^a-erat,  o;';Se 

8e   rives,    %copa»>     ravra  £Aa/37j<reTcu.  Kal  irpoffTiQeaviv,  &s  6  /Sairt- 

i%a  7rpo(TTa|ea>s  /3acnA.t/c7js  \evsoijre  vop-ois  otire  Kavoffiv  uTro/ceiTtn.] 

evepyfiTislfpuiJ.ei'osSovteiai'Sri/j.offiaKriv'  —Balsam,  in  Cone.  Carthag.  prima, 

(I  yap  KO.T  olKovo^lav  ^acrtXiK^v  Toiavryv  Can.  xvi.  pp.  328, 329.  [Beveregii  Panel. 

nv&   $ov\fiav  a.va.^^ra.1  rty,   viro  twv  Can.  torn.  i.  p.  538.  F.J 


201  ANSWER   TO   THE   LORD   SAY'S,  SPEECH 

commanded  to  meddle ;  to  the  end  that  in  all  consultations,, 
especially  the  greatest,  in  Parliament,  and  at  Council-table, 
it  might  be  their  care  to  see  that  religion  were  kept  upright 
in  all ;  and  that  nothing  by  practice  or  otherwise  pass,  cum 
detrimento  religionis  et  Ecclesice,  l  with  detriment  to  religion 
or  the  Church/  always  provided  that  they  do  not  so  entangle 
themselves  in  any  of  these  affairs,  as  shall  much  prejudice 
their  function  ;  and  this  done,  I  know  no  guilt  that  this 
meddling  can  bring  upon  their  souls,  or  hurt  their  con 
sciences.  Butthis  Lord  having  (as  he  thinks)  concluded  the 
contrary,  proceeds  now  to  the  next  point,  and  says,  that — 

In  the  next  place,  this  meddling  in  temporal  affairs  doth 
blemish  them,  and  strike  them  in  their  credit ;  so  far  from 
truth  is  that  position  which  they  desire  to  possess  the  world  4 
withal,  that  unless  they  may  have  those  outward  trappings, 
or  worldly  pomp  added  to  the  ministry,  that  calling  will 
grow  into  contempt  and  be  despised,  [p.  4.] 

Good  God !  How  pious  this  Lord  is,  and  what  a  careful 
friend  over  the  Church !  First,  he  takes  care  the  Bishops' 
consciences  may  not  be  hurt,  and  now  he  is  as  jealous  over 
their  credits.  But  I  doubt  he  is  jealous  over  them  amiss. 
For  he  is  of  opinion,  that  meddling  in  civil  affairs  strikes 
them  in  their  credit ;  and  he  thinks  further,  that  the  position 
with  which  they  would  possess  the  world  in  this  case  is  far 
from  truth.  Let's  examine  this  position  then,  what  it  is, 
and  what  it  works.  The  position  is  (as  this  Lord  reports  it), 
'  that  unless  they  may  have  these  outward  trappings,  or 
worldly  pomp  added  to  the  ministry,  their  calling  will  grow 
into  contempt/  First,  there  was  never  any  age  in  any  king 
dom  Christian,  in  which  the  Bishops  were  ridden  with  so 
much  scorn  arid  contempt  as  they  are  at  this  day  in  England ; 
and  this  makes  this  Lord,  though  he  be  a  very  ordinary 
horseman  for  any  good  service,  please  himself  with  '  trap 
pings/  Secondly,  for  the  '  worldly  pomp '  which  he  means 
and  expresses,  the  train  of  that  hath  been  long  since  cut  short 
enough  in  England;  and  he  that  will  not  look  upon  the 
Bishops  with  an  evil  eye  must  needs  acknowledge  it.  Well, 
but  what  then  doth  this  position  work  ?  Why,  [if]  they  may 
not  have  these  '  trappings/  there  will  follow  ( contempt  upon 


AGAINST   THE   BISHOPS.  205 

their  calling ;'  so  he  makes  the  Bishops  say.     Is  this  Lord  of 
that  opinion  too  ?     No  sure ;  for  he  says — 

The  truth  is,  these  things  cast  contempt  upon  them  in  the 
eyes  of  men.  They  gain  them  cap  and  courtesy,  but  they 
have  cast  them  out  of  the  consciences  of  men ;  and  the 
reason  is  this,  everything  is  esteemed  as  it  is  eminent  in 
its  own  proper  excellency ;  the  eye  in  seeing,  not  in  hear 
ing  ;  the  ear  in  hearing,  not  in  speaking.  The  one  would 
be  rather  monstrous  than  comely ;  the  other  is  ever  accept 
able,  being  proper.  So  is  it  with  them :  their  proper 
I  excellency  is  spiritual,  the  denial  of  the  world,  with  the 

pomps,  and  preferments,  and  employments  thereof.     This 
they  should  teach  and  practise,  [p.  4.] 

Well  then,  the  question  is.  Whether  the  honour  of  Bishops 
and  their  employments  in  temporal  affairs,  as  they  are  at  this 
day  moderated,  in  the  Church  and  State  of  England,  bring 
contempt  upon  them  and  their  calling,  as  this  Lord  says ;  or 
help  to  keep  off  contempt,  as  he  says  the  Bishops  would 
possess  the  world  ?  First,  I  am  clear  of  opinion  that  Solomon 
was  almost  as  wise  as  this  Lord  thinks  himself,  and  yet  he 
says  plainly,  Eccles.  ix.  16,  that  though  wisdom  in  itself  be 
far  better  than  folly,  yet  f  the  poor  man's  wisdom  is  despised, 
and  his  words  not  heard/  And  we  see  in  daily  experience, 
that  a  poor  minister's  words  are  as  much  slighted  in  the 
pulpit  as  a  poor  man's  in  the  gate.  And  therefore  these 
things  which  this  Lord  calls  '  trappings/  are  many  times  very 
necessary  to  keep  off  that  ' contempt'  and  despite  which 
the  boisterous  multitude,  when  their  sins  are  reproved,  are 
apt  to  cast  upon  them.  And  whatsoever  this  Lord  thinks, 
'tis  a  great  credit  and  support  to  the  rest  of  the  clergy,  and 
1  being  well  used,  a  great  advantage  to  their  calling,  that  the 
Bishops  and  other  eminent  men  of  the  clergy  should  have 
moderate  plenty  for  means,  and  enjoy  honour  and  external 
reputation ;  and  though  it  be  well  known  that  the  Church 
considered  in  abstract,  in  and  by  itself  only,  is  not  promoted 
nor  advanced  by  such  employments,  yet  as  she  is  considered 
in  her  peregrination  and  warfare,  she  gains  by  them  great 
both  strength  and  encouragement. 

Secondly,  that  which   this  Lord  adds,  that  those  things 


206 

'  gain  the  Bishops  cap  and  courtesy,  but  have  cast  them 
out  of  the  consciences  of  men.'  'Tis  well  that  these  things 
gain  them  that.  For  the  age  is  grown  so  churlish  to  that 
calling,  that  I  believe  they  would  have  very  little  of  either, 
were  it  not  for  these  things ;  as  will  too  soon  appear  now  this 
last  Act  of  Parliament  hath  taken  away  their  '  trappings/ 
As  for  that  which  follows  next,  that  these  things  '  have  cast 
them  out  of  the  "consciences  of  men/  that's  not  so:  for  in 
other  kingdoms  that  are  Christian,  and  some  Reformed  as 
well  as  other,  they  have  more  employment  in  civil  affairs  than 
with  us,  and  yet  are  in  high  esteem  in  the  *  consciences  of 
men.'  But  the  truth  is,  schism  and  separation  have  so  torn 
men  from  clergy  and  Church,  from  God  and  Christ  and  all, 
that  they  have  not  only  cast  Bishops,  but  religion  too,  out  of 
their  consciences ;  and  their  consciences  are  thrown  after, 
God  knows  wiiither. 

Now  for  the  reason  which  this  Lord  gives,  he  is  quite  wide 
in  that  also.  For  everything  is  not  '  esteemed  as  it  is  eminent 
in  its  own  proper  excellency'  (as  he  says  it  is)  :  indeed  it 
ought  to  be  so,  but  so  it  is  not.  For  in  the  place  before 
cited,  Eccles.  ix.  16,  '  Wisdom  is  better  than  folly/  and  is 
most  eminent  in  its  own  proper  excellency,  but  is  it  always 
esteemed  so  ?  No  sure ;  for  f  the  poor  man's  wisdom  is 
despised.'  There,  however  it  ought  to  be  esteemed  for  its 
proper  excellency,  yet  if  it  be  found  in  a  poor  subject,  'tis 
despised  and  accounted  as  mean  and  vile  as  he  is  that  hath  it. 
And  as  for  the  illustration  which  his  Lordship  makes  of  this 
his  proposition,  'tis  merely  fallacious.  For  arguments  drawn 
from  natural  things,  which  ever  work  constantly  the  same 
way,  to  moral  things,  which  depend  upon  voluntary  and 
mutable  agents,  will  seldom  or  never  universally  follow.  And 
therefore,  though  it  be  true,  that  '  the  eye  is  esteemed  for 
seeing,  not  hearing ;  and  the  ear  for  hearing,  not  speaking ; 
and  should  it  be  otherwise  it  would  be  rather  monstrous  than 
comely/  that's  true,  because  they  are  agents  determined 
ad  unum,  to  that  one  operation,  and  cannot  possibly  do  the 
other ;  but  then,  by  his  Lordship's  leave,  so  it  is  not  with 
Bishops;  for  though  their  *  proper  excellency '  be  indeed  spiri 
tual,  yet  they  may  meddle  with  other  things  so  long  as  they 
can  observe  the  Apostle's  rule,  1  Cor.  vii.  31,  and  '  use  this 


AGAINST   THE   BISHOPS.  207 

world  as  if  they  used  it  not ;'  that  is,  use  it  so  long  and  so  far 
as  may  help  their  service  of  God,  and  cast  it  off  when  it  shall 
hinder  them.  But  this  Lord  thinks  all  use  of  these  things, 
and  employments  in  them,  to  be  unlawful  for  our  calling. 
And  therefore  he  adds, — 

That  when  they,  contrary  hereunto,  seek  after  a  worldly 
excellency,  like  the  great  men  of  the  world ;  and  to  rule 
and  domineer  as  they  do,  contrary  to  our  Saviour's  pre 
cept,  Vos  autem  non  sic  :  '  But  it  shall  not  be  so  amongst 
you  :'  instead  of  honour  and  esteem,  they  have  brought 
upon  themselves,  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  that  contempt 
and  odium  which  they  now  lie  under ;  and  that  justly  and 
necessarily,  because  the  world  sees  that  they  prefer  a 
worldly  excellency,  and  run  after  it,  and  contend  for  it, 
before  their  own;  which  being  spiritual  is  far  more  excel 
lent,  and  which  being  proper  to  the  ministry }  is  that  alone 
which  will  put  a  value  and  esteem  upon  them  that  are  of 
that  calling,  [pp.  4,  5.] 

All  this  which  follows  is  but  matter  of  ampliation,  to  help 
aggravate  the  business,  and  to  make  Bishops  so  hateful  to 
other  men,  as  they  are  to  himself.  For  I  hope  no  Bishops 
of  this  Church  do  seek  after  '  worldly  excellency '  contrary 
to  their  function ;  at  least  I  know  none  that  do  :  and  they 
are  far  from  being  f  like  the  great  men  of  the  world/  As  to 
1  ruling/  'tis  proper  enough  to  them,  so  far  as  authority  is 
given;  but  'domineer'  they  do  not.  This  comes  from  this 
Lord's  spleen,  not  from  their  practice  :  and  by  that  time  his 
Lordship  hath  sat  a  while  longer  in  the  State,  men  will  find 
other  manner  of  domineering  from  him,  than  they  found  from 
the  Bishops.  Nor  do  they,  in  their  meddling  with  civil  affairs 
in  such  sort  as  is  now  practised  in  England,  go  contrary  to 
our  Saviour's  precept,  Vos  autem  non  sic,  '  It  shall  not  be  so 
amongst  you/  as  I  have  proved  before. 

Most  true  indeed  it  is,  that  the  poor  Bishops  of  this  Church 
do  now, '  instead  of  honour  and  esteem,  lie  under  contempt  and 
odium  in  the  hearts  of  the  people.'  Of  some,  not  of  all ;  no, 
nor  either  of  the  greater  or  the  better  part,  for  all  the  noise 
that  hath  been  raised  against  them ;  and  this  Lord  is  much 
deceived  to  say  they  have  brought  it  upon  themselves.  For 


208  ANSWER  TO  THE   LOUD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

it  is  but  part  of  the  dirt  which  this  Lord  and  his  fellow 
sectaries  have  most  uuchristian-like  cast  upon  them  :  and  this 
only  to  wrest  their  votes  out  of  Parliament,  that  now  they 
are  gone,  they  may  the  better  compass  their  ends  against 
Church  and  State,  which  God  preserve  against  their  malice 
and  hypocrisy.  But  this  Lord  says  farther,  '  that  the  Bishops 
have  brought  this  contempt  upon  themselves  justly  and  neces 
sarily/  Now  God  forbid  that  it  should  be  either ;  and  his 
Lordship  proves  it  but  by  saying  the  same  thing  over  again, 
namely,  '  because  the  world  sees  that  they  prefer  a  worldly 
excellency,  and  run  after  it,  and  contend  for  it,  before  their 
own.'  And  surely  if  they  do  this,  they  are  much  to  blame  ; 
but  I  believe  the  world  sees  it  not,  unless  it  be  such  of  the 
world  as  look  upon  them  with  this  Lord's  eyes,  and  that  when 
they  are  at  the  worst  too.  And  I  verily  persuade  myself, 
and  I  think  upon  very  good  grounds,  that  the  present  Bishops 
of  this  kingdom,  all  or  the  most  of  them,  are  as  far  from  any 
just  tax  in  this  or  any  other  kind,  as  they  have  been  in  any 
former  times  since  the  Reformation.  'Tis  true,  that  their 
own  calling  '  being  spiritual,  is  far  more  excellent ;'  and  I  shall 
the  better  believe  it,  when  I  see  this  Lord  and  the  rest  value 
it  so.  For  I  have  told  his  Lordship  already,  that  everything 
which  is  more  excellent  in  itself,  is  not  always  so  esteemed 
by  others :  and  though  this  excellency  be  never  so  proper, 
yet  by  his  good  leave,  it  is  not  that  alone  which  will  put 
a  value  and  esteem  upon  them  and  their  calling.  There  must 
be  some  outward  helps  to  encourage,  and  countenance,  and 
reward  them  too,  or  else  flesh  and  blood  are  so  dull,  that 
little  will  be  done.  And  suppose  this  religious  Lord,  and 
some  few  like  himself,  would  value  and  esteem  them  for  their 
spiritual  calling  only,  yet  what  are  these  to  so  many  as  would 
contemn  them  ?  And  yet  to  speak  the  truth  freely,  I  do  not 
see  this  Lord,  nor  any  of  that  feather,  put  a  value  upon  that 
calling  for  the  spiritual  excellency  only ;  for  then  all  ministers 
that  do  their  duty  should  be  valued  and  esteemed  by  them, 
the  calling  being  alike  spiritual  and  alike  excellent  in  all  : 
whereas  the  world  sees  they  neither  care  for  nor  countenance 
any  ministers,  but  such  as  separate  with  them  from  the  Church 
of  England,  or  are  so  near  to  it,  as  that  they  are  ready  to  step 
into  an  Independent  congregation,  so  soon  as  by  the  artifice 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOrS.  209 

of  this  Lord  and  others,  it  may  be  made  ready  to  receive 
them.  Now  this  Lord  having  thus  belaboured  these  two 
points,  that  Bishops  by  meddling  in  civil  affairs  do  hurt 
themselves  in  their  consciences  and  in  their  credits ;  he  pro 
ceeds  to  instruct  us  further.  And  thus  :— 

As  these  things  hurt  themselves  in  their  consciences  and 
credit,  so  have  they,  and,  if  they  be  continued,  still  will 
make  them  hurtful  to  others.  The  reason  is,  because  they 
break  out  of  their  own  orb  and  move  irregularly.  There 
is  a  curse  upon  their  leaving  their  own  place,  [p.  5.] 

My  Lord  is  now  come  to  his  second  general  part  of  his 
Speech,  and  means  to  prove  it  if  he  can,  that  Bishops  by  any 
kind  of  meddling  in  civil  affairs  do  not  only  '  hurt  themselves 
in  conscience  and  in  credit,  but  also,  if  they  continue  in 
them,  they  will  make  them  hurtful  to  others  also/  And  that 
he  may  seem  to  say  nothing  without  a  reason,  his  Lordship 
tells  us  '  the  reason  of  this  is,  because  they  break  out  of  their 
own  orb  and  move  irregularly/  But  I  conceive  this  reason 
weak  enough.  For  first  (as  is  before  proved)  these  '  stars >  (to 
follow  my  Lord  in  his  metaphor)  are  not  so  fixed  to  their 
'  orb '  of  preaching  the  Gospel,  but  that  they  may  do  other 
things  also  at  other  times,  so  this  be  not  neglected.  And 
therefore  it  will  not  follow,  that  all  their  motions  out  of  this 
orb  are  '  irregular/  Secondly,  when  they  do  thus  move, 
they  are  not  violently  to  break  out  of  their  orb,  but  to  sit 
still  till  authority  find  cause  to  call  any  of  them  a  little  aside, 
to  attend  civil  affairs,  that  they  may  proceed  never  the  worse, 
and  the  Gospel  the  better.  As  for  that  '  curse '  which  this 
Lord  speaks  of,  which  follows  ( upon  their  leaving  of  their  own 
place  -,'  I  know  of  none,  nor  any  leaving  of  their  own  place. 
This  I  am  sure  of,  whatever  this  Lord  says,  that  many 
extraordinary  blessings  and  successes  have  come  both  upon 
this  kingdom  and  other  nations,  by  counsels  given  by  clergy 
men  ;  and  I  pray  God  his  counsels,  such  as  they  have  been, 
do  not  bring  dishonour,  and  a  ( curse '  to  boot,  upon  this 
Church  and  kingdom.  But  his  Lordship  goes  on  with  his 
metaphor,  and  argues  very  strongly  by  similitudes  ;  which 
hath  but  a  similitude  of  argumentation. 

LAUD. —  VOL.  VI.  "P 


210  ANSWER   TO   THE  LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

The  heavenly  bodies  while  they  keep  within  their  own  spheres 
give  light  and  comfort  to  the  world ;  but  if  they  should 
break  out  and  fall  from  their  regular  and  proper  motions, 
they  would  set  the  world  on  fire.  So  have  these  done. 
While  they  kept  themselves  to  the  work  of  the  ministry 
alone,  and  gave  themselves  to  prayer  and  the  ministry  of 
the  word,  according  to  the  example  of  the  Apostles,  the 
world  received  the  greatest  benefits  from  them ;  they  were 
the  light  and  life  thereof.  But  when  their  ambition  cast 
them  down  like  stars  from  heaven  to  earth,  and  they  did 
grow  once  to  be  advanced  above  their  brethren ;  I  do 
appeal  to  all  who  have  been  versed  in  the  ancient  eccle 
siastical  history,  or  modern  histories,  whether  they  have 
not  been  the  common  incendiaries  of  the  Christian  world ; 
never  ceasing  from  contention  one  with  another  about  the 
precedency  of  their  Sees  and  Churches,  excommunicating 
one  another,  drawing  princes  to  be  parties  with  them,  and 
thereby  casting  them  into  bloody  wars.  [p.  5.] 

This  argument  is  grounded  upon  Si  ccelum  ruat,  '  If  heaven 
falls  we  shall  get  store  of  larks/  But  heaven  cannot  fall, 
and  so  'tis  here.  '  The  heavenly  bodies  while  they  keep  within 
their  own  spheres,  give  light  and  comfort  to  the  world ;  but 
if  they  should  break  out/  which  is  impossible,  '  and  fall  from 
their  regular  motions/  which  cannot  possibly  be,  '  they  would 
set  the  world  on  fire;'  or  perhaps  drown  it  again  (had  not 
God  promised  the  contrary) ,  according  as  the  irregular 
motion  bended.  '  So  have  these  done/  Nay,  not  so,  with  this 
Lord's  leave.  For  first,  clergymen  are  not  so  fixed  to  their 
'  orbs '  as  those  heavenly  bodies  are,  but  in  themselves  are 
free  and  voluntary  agents,  which  those  bodies  are  not.  And 
secondly,  they  may  and  ought,  as  occasion  is  offered  them, 
do  many  things  in  public  civil  affairs,  which  may  much 
advantage  the  Gospel  of  Christ,  and  they  will  never  '  fire  the 
world '  by  such  attendance  upon  them ;  and  they  may  and 
ought  (  give  themselves  to  prayer  and  to  the  ministry  of  the 
word'  notwithstanding  this:  and  they  may  be  the  same 
'  benefits'  to  the  world  of  '  light  and  life'  as  before.  Yea,  and 
I  make  no  doubt,  but  that  when  this  Lord  and  his  followers 
will  be  as  liberal  and  devout  as  the  primitive  Christians  were, 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  211 

who  f  sold  their  land,  and  brought  the  money,  and  laid  it  at 
the  Apostles'  feet/  Acts  iv.  37,  to  make  a  stock  for  their  and 
the  Church's  wants,  the  Bishops  will  be  well  content  to  follow 
the  Apostles'  example,  as  far  and  as  well  as  they  can.  But 
if  the  Bishops  may  meddle  with  no  temporal  affairs, '  according 
to  the  example  of  the  Apostles ;'  how  came  the  Apostles  to 
meddle  with  the  receiving  first,  and  after  with  the  layings 
out  of  all  this  money  ?  For,  say  it  was  to  be  employed  on 
charitable  actions,  yet  some  diversion  more  or  less  it  must 
needs  be  to  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel.  But  since  the 
example  and  practice  of  the  Apostles  is  so  often  pressed  by 
this  Lord,  I  would  willingly  his  Lordship  should  tell  me  (if 
he  will  make  their  practice  a  rule  general  and  binding)  why 
now  among  Christians  all  should  not  be  common,  as  the 
Apostles  and  other  believers  had  it ;  and  that  no  man  might 
say  that  aught  of  the  tffings  which  he  possessed  was  his  own, 
Actsiv.  32;  and  then  where  is  the  property  of  the  subject? 
And  then  why  do  we  not  go  up  and  down  and  preach  at 
large,  according  to  the  examples  of  the  Apostles,  and  endure 
neither  division  of  parishes  nor  parish  churches  ?  And  why 
do  we  not  receive  the  communion  after  supper,  as  'tis  well 
known  Christ  and  His  Apostles  did  ?  Indeed,  if  any  Bishops 
5  or  other  clergymen  should  become  ' falling  stars'  from  heaven 
to  earth ;  especially  if  their  sin  should  be  so  like  the  devil's 
as  to  cast  themselves  down  by  their  own  ambition :  that,  as 
it  makes  the  fall  heavy  to  them,  so  yet  I  must  say  to  this 
Lord,  that  both  fall  and  fault  is  the  person's ;  the  episcopal 
office  is  not  the  cause  of  it,  as  is  here  charged  by  him.  Nor 
did  they  become  '  falling  stars '  so  soon  as  they  did  once 
grow  to  be  advanced  above  their  brethren,  as  this  Lord 
insinuates  it.  For  among  the  Apostles  themselves  there  was 
a  chief  in  order,  S.  Luke  xxii.  26,  and  some  were  advanced 
to  dignity  and  power  above  their  brethren,  even  in  the 
Apostles'  days ;  whom  yet,  I  presume,  this  Lord  will  not  be 
so  ill  advised  as  to  call  '  fallen  stars.' 

As  for  the  appeal  which  he  makes  '  to  all  them  who  have 
been  versed  in  ancient  or  modern  ecclesiastical  histories;' 
that's  no  great  matter.  For  in  all  histories  you  shall  find 
great  men  of  all  sorts  doing  what  in  honour  and  duty  should 
not  be  done ;  and  '  ambition '  hath  been  the  cause  of  very 

P  2 


212  ANSWER  TO   THE   LOUD    SAY'S   SPEECH 

much  of  this,  and  '  ambition '  sticks  so  close  to  human  nature, 
as  that  it  follows  it  into  all  professions  and  estates  of  men : 
and  I  would  to  God  clergymen  had  been  freer  from  this 
fault  than  histories  testify  they  have.  But  this  hath  been 
but  the  fault  of  some;  many  reverend  bishops  in  all  ages 
have  been  clear  of  it,  and  'tis  a  personal  corruption  in 
whomsoever  it  is,  and  cannot  justly  be  charged  upon  the 
calling,  as  this  Lord  lays  it.  Neither  have  the  worst  of 
them  (some  popes  of  Rome  excepted)  been  the  '  common 
incendiaries  of  the  Christian  world/  But  '  incendiaries'  is 
grown  a  great  word  of  late  with  this  Lord ;  and  some  of  the 
poor  Bishops  of  England  have  been  made  '  incendiaries '  too 
by  him  and  his  party.  But  might  it  please  God  to  ( show  some 
token  upon  us  for  good,  that  they  which  hate  us  may  see  it, 
and  be  ashamed/  Psalm  Ixxxvi.  17,  there  would  be  a  full 
discovery  who  have  been  the  '  incendiaries '  indeed  in  these 
troubles  of  England;  and  then  I  make  no  question  but  it 
will  appear  that  this  Lord  flames  as  high  and  as  dangerously 
as  any  man  living.  But,  '  Behold/  (saith  God,)  '  all  ye  that 
kindle  a  fire,  that  compass  yourselves  about  with  sparks ; 
walk  in  the  light  of  your  own  fire,  and  in  the  sparks  which 
yourselves  have  kindled.  This  shall  ye  have  of  my  hand,  ye 
shall  lie  down  in  sorrow/  Isai.  1.  11. 

Next  I  pray  be  pleased  to  consider,  how  unworthily,  and 
fallaciously  withal,  this  Lord  manages  this  proof.  For  all 
this  discourse  tends  to  prove  it  unlawful  for  Bishops  to  inter 
meddle  in  secular  affairs ;  that  so  to  do  is  hurtful  to  them 
selves  in  conscience  and  in  credit,  and  to  others  also  by  this 
their  irregular  motion.  And  this  he  proves  by  their  '  never 
ceasing  from  contention  one  with  another,  either  about  the 
precedency  of  their  Sees  or  Churches.'  They  have  indeed 
some,  and  sometimes,  contended  too  eagerly  for  their  Sees 
and  Churches ;  but  neither  all,  nor  any  that  I  know  with  a 
never-ceasing,  but  the  Bishop  of  Rome  for  his  supremacy. 
And  say  this  were  so,  yet  these  contentions  were  about  their 
.  own  proper  places,  not  about  civil  affairs,  which  now  should 
lie  before  his  Lordship  in  proof;  and  therefore  was  no 
irregular  motion  of  theirs  in  regard  of  the  .object,  but  only 
in  regard  of  the  manner.  Nor  were  they  out  of  their  orb 
for  this,  though  faulty  enough.  The  like  is  to  be  said  for 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  213 

that  which  follows,  their  '  excommunicating  one  another ' 
upon  these  quarrels.  As  for  their  '  drawing  of  princes  to  be 
parties  with  them,  thereby  casting  them  into  bloody  wars  ;' 
this  hath  seldom  happened,  and  whenever  it  hath  happened, 
some  Church  business  or  other  hath  unhappily  set  it  on,  not 
their  meddling  in  temporal  affairs.  But  whatever  caused  it, 
the  crime  of  such  misleading  of  princes  is  very  odious,  and 
as  hateful  to  me,  as  it  can  be  to  his  Lordship.  But  the 
persons  must  bear  their  own  faults,  and  not  the  calling ;  and, 
sure  I  am,  this  Lord  would  think  me  very  wild,  if  I  should 
charge  the  ancient  barons'  wars  in  England,  upon  his  Lord 
ship  and  the  honourable  barons  now  living.  But  howsoever 
by  this  'tis  plain,  that  this  Lord  would  not  only  have  the 
Bishops  turned  out  of  all  civil  employments,  but  out  of  their 
ecclesiastical  jurisdictions  also.  They  must  have  no  power 
nor  superiority  there  neither;  their  Sees  must  be  laid  as 
level  as  parity  can  make  them.  For  all  these  mischiefs  came 
on  (saith  he)  as  soon  as  they  were  once  advanced  above  their 
brethren. 

And  one  thing  more  I  shall  take  occasion  to  say.  Here's 
great  clamour  made  against  the  Bishops,  and  their  meddling 
in  civil  affairs;  but  what  if  the  Presbytery  do  as  ranch  or 
more  ?  Do  they  sin  too  by  breaking  out  of  their  orb,  and 
neglecting  the  work  of  the  ministry  ?  No,  by  no  means : 
only  the  Bishops  are  faulty.  For  do  you  think  that  Calvin 
would  have  taken  on  him  the  umpirage  and  composing  of  so 
many  civil  causes  as  he  did  order  between  neighbours,  if  so 
great  sin  had  accompanied  it  ?  For  he  dealt  in  civil  causes, 
and  had  power  to  inflict  civil  punishments  in  his  consistory  s. 
For  he  committed  divers  to  prison  for  dancing,  and  those  not 
mean  ones  neither ;  and  he  arbitrated  divers  causes i ;  and 
in  a  great  controversy  between  the  Senate  of  Geneva  and 
a  gentleman,  he  tells  one  Frumentius,  who  laboured  for 
a  reconciliation,  that  the  Church  of  Geneva  was  not  so 
destitute,  but  that  fratres  mei  (saith  he)  huic  provincics 
subeundae  pares  futuri  essent  u,  some  of  his  brethren  might 
have  been  fit  for  that  work.  Belike  he  took  it  ill,  that  in 

•  "Omnesincarceremconjcctisunt,"      373.  Edit.  1575. 

&c. — Calvin.  Epist.  ad  Farellurn.  [p.  u  Calvin.  Epist.  ad  Farellum,  fol. 
64.  Genev.  1575.]  '  384.  [Aug.  23,  1547.] 

*  Calvin.  Epist.  ad  Viretum,    fol. 


214  ANSWER   TO  THE   LORD    SAY'S   SPEECH 

such  a  business,  though  merely  civil,  he  and  his  fello\v- 
ministers  should  be  left  out.  And  for  matters  in  the  com 
monwealth  he  had  so  great  power  in  the  Senate,  and  with 
the  people,  that  all  tilings  were  carried  as  he  pleased.  And 
himself  brags  of  it,  that  the  Senate  was  his  and  the  people 
his  v.  And  to  increase  his  strength,  and  make  it  more  for 
midable,  he  brought  in  fifty  or  more  of  the  French,  his 
countrymen  and  friends,  and  by  his  solicitation  made  them 
free  denizens  of  the  city ;  of  which  and  the  troubles  thence 
arising  he  gave  an  account  to  Bullinger  x,  anno  1555. 

Or  can  you  think  that  Beza  would  have  taken  upon  him 
so  much  secular  employment,  had  he  thought  it  unlawful  so 
to  do  ?  For  whereas  in  the  form  of  the  civil  government  of 
that  city,  out  of  the  two  hundred  prime  men  there  was  a 
perpetual  Senate  chosen  of  sixty,  as  Bodin  tells  us  y ;  my 
worthy  predecessor,  Archbishop  Bancroft z,  assures  me,  Beza 
was  one  of  these  threescore.  And  yet  what  a  crying  sin  is 
it  grown  in  a  Bishop  to  be  honoured  with  a  seat  at  the 
Council-table !  Besides  this,  when  Geneva  sent  a  solemn 
embassy  to  Henry  IV.  of  France,  about  the  raising  of  a  fort  4 
which  was  built  near  their  city  by  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  Beza 
would  needs  go  along  to  commend  that  spiritual  cause  unto 
the  king a ;  and  how  far  he  dealt,  and  laid  grounds  for  others 
to  deal  in  all  such  civil  causes,  as  were  but  in  ordine  ad 
spirit ualia,  is  manifest  by  himself b.  And  I  am  sure  laesus 
proximus  may  reach  into  the  cognisance  of  almost  all  civil 
causes.  Or  can  any  man  imagine  that  so  religious  a  man  as 
Mr.  Damport,  the  late  parson  of  St.  Stephen's  in  Colemaii- 
street,  would  have  done  the  like  to  no  small  hindrance  to 
Westminster- Hall,  had  he  thought  that  by  this  meddling  he 
had  hurt  both  his  conscience  and  his  credit,  whereas  (good 
man)  he  fled  into  New  England  to  preserve  both0?  Or,  if 
Mr.  Alexander  Henderson  would  have  come  along  with  the 

v  "  Senatum  esse  nostrum." — Cal-  z  Survey  of  the  pretended  Holy 

vin.  ad  Farellum,  fol.  72.  [iv.  Non.  Discipline,  c.  26.  [p.  303.  Lond.  1593.] 

Jul.  1546.]  •  Thuan.  Hist,  anno  1600.  c.  cxxv. 

"  Populum  esse  nostrum." — Calvin,  [i.e.  lib.  cxxv.  cap.  ix.  p.  42.  Lond. 

ad  Viretum,  fol.  73.  [May  28,  1547.]  1733.] 

x  Calvin.  Epist.  ad  Viret.  [leg.  ' b  Beza  de  Excommun.  p.  47.  [p. 

Bulinger.]  fol.  163.  [Jun.  15,  1555.]  50.  Genev.  1590.] 

y  Bodin,  lib.  ii.  de  Repub.  c.  6.  [p.  c  [See  Accounts  of  Province  for 

220.  Lugd.  1586.]  1033.  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  318,  note  b.  1 


AGAINST   THE   BISHOPS.  215 

Scottish  army  into  England,  and  been  a  commissioner  (as 
he  was)  in  that  whole  treaty,  wherein  many  of  their  Acts  of 
Parliament  concerning  the  civil  government  of  that  king 
dom  were  deliberated  upon  and  confirmed,  if  he  had  thought 
his  so  doing  inconsistent  with  his  calling  ?  Or  that  the 
Scots  (being  so  religious  as  they  then  were,  even  to  the 
taking  up  of  arms  against  their  King  for  religion)  would 
have  suffered  him  to  take  that  place  upon  him,  so  contrary  to 
the  command  of  Christ  and  the  practice  of  the  Apostles,  if 
it  had  been  so  indeed  ?  Or,  would  they  have  suffered  their 
preachers,  which  then  attended  their  commissioners  at  Lon 
don,  not  only  to  meddle  with,  but  to  preach  so  much  tem 
poral  stuff  as  little  belonged  to  the  purity  of  the  Gospel,  had 
they  been  of  this  Lord's  opinion  ?  Surely,  I  cannot  think 
it.  But  let  the  Bishops  do  but  half  so  much,  yea,  though 
they  be  commanded  to  do  that  which  these  men  assume  to 
themselves,  and  'tis  a  venture  but  it  shall  prove  treason 
against  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  kingdom,  and  an  endea 
vouring  to  bring  in  an  arbitrary  government.  Well !  I'll 
tell  you  a  tale.  There's  a  minister  at  this  day  in  London,  of 
great  note  among  the  faction,  well  esteemed  by  this  Lord 
and  others  of  this  outcry  against  the  Bishops'  votes  in  Parlia 
ment  and  their  meddling  in  civil  affairs ;  this  man  (I'll 
spare  his  name)  being  pressed  by  a  friend  of  his,  ho'w  he 
came  to  be  so  eager  against  the  Church,  of  which,  and  her 
government,  he  had  ever  heretofore  been,  an  upholder,  and 
had  subscribed  unto  it,  made  this  answer  :  '  Thou  art  a  fool ; 
thou  knowest  not  what  it  is  to  be  the  head  of  a  party.'  This 
man  is  one  of  the  great  masters  of  the  present  Reformation ; 
and  do  you  not  think  it  far  more  inconsistent  with  his 
ministerial  function,  to  be  in  the  head  of  a  turbulent  faction, 
(to  say  the  least  of  them,)  than  for  a  Bishop  to  meddle  in 
civil  affairs  ?  Yet  such  is  the  religion  of  our  times.  But 
'tis  no  matter  for  all  this ;  his  Lordship  hath  yet  more  to  say 
against  the  ambition  of  the  Prelates.  For, — 

Their  ambition  and  intermeddling  with  secular  affairs  and 
state  business,  hath  been  the  cause  of  shedding  more 
Christian  blood  than  anything  else  in  the  Christian 
world;  and  this  no  man  can  deny  that  is  versed  in 
history,  [p.  5.] 


216  ANSWER  TO   THE   LORD   SAl's   SPEECH 

This  is  the  same  over  and  over  again;  saving  that  the 
expression  contains  in  it  a  vast  untruth.  For  they  that  are 
'  versed  in  history'  must  needs  say  'tis  a  loud  one,  that  Bishops  4! 
meddlirrg  in  temporal  affairs '  hath  been  the  cause  of  shedding 
more  Christian  blood  than  anything  else  in  the  Christian 
world/  What  a  happiness  hath  this  Lord,  that  his  pale 
meagreness  cannot  blush  at  such  thing  as  this  !  Yea,  but  he 
will  prove  it  here  at  home  in  this  kingdom.  For,  says  he : — 

We  need  not  go  out  of  our  own  kingdom  for  examples  of 
their  insolency  and  cruelty.  When  they  had  a  dependency 
upon  the  Pope,  and  any  footing  thereby  out  of  the  land, 
there  were  never  any  that  carried  themselves  with  so 
much  scorn  and  insolency  towards  the  princes  of  this 
kingdom,  as  they  have  done.  Two  of  them  the  Bishop 
that  last  spake  hath  named,  but  instances  of  many  more 
may  be  given,  whereof  there  would  be  no  end.  [p.  5.] 

"Pis  true  indeed  '  we  need  not  go  out  of  our  own  kingdom 
for  examples  of  their  insolency  and  cruelty/  For  in  so  many 
ages  'tis  no  wonder  in  any  kingdom  to  find  some  bad 
examples,  be  it  of  insolency,  cruelty,  or  what  you  will ; 
especially  in  the  midst  of  so  much  prosperity  as  accompanied 
clergymen  in  those  times.  But  'tis  true  too,  that  there  are 
far  more  examples  of  their  piety  and  charity,  would  this 
Lord  be  pleased  to  remember  the  one  with  the  other.  As 
for  their  bad  examples,  his  Lordship  gives  a  reason  why  not 
all,  but  some  of  them, '  carried  themselves  with  so  much  scorn 
and  insolency  towards  their  princes,'  even  with  almost  as 
much  as  this  Lord  and  his  faction  carry  themselves  at  this 
day  towards  their  mild  and  gracious  King.  And  the  reason 
is  a  true  one ;  '  it  was  their  dependency  upon  the  Pope,  and 
their  footing  which  thereby  they  had  to  subsist  out  of  the 
land ;'  which  may,  and  I  hope  will  be  a  sufficient  warning  to 
his  Majesty  and  his  successors,  never  to  let  in  again  a  foreign 
supreme  power  into  any  of  his  dominions.  For  'tis  to  have 
one  state  within,  yet  not  dependent  upon  the  other,  which 
can  never  be  with  safety  or  quiet  in  any  kingdom.  And 
I  would  have  the  world  consider  a  little  with  what  insolency, 
and  perhaps  disallegiancc  this  Lord  and  his  round-head 
crew  would  use  their  Kings,  if  they  had  but  half  so  strong 


AGAINST   THE   BISHOPS.  217 

a  foreign  dependence  as  the  Bishops  then  had,  that  dare  use 
the  most  gracious  of  Kings  as  they  do  this  present  day. 
f  Two  of  these  insolent  ones/  (this  Lord  says,)  '  the  Bishop 
that  last  spake  named/  Lincoln  stands  in  the  margin,  by 
which  it  appears  that  Dr.  John  Williams,  then  Bishop  of 
Lincoln,  and  since  Archbishop  of  York,  was  the  man  that 
named  two  ;  but  because  this  Lord  names  them  not,  I 
know  not  who  they  are,  and  therefore  can  say  nothing  for 
or  against  them,  but  leave  them  to  that  Lord  which  censured 
them.  As  for  that  which  follows,  that  the  '  instances  of  many 
more  may  be  given,  whereof  there  would  be  no  end ;'  this  is 
a  piece  of  this  Lord's  loud  rhetoric,  which  can  have  no  truth 
in  it,  especially  relating,  as  it  doth,  to  this  kingdom  only. 

But  whereas  this  Lord  said  immediately  before,  that  '  their 
meddling  in  state  business  hath  been  the  cause  of  shedding 
more  Christian  blood  than  anything  else  in  the  Christian 
world/  and  in  the  very  next  words  falls  upon  the  proof  of  it 
in  this  kingdom  :  I  must  put  him  in  mind  that  one  Parlia- 
49  ment  in  England,  namely,  that  which  most  irreligiously  and 
traitorously  deposed  Richard  II.,  was  the  cause  of  the  effu 
sion  of  more  Christian  blood  amongst  us,  than  all  the  Bishops 
that  ever  were  in  this  kingdom.  For  that  base  and  unjust 
Parliament  was  the  cause  of  all  the  civil  wars,  those  bloody 
wars,  which  began  in  the  heir's  time  after  the  usurpation  of 
Henry  IV.,  and  ceased  not  till  there  were  slain  of  the  royal 
blood  ,  and  of  nobles  and  the  common  people  a  num 

berless  number.  And  I  heartily  beg  it  of  God,  that  no 
disloyal  Parliament  may  ever  bring  this  kingdom  into  the 
like  distress.  For  our  neighbours  are  far  stronger  now  than 
they  were  then,  arid  what  desolation  it  might  bring  upon  us, 
God  in  heaven  knows.  So  this  Lord  may  see,  if  he  will, 
what  a  Parliament  itself,  being  misgoverned,  may  do.  But 
will  his  Lordship  think  it  reason  to  condemn  all  Parliaments, 
because  this,  and  some  few  more,  have  done  what  they  should 
not  do,  as  he  here  deals  by  Bishops?  Sure  he  would  not. 
But  having  done  with  the  Bishops'  dependency  on  the  Pope, 
he  goes  on  and  tells  us  further,  that — 

Although  the  Pope  be  cast  off,  yet  now  there  is  another  in 
convenience,  no  less  prejudicial  to  the  kingdom,  by  their 
sitting  in  this  House;  and  that  is,  they  have  such  an 


218  ANSWER   TO   THE   LOUD   SAY'S    SPEECH 

absolute  dependency  upon  the  King,  that  they  sit  not  there 
as  free  men.   [p.  5.] 

I  am  heartily  sorry  to  see  this  Lord  thus  far  transported. 
The  Pope  is  indeed  cast  off  from  domineering  over  King, 
Church,  and  State.  But  I  am  sorry  to  hear  it  from  this 
Lord,  that  this  c  other  inconvenience  hy  Bishops  sitting  in  the 
House  of  Parliament,  is  no  less  prejudicial  to  the  kingdom/ 
Where,  first,  I  observe  that  this  Lord  accounts  the  Pope's 
ruling  in  this  kingdom,  but  a  '  matter  of  inconvenience  ;'  for 
so  his  words  imply.  For  that  must  be  one  inconvenience, 
if  the  Bishops'  voting  be  the  other ;  and  I  am  sure  the  laws 
both  of  this  Church  and  State,  make  it  far  worse  than  an 
inconvenience.  Had  I  said  thus  much,  I  had  been  a  Papist 
out  of  question.  Secondly ;  1 '11  appeal  to  any  prudent  and 
moderate  Protestant  in  the  Christian  world,  whether  he  can 
possibly  think  that  the  Bishops'  having  votes  in  the  Parlia 
ments  of  England  can  possibly  be  as  great,  or  no  less  an 
inconvenience,  than  the  Pope's  supremacy  here  ?  And  I 
believe  this  Lord,  when  he  thinks  better  of  it,  will  wish  these 
words  unsaid. 

Well !  but  what  then  is  this  '  inconvenience '  that  is  so 
great  ?  Why,  my  Lord  tells  us,  'tis  because  they  have  such 
an  '  absolute  dependency  upon  the  King  that  they  sit  not 
there  as  free  men.'  Where  first,  'tis  strange  to  me  and  my 
reason,  that  any  dependency  on  the  King,  be  it  never  so 
absolute,  can  be  possibly  so  great  an  inconvenience  to  the 
King,  as  that  upon  ah  independent  foreign  power  is;  the 
King  being  sworn  to  the  laws,  but  the  Pope  being  free,  and 
(as  he  challenges)  not  only  independent  from,  but  superior 
to,  both  King  and  laws.  Secondly,  I  conceive  the  Bishops' 
dependency  is  no  more  absolute  upon  the  King  than  is  the 
dependence  of  other  honourable  members  of  that  House,  and 
that  the  Bishops  sit  there  as  absolute  free  men  as  any  others, 
not  excepting  his  Lordship.  And  of  this  belief  I  must  be,  till 
the  contrary  shall  be  proved ;  which  his  Lordship  goes  thus 
about  to  do  : — 

That  which  is  requisite  to  freedom  is,  to  be  void  of  hopes  5C 
and  fears ;  he  that  can  lay  down  these  is  a  free  man,  and 
will  be  so  in  this  House :  but  for  the  Bishops,  as  the  case 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  219 

stands  with  them,  it  is  not  likely  they  will  lay  aside  their 
hopes ;  greater  bishoprics  being  still  in  expectancy ;  and 
for  their  fears,  they  cannot  lay  them  down,  since  their 
places  and  seats  in  Parliament  are  not  invested  in  them 
by  blood,  and  so  hereditary ;  but  by  annexation  of  a 
barony  to  their  office,  and  depending  upon  that  office ;  so 
that  they  may  be  deprived  of  their  office,  and  thereby  of 
their  places,  at  the  King' s  pleasure,  [pp.  5,  6.] 

My  Lord's  philosophy  is  good  enough;  for  to  be  'void  of 
hopes  and  fears  '  is  very  '  requisite  to  freedom/  and  '  he  that 
can  lay  these  down,  is  a  free  man/  or  may  be  if  he  will.  But 
whether  he  will  be  so  in  that  great  House,  I  cannot  so  well 
tell.  For  though  no  man  can  be  free  that  is  full  charged 
with  hopes  or  fears ;  yet  there  are  some  other  things  which 
collaterally  work  upon  men,  and  consequently  take  off  their 
freedom,  almost  as  much  as  hopes  and  fears  can  do.  Such 
are  consanguinity,  affinity,  especially  if  the  wife  bears  any 
sway;  private  friendship,  arid  above  all,  faction.  And  there 
fore  though  I  cannot  think  that  every  man  will  be  a  free  man 
in  that  House,  that  is  '  void  of  hopes  and  fears/  yet  I  believe 
he  may  if  he  will.  Now  I  conceive  that  in  all  these  colla 
teral  stiflings  of  a  man's  freedom,  the  lay  Lords  are  by  far 
less  free  than  the  Bishops  are. 

Again,  for  the  main  bars  of  freedom,  'hopes'  and  '  fears/ 
into  which  all  the  rest  do  some  way  or  other  fall,  I  do  not 
yet  see,  but  that  Bishops,  even  as  the  case  stands  with  them, 
may  be  as  free,  and  I  hope  are,  in  their  voting  as  temporal 
Lords.  For  ( their  hopes/  this  Lord  tells  us,  f 'tis  not  likely 
they  will  lay  them  aside,  greater  bishoprics  being  still  in 
expectancy.'  Truly,  I  do  not  know  why  a  deserving  Bishop 
may  not  in  due  time  hope  for  a  better  bishopric,  and  yet 
retain  that  freedom  which  becomes  him  in  Parliament,  as 
well  as  any  nobleman  may  be  noble  and  free  in  that  great 
court,  and  yet  have  moderated  hopes  of  being  called  to 
some  great  office,  or  to  the  Council -table,  or  some  honourable 
and  profitable  embassage,  or  some  knighthood  of  the  Garter ; 
of  all,  or  some  of  which,  there  is  still  '  expectancy.'  Lay  your 
hand  on  your  heart,  my  Lord,  and  examine  yourself. 

As  for  ( fears/  his  Lordship  tells  us  roundly  the  Bishops 


220  ANSWER   TO   THE   LOUD    SAY'S   SPEECH 

'  cannot  lay  them  down/  Cannot  ?  Are  all  the  Bishops  such 
poor  spirits  ?  But  why  can  they  not  ?  Why,  because  their 
places  in  Parliament  are  not  '  hereditary,  but  by  annexation 
of  a  barony  to  their  office,  and  depending  upon  it ;  so  that 
they  may  be  deprived  of  their  office,  and  thereby  of  their 
place,  at  the  King's  pleasure/  First ;  I  believe  the  Bishops 
gave  their  votes  in  Parliament  as  freely  to  their  conscience 
and  judgment  as  this  Lord  or  any  other.  Secondly;  if  any 
of  them  for  fear  or  any  other  motive  have  given  their  votes 
unworthily ;  I  doubt  not  but  many  honourable  Lords  have  at 
some  time  or  other  forgot  themselves  and  borne  the  Bishops 
company:  though  in  this  I  commend  neither.  Thirdly;  I 
know  some  Bishops  who  had  rather  lose  not  their  baronies 
only,  but  their  bishoprics  also,  than  vote  so  unworthily  as 
this  Lord  would  make  the  world  believe  they  have  done.  51 
Lastly ;  it  is  true  their  seat  in  Parliament  depends  on  their 
barony,  their  barony  on  their  office ;  and  if  they  be  deprived 
of  their  office,  both  barony  and  seat  in  Parliament  are  gone. 
But  I  hope  my  Lord  will  not  say  we  live  under  a  tyrant ; 
and  then  I  will  say  Bishops  are  not  deprivable  of  their  office, 
and  consequently  not  of  the  rest,  at  the  King's  pleasure. 
But  this  Lord  proceeds  into  a  further  amplification  :  and  to 
whet  his  inveterate  malice  against  the  King,  says  as  follows. 
Nay, 

They  do  not  so  much  as  sit  here  dum  bene  se  gesserint,  as 
the  Judges  now  by  your  Lordships'  petition  to  the  King 
have  their  places  granted  them,  but  at  will  and  pleasure ; 
and  therefore  as  they  were  all  excluded  by  Edward  the 
First,  as  long  as  he  pleased,  and  laws  made  excluso  Clero, 
so  may  they  be  by  any  King  at  his  pleasure  in  like  manner. 
They  must  needs  therefore  be  in  an  absolute  dependency 
upon  the  Crown,  and  thereby  at  devotion  for  their  votes, 
which  how  prejudicial  it  hath  been,  and  will  be  to  this 
House,  I  need  not  say.  [p.  6.] 

If  I  could  wonder  at  anything  which  this  Lord  doth  or 
says  in  such  arguments  as  these,  when  his  heart  is  up  against 
the  clergy,  I  should  wonder  at  this.  For  if  he  will  not  sup 
pose  the  King's  government  to  DC  tyrannical,  the  Bishops 
have  their  places  during  life,  arid  cannot  justly  be  put  out  of 


AGAINST   THE   BISHOPS.  221 

them,  unless  their  miscarriage  be  such  as  shall  merit  a  depri 
vation.  And  therefore,  by  this  Lord's  good  leave,  they  have 
as  good  a  tenure  as  the  judges'  is  of  a  quamdiu  bene  se  ges- 
serint.  And  this  they  have  without  their  Lordships'  petition 
to  the  King,  as  his  Lordship  tells  us  was  fain  to  be  made  for 
the  judges,  thereby  galling  the  King  for  giving  some  patents 
to  the  judges  during  pleasure  ;  which,  as  the  case  stood  with 
them,  whether  he  had  reason  to  do  or  not,  I  will  not  dispute. 
So  that  manifest  it  is,  that  the  Bishops  do  not  hold  their 
bishoprics  at  the  King's  ( will  and  pleasure,'  and  consequently 
neither  their  baronies  nor  their  places  in  Parliament. 

And  I  would  have  my  Lord  consider,  whether  all  the 
noblemen  that  sit  in  that  House,  by  blood  and  inherit 
ance,  be  not  in  the  same  condition  upon  the  matter  with  the 
Bishops.  For  as  Bishops  may  commit  crimes  worthy  depri 
vation,  and  so  consequently  lose  their  votes  in  Parliament ; 
so  are  there  some  crimes  also  which  noblemen  may  commit 
(God  preserve  them  from  them),  which  may  consequently 
void  all  their  rights  in  Parliament,  yea,  and  taint  their  blood 
too. 

And  as  for  the  Bishops'  baronies,  they  are  not  at  the 
King's  will  and  pleasure  neither  :  for  they  hold  their  baronies 
from  the  Crown  indeed,  but  by  so  long  prescription  as  will 
preserve  them  from  any  disseisure  at  will  and  pleasure  of  the 
King.  So  if  they  merit  not  deprivation  by  law  and  justice, 
their  baronies  are  safe,  and  that  by  as  good  right,  and  far 
ancienter  descent,  than  any  .the  ancientest  nobleman  of 
England  can  plead  for  himself. 

For  Edward  the  First,  he  was  a  brave  prince,  and  is  of 
glorious  memory,  and  respected  the  dutifulness  of  his  clergy 
very  royally.  As  for  the  Acts  of  Parliament  made  in  his 
time,  and  the  time  of  his  royal  successor  Edward  the  Third, 
52  I  conceive  nothing  can  be  gathered  out  of  the  titles  or 
prefaces  of  those  Acts,  against  either  the  Bishops5  presence  at, 
or  their  voting  to  those  laws,  by  any  prohibition  or  exclusion 
of  them,  by  those  famous  Kings.  For  though  the  Statute  of 
Carlisle,  35  Edw.  I.,  not  printed,  be  recited  in  the  statute 
25  Edw.  III.  of  Provisoes  d,  and  says,  '  that  by  the  assent  of 

d  Et  similiter  in  the  statute  of  27  Edw.  III.  and  38  Edw.  III.,  both  of 
Provisoes. 


222 

the  earls,  barons,  and  other  nobles,  and  all  the  commonalty,  at 
their  instances  and  requests  in  the  said  full  Parliament,  it 
was  ordained,  &c./  without  any  mention  at  all  of  the  prelates ; 
yet  it  is  more  than  probable,  that  the  prelates  were  sum 
moned  to,  and  present  at  these  Parliaments.  For  first,  it 
appears  expressly  by  the  Statute  of  the  Staple,  27  Edw.  III., 
made  in  the  same  Parliament  with  the  Statute  of  Provisoes, 
that  the  prelates  were  assembled  and  present  there :  and 
I  rather  think  that  in  all  these  Statutes  of  Provisoes,  (being 
professedly  made  against  the  liberty  and  jurisdiction  of  the 
Pope,  in  those  times  challenged  in  this  kingdom,  to  whose 
power  the  Bishops  were  then  subject,)  they  voluntarily  chose 
to  be  absent,  rather  than  endanger  themselves  to  the  Pope, 
if  they  voted  for  such  laws,  or  offend  the  King  and  the  State, 
if  they  voted  against  them.  But  these  laws  were  not  made 
excluso  Clero,  and  that  ( as  long  as  the  King  pleased/  (as  this 
Lord  affirms  ;)  and  this  is  very  plain  in  the  statute  itself  of 
38  Edw.  III.  For  in  the  last  chapter  of  that  statute,  though 
the  prelates  be  omitted  in  the  preamble,  yet  there  'tis 
expressly  said,  'that  the  king,  the  prelates,  the  dukes,  earls 
and  barons/  &c.  So  here  was  not  exclusion  of  the  Bishops 
by  the  King,  but  their  own  voluntary  absence,  which  made 
those  kind  of  laws  pass  without  them. 

As  for  the  Parliament  at  Carlisle,  I  conceive  the  books  are 
misprinted,  and  a  common  error  risen  by  it.  For  that  Par 
liament  was  held  anno  35  Edw.  I.  and  was  the  first  of  Pro 
visoes  ;  and  as  appears  in  the  Records,  the  prelates  were 
present.  But  in  25  Edw.  I.  the  Parliament  was  summoned 
to  London,  and  the  Bishops  called  to  it e.  And  there  was 
another  summons  to  Salisbury  in  the  same  roll f,  to  which  the 
prelates  were  not  called.  But  this,  I  conceive,  was  a  sum 
mons  of  the  King's  great  Council  only,  and  not  of  a  Par 
liament,  the  Commons  not  being  called  any  more  than  the 
Prelates  :  nor  were  there  any  other  summons,  25  Edw.  I.,  but 
these  two.  That  which  his  Lordship  infers  upon  this,  is, 
that  therefore  the  Bishops  arc  '  in  absolute  dependency  upon 
the  Crown  /  which  is  manifestly  untrue,  since  they  cannot 
be  outed  at  will  and  pleasure,  but  for  demerit  only ;  and  that 
may  fall  upon  temporal  Lords  as  well  as  Bishops.  And  there- 

c  Rotulo  Clausar.  25  Edw.  I.  M.  6.  Dorso.  f  M.  25  Dorso. 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  223 

fore  neither  are  they  at  devotion  for  their  votes ;  and  there 
fore,  in.  true  construction,  no  prejudice  can  come  by  them 
to  that  honourable  House.  And  I  pray  God  their  casting 
out  be  not  more  prejudicial  both  to  State  and  Church  than 
I  am  willing  to  forespeak.  After  this  his  Lordship  tells  us 
what  he  hath  done  in  this  great  argument,  saying, — 

I  have  now  showed  your  Lordships  how  hurtful  to  themselves 
and  others  these  things,  which  the  Bill  would  take  away, 
have  been.  I  will  only  answer  some  objections  which  I 
have  met  withal,  and  then  crave  your  pardon  for  troubling 
you  so  long.  [p.  6.] 

His  Lordship  tells  us  he  hath  showed  '  how  hurtful  these 
things  are  both  to  the  Bishops  and  others,'  which  this  Bill 
would  hew  down ;  and  out  of  his  zeal  and  love  to  the  Church 
he  hath  gone  further  than  any  man  in  this  argument ;  yet 
I  conceive  he  hath  not  showed  what  he  thinks  he  hath.  "Tis 
true,  he  hath  strongly  laboured  it ;  but  I  hope  it  will  appear 
he  hath  not  mastered  it.  I  shall  now  see  how  he  answers 
such  objections,  as  his  Lordship  says  he  hath  met  with.  And 
the  first  objection  is,  his  Lordship  says, — 

1 .  That  they  have  been  very  ancient. 

2.  That  they  are  established  by  law. 

3.  That  it  may  be  an  infringement  of  the  House  of  Peers, 
for  the  House  of  Commons  to  send  up  a  Bill  to  take  away 
some  of  their  Members.     To  these  three  the  answer  will 
be  easy.     [p.  6.] 

I  know  not  how  easy  the  answer  will  be;  but  these  must 
needs  be  hard  times  for  Bishops,  if  neither  antiquity  can 
fence  them  against  novelty,  nor  law  defend  them  against 
violence,  nor  fear  of  weakening  the  House  of  Peers  preserve 
them  against  the  eagerness  of  the  House  of  Commons ;  and 
that  in  the  very  House  of  Peers  itself.  Let  us  see  then  and 
consider  how  easy  the  answer  will  be  to  these,  and  how 
sufficient  also. 

To  the  first.  Antiquity  is  no  good  plea ;  for  that  which  is 
by  experience  found  hurtful,  the  longer  it  hath  done  hurt, 
the  more  cause  there  is  now  to  remove  it,  that  it  may  do 


224  ANSWER   TO   TITE    LORD    SAY'S    SPEECH 

no  more.  Besides,  other  irregularities  are  as  ancient, 
which  have  been  thought  fit  to  be  redressed;  and  this  is 
not  so  ancient,  but  that  it  may  truly  be  said,  Non  fuit  sic 
ab  initio.  [p.  6.] 

This  answer  may  be  easy  enough ;  but  sure  'tis  not  suffi 
cient.  Nor  do  I  wonder  that  antiquity  is  no  good  plea  in 
this  Lord's  account ;  for  he  is  such  an  enemy  to  it,  that  he 
will  have  his  very  religion  new.  If  anything  be  ancient,  it 
smells  of  Antichrist.  Yea,  but  if  it  be  found  hurtful,  '  the 
longer  it  hath  done  hurt,  the  more  cause  to  remove  it.' 
That's  true;  if  it  be  hurtful  in  and  of  itself;  so  is  not  this. 
If  it  does  hurt  constantly  or  frequently  ;  else  you  must  cast 
out  the  lay  Lords'  votes  too,  and  his  Lordship's  with  the  rest. 
For  out  of  all  doubt  their  votes  do  hurt  sometimes,  and  it 
may  be  more  often  and  more  dangerously  than  the  Bishops' 
votes.  And  when  this  Lord  shall  be  pleased  to  tell  us  what 
those  '  other  irregularities '  are,  which  '  are  as  ancient'  and  yet 
'  redressed/  I  will  consider  of  them,  and  then  either  grant  or 
deny.  In  the  meantime,  I  think  it  hath  been  proved  that 
it  is  no  irregularity  for  a  Bishop,  that  is  called  to  it  by 
supreme  authority,  to  give  counsel,  or  otherwise  to  meddle  in. 
civil  aifairs,  so  as  it  take  him  not  quite  off  from  his  calling. 
And  for  his  Lordship's  close,  that  'this  is  not  so  ancient, 
but  that  it  may  be  truly  said,  Non  fuit  sic  ab  initio ; '  his 
Lordship  is  much  deceived.  For  that  speech  of  our  Saviour's, 
St.  Matthew  xix.  8,  is  spoken  of  marriage,  which  was  insti 
tuted  in  Paradise,  and  therefore  ab  initio,  '  from  the  beginning,' 
must  there  be  taken  '  from  the  creation,'  or  from  the  institu 
tion  of  marriage  soon  after  it.  But  I  hope  his  Lordship  5 
means  it  not  so  here,  to  put  it  off  that  Bishops  had  not  votes 
in  the  Parliaments  of  England  from  the  creation.  For  then 
no  question  but  it  may  be  truly  said,  Non  fuit  sic  ab  initio. 
But  if  his  Lordship,  or  any  other,  will  apply  this  speech  to 
anything  else,  which  hath  not  its  beginning  so  high,  he 
must  then  refer  his  words  and  meaning  to  that  time,  in 
which  that  thing  he  speaks  of  took  its  beginning ;  as  is  this 
particular  to  the  beginning  of  Parliaments  in  this  kingdom. 
And  then,  under  favour  of  this  Lord,  the  voting  of  Bishops 
in  Parliament  is  so  ancient  that  it  cannot  be  truly  said,  Non 


AGAINST   THE  BISHOPS.  225 

fuit  sic  ab  initio.  For  so  far  as  this  kingdom  hath  any 
records  to  show,  clergymen,  both  Bishops  and  Abbots,  had 
free  and  full  votes  in  Parliament ;  so  full,  as  that  in  the  first 
Parliament  of  which  we  have  any  certain  records,  which  was 
in  the  forty  and  ninth  year  of  Henry  the  Third,  there  was 
summoned  by  the  King  to  vote  in  Parliament,  one  hundred 
and  twenty  Bishops,  Abbots,  and  Priors,  and  but  twenty- 
three  Lay-Lords.  Now  there  were  but  twenty-six  Bishops 
in  all,  and  the  Lords  being  multiplied  (to  the  unspeakable 
prejudice  of  the  Crown)  into  above  one  hundred,  besides 
many  of  their  young  sons,  called  by  writ  in  their  fathers' 
lifetime,  have  either  found  or  made  a  troubled  time,  to  cast 
the  Bishops  and  their  votes  out  of  the  House. 

2.  To  the  objection  for  being  established  by  law,  his  Lord 
ship  says,  The  law-makers  have  the  same  power  and  the 
same  charge  to  alter  old  laws  inconvenient,  as  to  make 
new  that  are  necessary,   [p.  6.] 

The  law-makers  have  indeed  the  same  power  in  them,  and 
the  same  charge  upon  them,  that  their  predecessors  in  former 
times  had ;  and  there's  no  question  but  old  laws  may  be 
abrogated  and  new  ones  made.  But  this  Lord,  who  seems 
to  be  well  versed  in  the  rules  and  laws  of  Government, 
(which  the  poor  Bishops  understand  not,)  cannot  but  know 
that  it's  a  dangerous  thing  to  be  often  changing  of  the  laws ; 
especially  such  as  have  been  ancient,  and  where  the  f  old '  is 
not  '  inconvenient/  nor  the  '  new  necessary ; '  which  is  the 
true  state  of  this  business,  whatever  this  Lord  thinks. 

3.  And  for  the  third  objection,  the  privileges  of  the  House, 
this  Lord  says,  it  can  be  no  breach  of  them.     For  either 
estate  may  propose  to  the  other  by  way  of  Bill,  what  they 
conceive  to  be  for  public  good,  and  they   have  power 
respectively  of  accepting  or  refusing,   [p.  7.] 

This  is  an  easy  answer  indeed,  and  very  true.  '  For  either 
estate  in  Parliament  may  propose  to  the  other  by  way  of 
Bill,  and  they  have  power  respectively  of  accepting  or  re 
fusing  ;'  and  there  is  no  breach  of  privilege  in  all  this.  But 
this  easy  answer  comes  not  home.  For  how  my  Lord  under 
stands  this  objection,  I  know  not ;  it  seems  as  if  it  did  reach 

LAUD. — VOL.  VI.  Q 


226  ANSWER  TO  THE   LORD   SAY'S   SPEECH 

only  to  the  external  breach  of  some  privilege,  but  I  conceive 
they  which  made  the  objection  meant  much  more.  As 
namely,  that  by  this  Bill  there  was  an  aim  in  the  Commons 
to  weaken  the  Lords'  House,,  and  by  making  their  votes 
fewer,  to  be  the  better  able  to  work  them  to  their  own  ends 
in  future  businesses.  So  the  argument  is  of  equal,  if  not  i 
greater  strength  against  the  Lords  yielding  to  the  Bill  to 
the  infringement  of  their  own  strength,  than  to  the  Com 
mons  proposing  it,  and  there  is  no  doubt  but  that  the 
Commons  might  propose  their  Bill  without  breach  of  pri 
vilege  ;  but  whether  the  Lords  might  grant  it  without 
impairing  their  own  strength,  I  leave  the  future  times,  which 
shall  see  the  success  of  this  Act  of  Parliament,  to  judge  of 
the  wisdom  of  it,  which  I  shall  not  presume  to  do.  I  thought 
his  Lordship  had  now  done,  but  he  tells  us, 

4.  There  are  two  other  objections,  which  may  seem  to  have 
more  force;  but  they  will  receive  satisfactory  answers. 
The  one  is,  that  if  they  may  remove  Bishops,  they  may  as 
well  next  time  remove  Barons  and  Earls,  [p.  7.] 

This  Lord  confesses  the  two  arguments  following  are  of 
more  force,  but  he  says  '  they  will  receive  satisfactory 
answers/  And  it  may  be  so.  But  what  answers  soever  they 
may  receive,  yet  I  doubt  whether  those  which  that  Lord 
gives  be  such.  For  to  this  of  taking  away  of  Barons  and 
Earls  next,  his  Lordship  answers  two  things.  First  he  says, 

•  The  reason  is  not  the  same ;  the  one  sitting  by  an  honour 
invested  in  their  blood  and  hereditary,  which  though  it  be 
in  the  King  alone  to  grant,  yet  being  once  granted  he 
cannot  take  away  ;  the  other  sitting  by  a  barony  de 
pending  upon  an  office,  which  may  be  taken  away ;  for  if 
they  be  deprived  of  their  office,  they  sit  not.  [p.  7.] 

To  this  there  have  been  enough  said  before,  yet  that  it 
may  fully  appear  this  reason  is  not  satisfactory,  this  Lord 
should  do  well  to  know,  or  rather  to  remember,  for  I  think 
he  knows  it  already,  that  though  these  great  Lords  have  and 
hold  their  places  in  Parliament  by  blood  and  inheritance, 
and  the  Bishops  by  baronies  depending  upon  their  office  ;  yet 
the  King,  which  gives  alone;  can  no  more  justly  or  lawfully 


AGAINST   THE   13ISHOKS.  227 

alien  aways  their  office  without  their  demerit,  and  that  in 
a  legal  way,  than  he  can  take  away  nobl emeu's  honours. 
And  therefore,  for  aught  is  yet  said,  their  cases  are  not  so 
much  alike  as  his  Lordship  would  have  them  seem.  In  this 
indeed  they  differ  somewhat,  that  Bishops  may  be  deprived 
upon  more  crimes,  than  those  are  for  which  Earls  and  Barons 
may  lose  their  honours ;  but  neither  of  them  can  be  justly 
done  by  the  King's  will  and  pleasure  only.  But,  secondly, 
for  further  answer,  this  Lord  tells  us, 

The  Bishops  sitting  there  is  not  so  essential.  For  laws  have 
been,  and  may  be  made,  they  being  all  excluded ;  but  it 
can  never  be  showed  that  ever  there  were  laws  made  by 
the  King  and  them,  the  Lords  and  Earls  excluded,  [p.  7.] 

This  reason  is  as  little  '  satisfactory '  to  me  as  the  former. 
For  certainly,  according  to  law  and  prescription  of  hundreds 
of  years,  the  Bishops  sitting  in  that  House  is  as  '  essential'  as 
the  Lords.  And  this  about  the  laws  made  without  them,  is 
built  only  upon  some  difficult  emergent  cases,  from  which 
they  desired  to  be  exempt  and  free  themselves  :  not  from 
any  constraint  of  the  State  ;  nor  from  any  opinion  of  the 
King,  Peers,  or  people,  that  it  was  fit  to  make  laws  without 
them.  But  to  this  we  have  given  an  answer  before. 

But  this  objection  of  taking  away  the  Earls  and  Barons 
next,  strikes  (as  I  conceive)  another  way  at  the  Lords' 
House,  than  either  of  those,  answers  or  reasons  seem  to  meet 
with.  And  perhaps  this  Lord  himself  is  willing  to  pass  it  by, 
if  he  does  see  it;  and  'tis  thus.  The  House  of  Commons 
sees  and  knows  well  enough,  that  should  they  bring  up  a 
Bill  open,  and  with  a  bare  edge  to  take  away  the  votes  from 
the  Lords,  it  could  not  possibly  be  endured  by  either  King 
or  Peers.  Therefore  the  Bill  which  may  come  to  take  them 
away  next,  and  which  may  be  meant  in  this  objection,  may 
be  a  Bill  to  make  one  House  of  both,  and  set  them  all  to 
gether,  under  the  pretence  of  greater  unity,  and  more  free 
and  quick  despatch  of  all  business ;  all  messages  and  confe 
rences,  and  breach  of  correspondences,  and  differences,  hap 
pening  between  the  two  Houses,  while  they  are  two,  being 
by  this  means  taken  away.  And  this  I  am  sure  hath  been 

*  [In  the  former  edition  it  was  printed  '  alone  away.'] 


228  ANSWER  TO  THE  LOUD   SAY'S  SPEECH 

much  spoken  of  since  this  Parliament  began,  and  may  with 
far  more  ease  be  next  compassed  now  the  Bishops  are  thrust 
out ;  both  because  there  are  fewer  in  the  Lords'  House  to 
help  to  cast  out  such  a  Bill,  and  because  the  Commons' 
House,  which  would  willingly  receive  the  Lords  in  among 
them,  would  never  admit  the  Bishops  into  their  House.  So 
that  both  ways  this  is  made  far  more  easy  to  pass.  And, 
should  this  happen,  I  would  fain  know  of  this  Lord,  wherein 
this  objection  would  fail,  that  they  might  the  next  time 
remove  the  Barons  and  the  Earls.  Not  remove  them  from 
making  laws,  (as  his  Lordship  speaks  of  it,)  but  remove  them 
into  the  House  of  Commons,  where  their  votes  shall  be 
swallowed  up  among  the  many,  and  might  be  quite  over 
mastered,  though  they  should  not  all  agree  and  vote  one  way. 
For  then  the  meanest  Commoner  in  that  House  would  have 
his  vote  as  great  as  the  greatest  Earl's.  Whereas  now  in  their 
own  House  being  distinct,  though  all  the  House  of  Commons 
agree  upon  a  Bill,  or  anything  else ;  the  Lords  may,  if  they 
see  reason,  alter  or  reject  it.  So  that  if  hereafter  they  be 
reduced  to  one  House,  I  make  no  question  but  their  votes 
are  gone  next  after  the  Bishops'.  And  if  his  Lordship  shall 
think  this  an  impossible  supposition  ;  let  him  know,  it  is  not 
half  so  impossible,  as  that  which  he  made  before,  of  the 
heavenly  bodies  breaking  out  of  their  own  spheres.  But  we 
are  now  come  to  the  last  objection,  the  other  of  the  two 
which  his  Lordship  says  are  stronger.  And, 

5.  The  other  objection  is  this,  That  this  Bill  alters  the 
foundation  of  this  House  ;  and  innovations,  which  shake 
foundations,  are  dangerous,  [p.  7.] 

And  truly  this  objection  seems  to  me  very  strong;  but 
perhaps  that  is  by  reason  of  my  weakness;  for  my  Lord  tells 
us  before,  that  it  is  capable  of  a  '  satisfactory  answer ;'  and 
here  his  Lordship  gives  two  for  failing. 

/  answer,  first,  That  if  there  should  be  an  error  in  the 
foundation,  when  it  shall  be  found,  and  the  master- 
builders  be  met  together,  they  may,  nay  they  ought 
rather  to  amend  it,  than  to  suffer  it  to  run  on  still  to  the 
prejudice  and  danger  of  the  whole  structure,  [p.  7.] 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  229 

This  answer,  whatever  this  Lord  thinks  of  it,  is  not  e  satis 
factory  /  and  the  thing  will  be  full  of  danger,  whensoever  it 
shall  be  put  to  trial.  For  foundations  are  seldom  meddled 
withal  but  with  great  hazard,  and  a  fundamental  error  in  a 
kingdom  is  borne  with  more  safety  to  the  whole,  than  it  can 
be  taken  away.  And  this  happens  partly  because  among  the 
many  subjects  of  a  kingdom  there  are  different  judgments, 
and  as  different  affections ;  whence  it  follows,  that  all  men  are 
not  of  opinion,  that  that  which  is  called  '  an  error  in  the 
foundation/  is  so  indeed :  nor  do  the  affections  of  all  men 
dislike  it,  nay  perhaps  the  greater,  perhaps  the  better  part 
will  approve  it.  In  this  case/  if  the  f  master-builders '  fall  to 
mending  of  this  somewhat  boisterously,  may  they  not  rend 
all  in  pieces,  to  fall  about  their  own  ears  and  other  men's  ? 
And  partly,  because  the  '  master-builders '  which  are  to  meet 
to  repair  the  decays  of  the  State,  though  in  all  ages  they 
have  the  same  authority  to  make  laws,  yet  they  have  not  in 
all  ages  the  same  skill  and  wisdom,  for  the  making  or  the 
mending  of  them,  Whence  it  follows,  that  even  the  '  master- 
builders  '  themselves  may  mistake,  and  call  that  the  error, 
which  is  indeed  a  great  part  of  the  strength  of  the  foundation  : 
and  so  by  tampering  to  mend  that  which  is  better  already, 
endanger  the  shaking,  if  not  the  fall,  of  the  whole  structure, 
which  they  would  labour  to  preserve.  And  I  pray  God 
posterity  do  not  find  it,  that  even  the  'master-builders'  which 
are  now  met,  be  not  so  deceived,  and  with  as  ill  success,  in 
casting  the  Bishops3  votes  out  of  the  House,  under  the  name 
of  (  an  error  in  the  foundation/  But  if  this  answer  satisfy 
not,  his  Lordship  may  hope  his  next  will.  For, 

Secondly,  he  says,  This  is  not  fundamental  to  this  House. 
For  it  hath  stood  without  them,  and  done  all  that  apper 
tains  to  the  power  thereof  without  them,  yea,  they  being 
wholly  excluded :  and  that  which  hath  been  done  for  a 
time  at  the  King's  pleasure,  may  be  done  with  as  little 
danger  for  a  longer  time ;  and  when  it  appears  to  be  fit, 
and  for  public  good,  not  only  may,  but  ought  to  be  done 
altogether  by  the  supreme  power .  [p.  7.] 

It  seems  this  Lord  distrusts  his  former  answer  about  mend 
ing  '  fundamental  errors '  in  a  State,  and  therefore  here  he 


230  ANSWER   TO  THE    LOUD   SAY'S  SPEECH 

denies  that  Bishops  and  their  votes  are  '  fundamental '  to  the 
Lords'  House.  But  I  doubt  his  Lordship  is  mistaken  in  this, 
For  that  is  '  fundamental '  in  any  court,  which  in  that  court 
is  first  laid  and  settled,  upon  which  all  the  future  structure 
is  raised.  Now  in  the  Lords'  House  of  Parliament,  the 
Bishops'  votes  were  laid  at  the  very  first,  as  well  as  the  votes 
of  the  Lords  temporal.  Nay,  with  a  precedency  both  in 
place  and  number;  and  all  the  ordinances  and  powers  of  that 
great  court  have  equally  proceeded  from  the  votes  of  the 
Bishops  and  the  Lords ;  and  therefore,  for  aught  which  yet 
appears  to  me,  either  the  Lords'  votes  are  not  '  fundamental ' 
to  that  House,  or  the  Bishops'  are. 

But  his  Lordship  proves  they  are  not  '  fundamental '  to  5 
that  House,  because  that  House  hath  stood  without  them. 
But  weakly  enough,  God  knows,  like  a  house  whose  founda 
tions  are  shaken  upon  one  side;  and  because  'that  House 
hath  done  all  that  appertains  to  the  power  of  it  without  them.' 
It  may  be  so.  But  I  doubt  whether  it  did  all  that  appertains 
to  the  wisdom  of  it  without  them.  For  this  relates11  again 
to  that  Parliament  under  Edward  the  First,  from  which,  his 
Lordship  says,  Bishops  were  excluded;  and  we  know  that 
Parliament  is  called  indoctum  Parliamentum,  the  unlearned 
Parliament :  for  all  the  lawyers  were  excluded  from  that 
Parliament  as  well  as  the  clergymen.  And  therefore  were 
this  Lord  indifferent,  he  might  argue  that  lawyers'  votes  are 
not  fundamental  in  the  Commons'  House, — which  is  true, 
though  no  way  convenient, — rather  than  that  Bishops'  votes 
are  '  not  fundamental '  in  the  Lords'  House,  which  is  utterly 
against  all  truth  and  convenience.  But  his  Lordship's  tooth 
is  so  sharp,  and  so  black  against  that  order,  that  he  snaps  at 
them  upon  all,  and  upon  no  occasion,  and  would  envenom 
them  had  he  power. 

To  make  this  seem  the  better,  his  Lordship  ends  this 
speech  with  a  piece  of  philosophy,  which  I  cannot  approve 
neither.  For  he  says,  '  that  which  hath  been  done  for  a  time 
at  the  King's  pleasure,  may  be  done  with  as  little  danger  for 
a  longer  time.'  For  first,  this  proposition  is  unsound  in  itself: 
for  many  cases  may  happen,  in  which  divers  things  may  be 
done  for  a  Prince's  pleasure  once,  or  for  a  time,  and  with  no 
h  [In  the  former  edition  it  was  printed  'relation.'] 


AGAINST  THE  BISHOPS.  231 

great  danger,  which  continued  or  often  repeated,  will  be 
full  of  danger,  and  perhaps  not  endured  by  the  subject. 
Secondly,  I  am  confident,  let  the  tables  be  but  turned  from 
a  bishop  to  a  layman,  and  this  Lord  shall  eat  his  own  propo 
sition.  For  instance ;  in  another  Parliament,  and  in  a  time 
generally  received  to  be  as  good  as  that  of  Edward  the  First, 
in  Queen  Elizabeth's  time,  and  within  my  own  memory, 
Mr.  Peter  Wentworth  moved  in  the  House  of  Commons  to 
have  an  heir  apparent  declared  for  the  better  and  securer 
peace  of  the  kingdom  in  after  times.  The  Queen,  for  her 
mere  will  and  pleasure  (for  that  which  he  did  was  no  offence 
against  law),  took  him  either  out  of  the  House,  or  so  soon  as 
he  came  out  of  the  House,  clapped  him  up  in  the  Tower, 
where  he  lay  till  his  death.  What  will  this  Lord  say  to  this  ? 
Will  he  say  this  was  done  once  at  the  Prince's  pleasure? 
Why  then  I  return  his  proposition  upon  him,  and  tell  him, 
that  that  which  was  done  once  at  one  Prince's  pleasure,  may 
be  done  oftener  at  other  Prince's  pleasure  with  as  little 
danger.  Or  will  this  Lord  say  this  was  not  done  at  the 
Queen's  pleasure,  but  she  might  justly  and  legally  do  so? 
Then  other  princes  of  this  realm  having  the  same  power 
residing  in  them,  may  do  by  other  Parliament  men  as  she  did 
with  this  gentleman.  And  which  soever  of  the  two  he  shall 
say,  King  Charles  had  as  good  right,  and  with  as  little  breach 
of  Parliament  privilege,  to  demand  the  six  men  which  by  his 
Attorney  he  had  accused  of  treason,  as  that  great  Queen  had 
to  lay  hold  on  Mr.  Wentworth. 

Since  I  had  written  this,  the  ' Observer'  steps  in  and  tells 
us,  '  that  a  mere  example  (though  of  Queen  Elizabeth)  is  no 
law ;  for  some  of  her  actions  were  retracted  :  and  that  yet 
without  question  Queen  Elizabeth  might  do  that  which  aPrince 
)9  less  beloved  could  never  have  done  \9  'Tis  true,  that '  a  mere 
example  is  not  a  law/  and  yet  the  Parliaments  of  England, 
even  in  that  "happy  Queen's  time,  were  not  apt  to  bear 
examples  against  law ;  arid  if  that  she  did  were  not  against 
law,  that's  as  much  as  I  ask.  For  then  neither  is  that  against 
law  which  King  Charles  did  upon  a  far  higher  accusation, 
than  could  be  charged  against  Mr.  Wentworth.  'Tis  true 

1  Observations  upon  some  of  his  Majesty's  late  Answers,  [by  Henry  Parker,] 
p.  7.  [Edit.  2.] 


.232  ANSWER   TO   THE   LORD    SAY'S   SPEECH 

again,  '  that  Queen  Elizabeth  might  do  that  which  a  prince 
less  beloved  could  not  have  done /  that  is,  she  might  do  that 
with  safety,  '  which  a  prince  less  beloved  could  not  do/  that 
is,  not  do  with  safety.  But  whatsoever  is  lawful  for  one 
prince  to  do,  is  as  lawful  for  another ;  though  perhaps  not  so 
expedient,  in  regard  of  what  will  be  well  or  ill  taken  by  the 
people.  But  otherwise  the  people's  affection  to  the  prince 
can  be  no  rule  nor  measure  of  the  prince's  justice  to  the 
people. 

I  will  be  bold  to  give  him  another  instance.  King  Charles 
demanded  ship-money  all  over  the  kingdom.  Either  he  did 
this  justly  and  legally  for  the  defence  of  himself  and  the 
public ;  or  he  did  it  at  his  {  will  and  pleasure/  thinking  that 
an  honourable  and  fit  way  of  defence.  I  am  sure  this  Lord 
will  not  say  he  did  it  legally,  for  his  vote  concurred  to  the 
condemning  of  it  in  Parliament :  and  if  he  say  he  did  it  at 
his  own  '  will  and  pleasure/  then  I  would  fain  know  of  his 
Lordship,  whether  this  which  was  done  for  a  time  at  the 
King's  pleasure,  ( may  be  done  with  as  little  danger'  to  the 
liberty  of  the  subject  and  the  property  of  his  goods,  *  for 
a  longer  time/  and  so  be  continued  on  the  subject?  And  if 
he  says  it  may,  why  did  he  vote  against  it  as  a  thing  danger 
ous  ?  And  if  he  says  it  may  not,  then  he  must  condemn  his 
own  proposition.  For  he  cannot  but  see,  that  that  which  is 
once  done,  or  done  for  a  short  time,  at  a  prince's  '  will  and 
pleasure,'  cannot  be  often  repeated  or  continued,  but  with  far 
greater  danger  than  it  was  once  done.  Though  for  the  thing 
itself,  if  it  were  not  legal,  I  am  sorry  it  is  not  made  so.  For 
it  would  be,  under  God,  the  greatest  honour  and  security  that 
this  nation  ever  had :  whereas  now  the  tugging  which  falls 
out  between  the  King's  power  and  the  people's  liberty,  will 
in  time  (unless  God's  infinite  mercy  prevents  it)  do  that  in 
this  kingdom,  which  I  abhor  to  think  on. 

This  Lord  goes  on  yet  and  tells  us,  that  f  that  which  hath 
been  so  done  for  a  time,  when  it  appears  to  be  fit  and  for 
public  good,  not  only  may,  but  ought  to  be  done  altogether 
by  the  supreme  power.'  So  then  here  this  is  his  Lordship's 
doctrine,  that  that  which  was  once  done  at  a  prince's  will 
and  pleasure,  when  it  shall  appear  '  to  be  fit,  and  for  the 
public  good/  (as  he  supposeth  here  the  taking  away  of 


AGAINST  THE   BISHOPS.  233 

Bishops'  votes  to  be,)  it  'not  only  may,  but  ought  to  be 
done  altogether  by  the  supreme  power,'  as  now  that  is  done 
by  Act  of  Parliament.  f  Not  only  may,  but  ought ' !  Soft 
a  little;  his  Lordship  had  the  same  phrase  immediately 
before.  Why  but,  first,  every  thing  that  is  fit,  ought  not  by 
and  by  to  be  made  up  into  a  law :  for  fitness  may  vary  very 
often,  which  laws  should  not.  Secondly,  everything  that 
is  for  the  '  public  good,'  is  not  by  and  by  to  be  made  up  into 
a  law.  For  many  things  in  times  of  difficulty  and  exigency 
may  be  '  for  public  good/  which  in  some  other  times  may  be 
hurtful,  and  therefore  not  to  be  generally  bound  within  a  law. 
And  if  his  Lordship  shall  say,  as  here  he  doth,  that  they 
60  f  ought  to  be  done  altogether,'  and  be  made  up  into  a  law 
' by  the  supreme  power,'  but  fitted  only  to  such  times;  under 
his  Lordship's  favour,  that  ought  not  to  be  neither.  For  let 
such  a  law  be  made,  and  he  that  is  once  master  of  the 
times,  will  have  the  law  ready  to  serve  his  turn  and  theirs, 
whether  the  times  bear  the  like  necessity  or  not. 

And  since  everything  that  is  '  fit,  and  is  for  public  good,' 
ought  not  by  and  by,  without  more  experience  of  it,  to  be 
made  up  into  a  law ;  then  much  less  that  which  '  appears ' 
so ;  yea,  though  it  appear  never  so  evidently ;  yea,  and  to  the 
wisest  Parliament  that  ever  sat.  "Pis  true,  they  '  may '  make 
such  a  thing  into  a  law,  and  'tis  fit  for  the  most  part  so  to  do ; 
but  to  say  they  '  ought '  to  do  it,  is  more  than  I  can  believe. 
For  no  Parliament  is  or  can  be  so  wise  as  to  be  infallible, 
and  no  evidence  can  be  so  apparent  unto  them  in  those 
things  of  infinite  variety  for  the  public  good,  and  in  which  is 
so  much  uncertainty,  but  that  they  may  both  piously  and 
prudently  forbear  the  making  of  some  of  them  into  a  law  if 
they  please.  But  no  man  may  forbear  that  which  he  '  ought ' 
to  do,  when  he  ought  to  do  it.  And  till  that  time  comes,  he 
ought  not.  This  Lord  hath  now  done,  and  so  have  I :  and  I 
shall  end  with  my  prayers  to  God,  that  this  Act  of  Parliament 
now  made  to  cast  the  Bishops  and  their  votes  out  of  the 
Parliament,  how  '  fit '  soever  it  seems,  and  how  much  soever  it 
'  appears'  to  this  Lord  '  to  be  for  the  public  good,'  do  not  turn 
to  the  decay  of  religion,  and  the  great  damage  and  detriment 
of  King  and  Peers,  of  Church  and  State.  Amen. 


NOTES    OF    A    SPEECH 

AGAINST 

P  R  Y  N  N  E     AND     S  P  A  R  K  E  S, 

FEB.  15,  1633, 
FOR  THE  PUBLICATION   OF  HIST1UOMASTIX  a. 


[Tanner  MSS.  No.  ccxcix.  p.  343,  al.  133.] 

BEFORE  I  came  to  this  place,  which  indeed  I  never  thought 
to  have  come  unto,  then  I  used  injunctions  concerning  the 
licensing  of  books.  Few  have  passed  my  way,  but  what  did, 
my  chaplains  have  set  their  hands  to  them,  with  their  appro 
bation  and  enumeration  of  the  pages  of  the  licensed  copy. 
For  Mr.  Buckner,  I  have  a  great  mind  to  spare  him,  but 
I  cannot.  Less  I  cannot  censure  him  than  200/.  and  impri 
sonment13.  I  know  him  to  be  a  modest  and  conformable  man, 
but  I  find  many  things  amiss  in  the  passage  of  licensing  this 
book.  For  Sparkes,  he  hath  a  wife  and  seven  children ;  he 
hath  been  a  refractory  fellow,  but  since  he  hath  been  punished 
with  authority  is  become  more  conformable.  For  his  fault, 
I  agree  with  my  Lord  Cottington c.  For  Mr.  Prynne,  I  am 
heartily  sorry  for  him  ;  for  indeed  I  hold  him  guilty  of  high 
treason  by  a  statute  of  Edward  the  Third.  I  cannot  tell 
whether  it  be  yet  repealed.  As  for  the  book,  my  Lord 
Richardson  left  out  the  latter  part  of  the  verse,  cui  lumen 
ademptum.  I  wonder  at  it,  for  I  see  no  light  of  grace  in  it 
at  all ;  no  one  page  in  the  book  but  hath  such  scurrility,  such 
scandal,  that  we  may  very  well  say,  Cui  lumen  ademptum. 
It  is  a  scandalous  book  against  the  State  in  an  infamous 
manner.  My  Lord  of  Dorset  hath  sufficiently  defended  the 

»  [These   Notes  are   unfortunately  who  had  been  Chaplain  to  Archbishop 

here  inserted  out  of  their  proper  order  Abbot,  was  sentenced  to  be  severely 

according  to  date.  But  their  existence  admonished,  to  temporary  imprison- 

was  not  known  to  the  Editor  when  ment,  and  a  fine  of  50/.] 

the  earlier  part  of  this  volume  was  c  [Sparkes,  the  printer,  was  fined 

printed.]  500Z.,  and  sentenced^  to  stand  in  the 

b  [Thomas  Buckner,   the  licenser,  pillory.] 


NOTES  OF  A  SPEECH  AGAINST  PRYNNE  AND  SPARKES.       235 

Queen  d;  yet  I  will  add  one  thing:  If  all  the  malice  of  the 
world  were  infused  into  one  eye,  yet  it  could  not  see  any 
thing  whereby  to  disparage  her.  But  his  intentions  (you 
say)  were  good.  I  am  sure  that  ex  abundantid  cordis  os 
loquitur &.  You  say  that  he  hath  not  vented  himself  positively, 
but  relatively;  and  so  where  he  maketh  mention  of  these 
present  times,  I  am  sure  that  he  compareth  Antichristian 
London  with  Pagan  Rome.  So  for  plays,  he  saith  that 
they  are  in  the  best  acceptation  altogether  abominable ;  that 
those  that  see  them  are  devils  incarnate.  Mr.  Hern f  said, 
that  all  this  was  but  an  omission  of  his  duty :  I  say,  that 
it  was  a  most  wilful  commission  of  no  less  than  treason. 
Another  said,  that  he  was  like  the  astronomer,  who  looked 
up  to  heaven.  Nay,  he  rather  looked  down  to  hell,  and 
from  thence  fetched  such  bloody  doctrine.  Now,  Rome  may 
cease  all  those  bloody  plots.  We  have  those  amongst  us  will 
hold  up  their  doctrine  against  kings  and  princes.  Buchanan, 
in  his  Chronicle,  reports  of  the  King's  grandmother,  that 
she  was  mildly  censured  ab  iratis  civibus  :  the  citizens  were 
her  censurers :  she  was  a  lady  thrust  into  all  sorts  of 
extremities.  What  though  princes  were  tyrants  ?  Must 
therefore  the  subjects  be  discharged  of  their  allegiance? 
The  Church  hath  other  manner  of  arms,  (as  my  Lord 
Richardson  observed,)  preces  et  lacrymce  &.  Yet  all  this  is 
done  in  a  sanctified  revelation.  Nay,  they  go  further ;  not 
only  to  censure  and  kill  kings  and  princes,  but  to  allow 
rewards  for  them  that  shall  do  it.  For  this  kind  of  doctrine, 
we  have  had  maintainers  of  it  as  well  in  England  as  in 
Scotland ;  witness  Perry  and  Coppinger.  In  the  reign  of 
Edward  the  6th,  there  was  one  Poynet,  Bishop  of  Rochester, 
afterwards  unworthily  translated  to  Winchester.  He  put  out 
a  book  to  that  effect,  called  '  Political  Instruction h ;;  and 

d  [The  Earl  of  Dorset's  speech,  and  Par.  ii.  Caus.  xxiii.   Quaest.  viii.  cap. 

the  other  speeches  here  referred  to,  are  iii.  '  Non  pila.'J 

to  be  found  in  Kushworth,  vol.  ii.  pp.  h    [The  title   of  the  book  is,  '  A 

231—241.]  Treatise  of  Political  Power,  and  of  the 

e  [Matth.  xii.  34.]  true  Obedience  which  Subjects  owe  to 

f  [  One  of  Prynne's  counsel.  He  Kings  and  other  Civil  Governors,  &c.' 

afterwards  defended  Archbishop  Laud  It  first  appeared  in  1556,  after  Poy- 

at  his  trial.]  net's  death,  and  was  reprinted  in 

*  [Vide  S.  Ambr.  Serai,  contr.  1642.  See  Strype,  Memorials,  vol.  iii. 

Auxent.  §  2  ;  ad  fin.  Epist.  xxi.  Op.,  par.  i.  p.  535.] 

torn.  ii.  col.  864.  B. ;  et  Grat.  Decret. 


236  NOTES  OF  A   SPEECH 

this  book  was  divers  times  daring  for  the  press ;  but  I  still 
suppressed  them.  If  that  book  were  paralleled  for  mischief, 
I  will  forfeit  my  credit.  You  say,  that  Nero  was  killed,  aud 
that  justly,  for  seeing  a  play ;  but  it  had  been  more  probable 
that  he  was  killed  for  killing  his  mother ;  and,  as  I  take  it, 
he  was  killed  the  selfsame  day  that  he  killed  her.  I  speak 
not  this  to  maintain  plays :  look  into  my  life — I  was  never 
play-hunter ;  yet  I  have  not  forborne  them  for  any  hurt  in 
themselves,  but  for  fear  of  injury  to  one  that  should  be 
weaker.  I  have  observed  at  Court,  some  Puritans  to  be  at 
a  play  because  they  would  not  be  thought  Puritans ;  and  for 
better  testimony  that  they  have  been  there,  have  stood  under 
the  candlestick,  and  been  dropped  on  by  the  candles,  and  so 
have  carried  away  a  remembrance  of  the  place.  If  your 
Lordships,  after  pains  taken  in  the  managing  of  State  affairs, 
grow  weary,  what  is  more  fit  than  to  take  your  recreations  ? 
But  Mr.  Prynne  will  not  allow  you  to  see  a  play — they  are, 
in  his  opinion,  mala  per  se.  But  I  say,  take  away  the  scurf 
and  rubbish  which  they  are  incident  unto,  they  are  things 
indifferent.  In  those  primitive  times  of  the  first  300  years 
after  Christ,  they  were  full  of  idolatry ;  but  when  that  was 
taken  off  which  was  contra  fidem,  then  they  fell  into  another 
strain  almost  as  bad,  that  was  contra  bonos  mores,  and 
therein  they  were  abusive ;  and  if  there  be  such  things  in 
them  now,  it  is  a  scandal  and  not  to  be  tolerated.  I  leave 
that  care  to  my  Lord  Chamberlain,  or  to  the  Master  of  the 
Revels,  whom  it  concerns  to  look  into  it;  but  I  will  look 
that  there  shall  be  no  abuse  of  Scriptures  in  them.  I  had 
the  King's  players  lately  before  me  for  the  like  abuse.  But 
what  of  all  this  ?  Mr,  Prynne  saith,  that  they  are  altogether 
unlawful.  He  will  be  thought  to  be  a  Doctor  gentium ;  he 
will  take  upon  him  to  decide  all  controversies.  There  is  not 
one  true  syllogism  in  all  his  book :  either  the  proposition  is 
false,  or  else,  if  he  chance  to  make  a  true  conclusion,  then  it 
is  false  by  accident.  For  example,  p.  9  :  '  That  which  hath 
birth  from  the  devil  is  sin ;  but  stage  plays  have  their  birth 
from  the  devil ;  therefore  stage  plays  are  sinful/  It  is  true, 
Mr.  Prynne,  that  the  Fathers  discommended  plays  as  sinful, 
— and  good  reason  too  :  they  did  then  make  the  tragedy 
real,  ending  in  one  ano thcr's  lives,  committed  rapes  and  the 


AGAINST   PRYNNE  AND   SPARKES,  237 

like,  which  was  odious.     Besides,  Mr.  Prynne,  is  the  devil  all 
evil  ?     Then  he  was  so  in  the  creation.     Take  heed  of  that 
opinion, — that  is  perfect  Manicheism.     Well,  but  you  will 
have  all  plays  cried  down  for  the  abuse  that  is  in  them.    The 
Pagans  used  them.     Thus  I  will  not  only  prove  meat  and 
drink  to  be  unlawful,  but  Christian  religion.     That  which  is 
abused  by  any  is  unlawful ;  but  the  Christian  religion  hath 
been   abused  by  forty  heathen  writers ;  therefore,  Christian 
religion  is  unlawful.     Thus,  by  your  arguments  in  totd  lati- 
tudine  et  genere,  this  was  never  the  opinion  of  any  philosophy, 
but  quite  contradictory.     But  these  things  should  have  come 
within  the  censure  of  the  Church.     Your  Lordships  have 
laid  so  much  upon  him,  that  there  is  small  hope  to  have  him 
brought  thither.     I  might  add,  in  this  place,  the  sentence 
of  excommunication  against  him;    but  seeing  he  is  to  be 
immured,  the  Church  will  have  so  much  charity  as  to  afford 
him  her  prayers ;  more  than  he  hath  deserved  at  her  hands. 
But  why  is  Mr.  Prynne   thus  angry  at   plays  ?     Clemens 
Alexandrinus i  quotes  one  Ezechielus,  a  Jew,  to  have  written 
a  play  in  the  first  100  years  after  Christ,  called  the  '  Tra 
gedy  of  Moyses/  and  (saith  he)   the  Fathers   commended 
him  for  it.     So  likewise,  300  years  after  Christ,  Gregory 
Nazianzene,  one  who  was  never  equalled  for  learning  in  the 
Greek  Church,  made  a  tragedy  called  <  Christus  Patiens.' 
But  these,  you'll  say,  are  ancient.     I  will  come  to  the  times 
of  the  Reformation  :    Nich.  Causinus  wrote  a  play,  and  all 
the  nobles  of  Germany  came  to  see  it.     Yes,  but  this  was  on 
the  Jesuitical  side.     John  Foxe,  I  think  it  was  he  which 
wrote  '  Acts  and  Monuments  of  the  Church/  set  out  a  play 
called  ( Christus  Triumphans/    Buchanan,  a  better  poet  than 
a  subject,  wrote  a  play  called  f  Baptistes  et  JephthaV     If 
plays  had  been  mala  per  se,  then  Beza  (one  whom  you  will 
allow  of)  would  not  have  written  a  play  in  French,  his  own 
language,   called  'Abrahamus  Sacrificans.'      But   you  will 
say,  It  was  done  amongst  his  juvenilia.     I  would  they  had 
been  burnt  before  the  world  had  seen  them  *. 

1  [S.  Clemens  Alex.  Strom,  lib.  i.]  be  expelled  from  Lincoln's  Inn  and 

k  [These  were  the  titles  of  two  of  the  University  of  Oxford,  to  be  twice 

Buchanan's  plays.]  placed  in  the  pillory,  to  lose  both  his 

1  [Prynne,  as  is  well  known,  was  ears,  to  have  his  book  burnt,  and  to 

condemned  to  pay  a  fine  of  5,000^.,  to  be  a  prisoner  for  life.] 


LETTERS. 


LETTER  I. 

TO   SIJa  WILLIAM   HERRICKa. 
[Nichols's  Leicestershire,  vol.  Hi.  p.  163.] 

To  the  Right  Worshipful  my  very  loving  Friend,  Sir 
William  Herricke,  Knight. 

SIR, — I  understand  by  Mr.  Wrennb,  that  you  have  been 
very  kind  to  the  College,  in  moving  Mr.  Henshaw c  to  battle 
ment  all  the  inside  of  the  house.  I  pray,  let  me  be  so  much 
beholding  to  you  to  send  me  certain  word  how  it  stands,  and 
(if  it  may  be)  this  week.  If  I  hear  from  you,  you  shall 
receive  my  answer,  and  a  letter  in  it  to  Mr.  Henshaw,  to 
whom  I  think  not  fit  to  write  till  I  hear  the  certainty.  The 
gentleman,  at  your  being  at  Oxford,  spake  unto  me  to  send 
him  word  about  Michaelmas  an  estimate  of  the  charges, 
which  I  promised  to  do  so  soon  as  one  side  was  done ;  but 
that  is  not  yet  finished,  and  myself  have  been  out  of  town 
this  three  weeks ;  but  I  will  send  him  a  note  so  soon  as 
I  can.  In  the  meantime,  if  you  have  prevailed  with  him  to 
undertake  the  whole  square  within  (as  I  am  informed  you 
have),  we  are  bound  to  you  both,  and,  for  my  own  part, 

a  [Sir  W.  Herrick  was  sent  by  Queen  Nichols's  Leicestersh.  vol.  iii.  pp.  150, 

Elizabeth  as  ambassador  to  the  Porte,  1,51, 163.] 

and  on  his  return  held  an  office  in  b  [Christopher  Wren,  younger  bro-  1 

the    Exchequer ;    was    knighted    by  ther  of  Dr.  Matthew JWren,JBishop  of  I 

James  I.  April  1,  1605,  and  afterwards  Ely.  He  succeeded  him  irfthe  Deanej^  I 

appointed   Teller  of  the   Exchequer.  of  Windsor,  and  was  the  father  of  the  1 

He  married  Joan,  daughter  of  Richard  celebrated  Sir  ChristopherJ 

and  Mary  May,  of  Mayfield-place,  in  c  [Several  persons  of  this  name  were 

Sussex.     Mrs.  May  was  the  foundress  members  of   the   Merchant    Tailors' 

of   the  Divinity  Lectureship  in  St.  Company,  and  thus  interested  in  St. 

John's  College,  Oxford,  which  was  held  John's  College.] 
by  Laud,  as  he  mentions  in  his  Diary. 


LETTERS.  239 

I  shall  rest  very  thankful  to  you  for  it,  and  will  be  ready  to 
deserve  it  in  my  love  for  yours.  I  pray  commend  me  to 
your  good  Lady;  and  let  me  receive  your  answer.  So  I 
leave  you  to  the  grace  of  (rod ;  and  shall  ever  rest  your  very 
loving  friend, 

WILLIAM  LAUD. 

St.  John's,  Oct.  21,  1616. 

LETTER  II. 

TO   MILES  SMITH,   BISHOP  O.P   GLOUCESTER. 
[Prynne's  Cant.  Doom,  p.  77.] 

MY  LORD, — My  love  and  service  remembered  unto  your 
Lordship :  when  I  came  to  do  my  duty  to  his  Majesty  at 
Christmas,  it  seemed  by  the  speech  he  uttered  to  me,  that 
somebody  had  done  the  poor  Church  of  Gloucester  no  very 
good  office.  For  his  Majesty  was  graciously  pleased  to  tell 
me,  he  was  informed,  that  there  was  scarce  ever  a  Church  in 
England  so  ill  governed,  and  so  much  out  of  order;  and 
withal  required  me  in  general,  to  reform  and  set  in  order 
what  I  there  found  amiss.  Hereupon,  at  my  being  at 
Gloucester,  I  acquainted  the  Chapter  with  that  which  his 
Majesty  had  said  to  me,  and  required  at  my  hands;  and 
took  as  good  order  (as  in  so  short  a  space  I  could),  both  for 
repair  of  some  parts  of  the  edifice  of  the  Church,  and  for 
redress  of  other  things  amiss.  Among  the  rest,  not  rashly 
and  of  myself,  but  by  a  Chapter  Act d,  I  removed  the  Com 
munion-table  from  the  middle  of  the  quire  to  the  upper  end, 
the  place  appointed  to  it,  both  by  the  Injunctions  of  this 
Church6,  and  by  the  practice  of  all  the  King's  Majesty's 
Chapels,  and  all  other  Cathedral  Churches  in  the  kingdom 
which  I  have  seen.  This  act,  since  my  coming  thence,  (as 
I  am  by  letters  informed  ff)  is  very  much  traduced  by  some 
in  the  city,  and  a  libel  against  it  laid  in  the  pulpit  of  St. 
Michael's  sf  where  Master  Sub-Dean  h  preaches,  to  the  great 

d  [See  vol.  iv.  pp.  233,  234.]  and  Wrench's  Letter,  Prynne's  Cant. 

[Injunctions  of  Queen  Elizabeth,      Doom,  p.  76.] 


ad  fin.  Wilkins'  Cone.  torn.  iv.  p.  188.]      _  *  [This  libel  was  a  letter  written  by 

f  [By    Henry    Aisgill    and 
Wrench,  two  of  the  Prebendaries,  and      the   Chancellor  at   Gloucester.      See 


Henry    Aisgill    and     Elias      John  White,  the  Bishdp's  Chaplain,  to 


probably  by  the  Sub-Dean,  and  Robin-      Prynne,  ibid.  pp.  75,  76.] 
son,  the  Chapter-Clerk.     See  Aisgill          ''  [Thomas  Prior.] 


240  LETTERS. 

scandal  of  the  Church  and  the  laws  established.  Good  my 
Lord,  let  me  desire  this  favour  at  your  Lordship's  hands, 
that  these  things  may  be  ordered,  and  that  your  Lordship 
will  join  to  reform  such  tongues  and  pens,  as  know  not  how 
to  submit  to  any  law  but  their  own.  I  must  upon  this 
of  force  have  his  gracious  Majesty  acquainted  both  with  the 
thing  itself,  and  the  entertainment  which  it  hath  found 
among  turbulent  spirits.  And  I  presume  his  Majesty  will 
be  well  pleased  to  hear,  that  your  Lordship,  as  in  other 
things,  so  in  this,  is  careful  to  preserve  order,  and  peace 
after  it,  in  the  Church.  Thus  not  doubting  but  your  Lord 
ship  will  be  careful  to  rectify  what  is  amiss,  I  for  this  time 
(being  full  of  my  business  for  Scotland1)  humbly  take  my 
leave,  and  shall  ever  rest 

Your  Lordship's  in  all  love  and  service, 

WILLIAM  LAUD. 

Saint  Joha's,  Feb.  27,  1616. 


LETTER  III. 

TO  RICHARD   NEILE,   BISHOP  OF  LINCOLN. 
[Prynne's  Cant.  Doom,  pp.  77,  78.] 

My  humble  duty  and  service  remembered  unto  your  Lord 
ship,  &c.  When  I  was  at  London  at  Christmas  to  do  my 
duty  unto  his  Majesty,  he  was  pleased  very  graciously  to  tell 
me,  that  the  Church  of  Gloucester  (as  his  Majesty  had  been 
informed)  was  more,  or  as  much  out  of  order  as  any  Church 
in  England,  and  to  require  me  to  order  such  things  as  I 
there  found  amiss.  Upon  this  admonition  of  his  gracious 
Majesty  to  me,  when  I  came  to  Gloucester,  I  passed  with  the 
consent  of  the  Chapter  two  Acts ;  one  for  the  repair  of  the 
edifice  of  the  Church,  which  is  extremely  decayed  in  the 
fairest  places  j  the  other  for  the  remove  of  the  Communion 
table,  which  stood  almost  in  the  midst  of  the  quire.  And 
I,  with  the  general  consent  of  all  the  Prebends  present,  after 
the  Act  made,  removed  it,  and  placed  it,  as  it  stands  in  his 
Majesty's  Chapels,  and  all  well-ordered  Cathedral  Churches, 

1  [Laud  set  out  for  Scotland  with  King  James,  March  14,  1616.  See  Diary.] 


LETTERS.  241 

and  thus  much  I  signified  to  your  Lordship  from  Gloucester. 
Since  which  time  there  hath  been  a  letter,  or  libel,  found  in 
a  pulpit  of  one  of  the  churches  in  the  city,  against  both  me 
and  that  act,  in  which  the  author  (as  yet  not  known)  wonders 
that  the  Prebends  would  not  resist  me,  and  complains  that 
there  was  in  none  of  them  the  spirit  of  Elias,  &c.  To  pre 
vent  further  stir  in  the  city,  some  think  it  very  fit,  that  the 
High  Commission  would  take  some  speedy  order  about  it,  to 
send  a  Commission  down  or  otherwise,  as  they  in  their 
wisdom  think  fit.  The  circumstances,  because  they  are 
many,  I  will  omit,  and  instead  of  them  I  have  herein  sent 
your  Lordship  a  copy  of  the  libelling  letter  as  it  was  sent  to 
me,  and  a  copy  of  a  letter  sent  to  me  subscribed  by  two  of  the 
Prebends,  and  a  copy  of  so  much  of  a  letter  as  concerns  this 
business  sent  by  Master  Pry  or,  now  Sub-Dean,  that  so  your 
Lordship  may  see  the  whole  sum  of  the  business.  Upon  the 
receipt  of  these  letters  I  writ  unto  my  Lord  of  Gloucester ;  but 
what  course  for  redress  of  these  things  his  Lordship  will  take, 
I  know  not.  I  beseech  your  Lordship  let  me  have  your  lawful 
assistance,  that  so  long  as  I  do  nothing,  but  that  which  is 
established  and  practised  in  our  Church,  I  may  not  be  brought 
into  contempt  at  my  first  entrance  upon  that  place  by  any 
turbulent  spirits,  and  so  disenabled  to  do  that  good  service 
which  I  owe  to  the  Church  of  God.  And  if  it  stand  with 
your  Lordship' s  liking,  I  will  humbly  desire  that  his  gracious 
Majesty  might  know,  what  successes  I  have  in  beginning  to 
reform  what  I  have  found  amiss  in  that  place.  In  the  close 
of  our  Sub-Dean's  letter,  your  Lordship  shall  see  a  strange 
monster,  lately  born  in  that  city  of  Gloucester.  I  pray  God 
the  Puritans,  which  swarm  in  those  parts,  do  not  say  it  was 
one  of  God's  judgments,  for  turning  the  Communion-table 
into  an  Altar.  I  would  have  waited  upon  your  Lordship  for 
all  my  business,  and  have  brought  these  papers  myself,  but 
that  I  am  unable  at  this  time  by  sickness  to  come  out  of  my 
chamber.  Therefore  I  take  my  leave,  and  shall  ever  rest, 

Your  Lordship's  in  all  love  and  duty, 

WILLIAM  LAUD. 

St.  John's  College,  upon  March  3,  1616. 

LAUD. — VOL.  vi.  It 


242  LETTERS. 

LETTER  IV. 

TO   SIR   ROBERT   COTTON. 
[Ellis's  Orig.  Letters,  Series  2,  vol.  iii.  Letter  263  k.] 

SIR, — After  long  deliberation,  I  am  bold  to  impart  a 
business  unto  you  which  troubles  me.  It  is  not  long  since 
I  was  President  of  St.  John's  College,  in  Oxon ;  and  during 
the  time  I  was  in  that  place,  Sir  William  Paddye  (a  worthy 
benefactor  to  that  poor  College1)  importuned  the  lending  of 
an  ancient  volume  of  Bed  a  to  you,  which  the  Statutes  of 
that  house  could  not  well  bear ;  but  that  it  was  thought  at 
that  time  unfit  to  distaste  a  man  that  had  done  so  much 
good  for  the  College,  and  intended  much  more.  The  cause 
which  he  alleged  was,  that  you  had  use  of  it  for  some  things 
that  concerned  your  house  and  inheritance. 

Upon  my  coming  away  from  that  headship,  there  began 
(as  there  uses  in  such  societies)  a  faction  about  the  choice  of 
a  new  governor.  The  heat  that  was  then  struck  is  not  yet 
quenched  in  the  losing  party;  and  out  of  an  opinion  that 
I  had  some  hand  in  the  business  for  him  that  obtained m, 
they  have  been  so  angry  with  me,  that  they  have  not  only 
been  content  to  forget  all  the  service  I  did  that  College, 
(which  I  can  without  vanity  say  was  some,)  but  have  picked 
all  the  occasions  they  could  to  detract  from  me. 

That  which  they  have  most  colour  for  against  me,  is  the 
lending  of  this  part  of  Beda  out  of  the  library ;  and  though 
at  that  time  when  it  was  done,  their  consents  were  more 
forward  than  other  honester  men's,  yet  now  they  are  over 
bold  with  my  reputation,  and  charge  all  the  guilt  of  the 
action  upon  me,  and  more  too. 

Sir,  if  it  please  you  to  think  me  worth  the  having,  you 
have  now  an  opportunity  to  bind  me  to  you ;  and  if  it  please 
you  to  let  me  have  this  book  to  send  back  to  the  College, 
and  to  take  off  that  which  troubles  my  own  mind,  and  gives 
some  unadvised  men  too  much  occasion  to  be  bold  with  me, 
you  shall  in  lieu  of  it  have  my  continual  service ;  and  if  any- 

k  [From  MSS.  Cotton.  Julius  C.  ra  [William  Juxon,  afterwards  Bishop 
III.  fol.  152.]  of  London,  and  Archbishop  of  Canter- 

1  [See  vol.  iii.  p.  136,  note  a.]  bury.] 


LETTERS.  243 

thing  of  worth  iu  like  kind  come  to  my  hands,  in  any  place, 
where  God  shall  send  me  to  live,  I  will  freely  give  it  in 
recompence.  This  hath  been  the  occasion  which  hath  kept 
me  from  begging  your  acquaintance;  and  because  I  find 
that  I  suffer  at  the  College  every  day  more  than  other  for  it, 
(though  the  President  and  some  of  the  Seniors,  out  of  their 
due  respect  to  Sir  William  Paddy,  forbear,)  I  am  very 
desirous  to  do  two  things  at  once  ;  namely,  to  quit  that 
business,  and  to  make  myself  both  known  and  a  debtor  to 
you,  both  at  once.  I  will  hope  you  will  refuse  me  in  neither. 
And  so  for  this  time  I  leave  you  to  the  grace  of  God,  and 
shall  be  ready  to  show  myself  both  to  you  and  to  your 
worth, 

Your  very  loving  Friend, 

GUIL.  MENEVEN. 

Durham  House,  November  22, 1623. 


LETTER  V. 

TO   THE   DUKE   OF  BUCKINGHAM. 
[Cabala,  p.  115.     Lond.  1663".] 

MY  MOST  GRACIOUS  LORD, — I  may  not  be  absent,  and  not 
write.  And  since  your  Grace  is  pleased  with  the  trouble, 
I  must  profess  myself  much  content  with  the  performance  of 
the  duty.  I  am  not  unmindful  of  the  last  business  your 
Grace  committed  to  me  ° ;  but  I  have  as  yet  done  the  less  in 
it,  because  I  fell  into  a  relapse  of  my  infirmity ;  but,  I  thank 
God,  I  am  once  more  free,  if  I  can  look  better  to  myself,  as 
I  hope  I  shall. 

My  Lord,  I  must  become  an  humble  suitor  to  your  Grace. 
I  hear,  by  good  hand,  that  my  Lord  of  Canterbury  intends 
shortly  to  renew  the  High  Commission.  Now  I  am  to 
acquaint  your  Grace,  that  there  is  never  a  Bishop  that  lives 
about  London  left  out  of  the  Commission  but  myself,  and 
many  that  live  quite  absent  are  in,  and  many  inferiors  to 
Bishops.  The  Commission  is  a  place  of  great  experience,  for 

n  [From  MSS.  Harl.  No.  7000.  fol.  Mr.  Crumpton's  papers,  or  to  the  tract 
99.]  about  Doctrinal  Puritanism.  See 

0  [This  appears  to  refer  either  to      Diary,  Dec.  21  and  23,  1624.] 

R   2 


244  LETTERS. 

any  man  that  is  a  governor  in  the  Church ;  and  since,  by  his 
Majesty's  gracious  goodness,  and  your  Grace's  sole  procure 
ment,  I  am  made  a  governor,  I  would  be  loth  to  be  excluded 
from  that  which  might  give  me  experience,  and  so  enable  me 
to  perform  my  duty.  I  am  sure  my  Lord  of  Canterbury 
will  leave  me  out,  as  hitherto  he  hath  done,  if  his  Majesty  be 
not  pleased  to  command  that  I  shall  be  in.  This  I  submit 
to  your  Grace,  but  humbly  desire,  even  against  my  own 
ease  and  quiet;  that  I  may  not  be  deprived  of  that  experience 
which  is  so  necessary  for  my  place*.  I  most  humbly  beseech 
your  Grace  to  pardon  this  boldness,  and  to  know,  that  in  my 
daily  prayers  for  your  Grace's  happiness,  I  shall  ever  rest 

Your  Grace's  most  devoted  and  affectionate  Servant, 
Nov.  18,  1624.  °UIL-    MENEVENSIS. 

*  [The  Bishop  was  placed  on   the  High  Commission  Jan.  21,  162£.     See 
Rym'er,  Foed.  VII.  iv.  171—181.] 


LETTER  VI. 

TO   THE   DUKE   OF  BUCKINGHAM. 
[Cabala,  pp.  110,  111  P.] 

MAY  IT  PLEASE  YOUR  GiiACE, — We  are  bold  to  be  suitors 
to  you  in  the  behalf  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  a  poor 
member  of  it,  Mr.  Montague,  at  this  time  not  a  little  dis 
tressed.  We  are  not  strangers  to  his  person,  but  it  is  the 
cause  which  we  are  bound  to  be  tender  of. 

The  cause,  we  conceive,  (under  correction  of  better  judg 
ment,)  concerns  the  Church  of  England  nearly;  for  that 
Church,  when  it  was  reformed  from  the  superstitious  opinions 
broached  or  maintained  by  the  Church  of  Rome,  refused  the 
apparent  and  dangerous  errors,  and  would  not  be  too  busy 
with  every  particular  school-point.  The  cause  why  she  held 
this  moderation  was,  because  she  could  not  be  able  to  pre 
serve  any  unity  amongst  Christians,  if  men  were  forced  to 
subscribe  to  curious  particulars  disputed  in  schools. 

Now,  may  it  please  your  Grace,  the  opinions  which  at  this 
time  trouble  many  men  in  the  late  work  of  Mr.  Montague  *, 

«•  [From  MSS.  Harl.  No.  7000,  fol.  '  [See  note  on  Diary,  July  7, 1625.] 
90.] 


LETTERS.  245 

are,  some  of  them,  such  as  are  expressly  the  resolved  doctrine 
of  the  Church  of  England,  and  those  he  is  bound  to  main 
tain.  Some  of  them,  such  as  are  fit  only  for  schools,  and  to 
be  left  at  more  liberty  for  learned  men  to  abound  in  their 
own  sense,  so  they  keep  themselves  peaceable  and  distract 
not  the  Church ;  and,  therefore,  to  make  any  man  subscribe 
to  school-opinions  may  justly  seem  hard  in  the  Church  of 
Christ,  and  was  one  great  fault  of  the  Council  of  Trent. 
And  to  affright  them  from  those  opinions  in  which  they  have 
(as  they  are  bound)  subscribed  to  the  Church,  as  it  is  worse 
in  itself,  so  it  may  be  the  mother  of  greater  danger. 

May  it  please  your  Grace  further  to  consider,  that  when 
the  clergy  submitted  themselves  in  the  time  of  Henry  the 
Eighth,  the  submission  was  so  made,  that  if  any  difference, 
doctrinal  or  other,  fell  in  the  Church,  the  King  and  the 
Bishops  were  to  be  judges  of  it  in  a  National  Synod  or  Con 
vocation  ;  the  King  first  giving  leave,  under  his  Broad  Seal, 
to  handle  the  points  in  difference. 

But  the  Church  never  submitted  to  any  other  Judge, 
neither,  indeed,  can  she,  though  she  would.  And  we  humbly 
desire  your  Grace  to  consider,  and  then  to  move  his  most 
gracious  Majesty  (if  you  shall  think  fit),  what  dangerous 
consequences  may  follow  upon  it.  For,  first,  if  any  other 
judge  be  allowed  in  matter  of  doctrine,  we  shall  depart  from 
the  ordinance  of  Christ,  and  the  continual  course  and  prac 
tice  of  the  Church. 

2.  Secondly,  if  the  Church  be  once  brought  down  beneath 
herself,  we  cannot  but  fear  what  may  be  next  struck  at. 

3.  Thirdly,  it  will  some  way  touch  the  honour  of  his  Majesty's 
dear  father,  and  our  most  dread  Sovereign  of  glorious  and 
ever  blessed  memory,  King  James,  who  saw  and  approved  all 
the  opinions  of  this  book ;  and  he  in  his  rare  wisdom  and 
judgment  would  never  have  allowed  them,  if  they  had  crossed 
with  truth  and  the  Church  of  England. 

4.  Fourthly,  we  must  be  bold  to  say,  that  we  cannot  conceive 
what  use  there  can  be  of  civil  government  in  the  Common 
wealth,  or  of  preaching  and  external  ministry  in  the  Church, 
if  such  fatal  opinions,  as  some  which  are  opposite  and  contrary 
to  these  delivered  by  Mr.  Montague,  are  and  shall  be  publicly 
taught  and  maintained. 


246  LETTERS. 

5.  Fifthly,  we  are  certain,  that  all  or  most  of  the  contrary 
opinions  were  treated  of  at  Lambeth,  and  ready  to  be  pub 
lished,  but  then  Queen  Elizabeth,  of  famous  memory,  upon 
notice  given  how  little  they  agreed  with  the  practice  of  piety 
and  obedience  to  all  government,  caused  them  to  be  sup 
pressed  ;  and  so  they  have  continued  ever  since,  till  of  late 
some  of  them  have  received  countenance  at  the  Synod  of 
Dort.  Now,  this  was  a  Synod  of  that  nation,  and  can  be  of 
rlo  authority  in  any  other  national  Church  till  it  be  received 
there  by  public  authority ;  and  our  hope  is  that  the  Church 
of  England  will  be  well  advised,  and  more  than  once  over, 
before  she  admit  a  foreign  Synod,  especially  of  such  a  Church 
as  condemneth  her  discipline  and  manner  of  government, 
to  say  no  more. 

And,  further,  we  are  bold  to  commend  to  your  Grace's 
wisdom  this  one  particular.  His  Majesty  (as  we  have  been 
informed)  hath  already  taken  this  business  into  his  own  care, 
and  most  worthily  referred  it  in  a  right  course  to  Church- 
consideration.  And  we  well  hoped  that,  without  further 
trouble  to  the  State,  or  breach  of  unity  in  the  Church,  it 
might  so  have  been  well  and  orderly  composed,  as  we  still 
pray  it  may.  These  things  considered,  we  have  little  to  say 
for  Mr.  Montague's  person;  only  thus  much  we  know,  he  is 
a  very  good  scholar,  and  a  right  honest  man ;  a  man  every 
way  able  to  do  God,  his  Majesty,  and  the  Church  of  England 
great  service.  We  fear  he  may  receive  great  discouragement, 
and,  which  is  far  worse,  we  have  some  cause  to  doubt  this 
may  breed  a  great  backwardness  in  able  men  to  write  in 
defence  of  the  Church  of  England  against  either  home  or 
foreign  adversaries,  if  they  shall  see  him  sink  in  fortunes, 
reputation,  or  health,  upon  his  book -occasion. 
•  And  this  we  most  humbly  submit  to  your  Grace's  judg 
ment,  and  care  of  the  Church's  peace  and  welfare.  So,  recom 
mending  your  Grace  to  the  protection  of  Almighty  God, 

We  shall  ever  rest  at  your  Grace's  service, 

JO.    ROFFENS.    [BUCKERIDGE.] 

Jo.  OXON.  FHowsoN.1 

GUIL.  MENEVEN.  [LAUD.] 

2  August,  1625. 


LETTERS.  .247 


LETTER  VII. 

TO   THE   DUKE   OF   BUCKINGHAM. 
[Cabala,  p.  116 r.] 

MY  MOST  GRACIOUS  LORD, — I  am  heartily  glad  to  hear  your 
Lordship  is  so  well  returned s,  and  so  happily  as  to  meet  so 
great  joy.  God  hath,  among  many  others  His  great  blessings, 
(and  I  know  your  Grace  so  esteems  them,)  sent  you  now  this 
extraordinary  one,  a  son  to  inherit  his  father's  honours,  and 
the  rest  of  God's  blessings  upon  both.  So  soon  as  I  came 
to  an  end  of  my  journey,  I  met  the  happy  news  of  God's 
blessing  upon t  your  Grace*,  and  it  seasoned  all  the  hard 
journey  I  have  had  out  of  Wales  through  the  snow.  When 
I  had  rested  myself  a  little  at  my  friend's  house  in  the 
forest,  (Mr.  Windebank,  a  servant  of  your  Grace's,  whom  I 
made  bold  to  make  known  to  your  Honour,)  I  came  to 
Windsor,  in  hope  to  have  been  so  happy  as  to  meet  your 
Grace  at  the  great  solemnity;  but  when  I  came,  I  found 
that  which  I  suspected,  that  your  Grace's  greater  joy  would 
carry  you  further.  Which  journey,  and  the  cause,  and  the 
end  of  it,  I  heartily  wish,  and  pray,  may  be  full  of  joy  and 
all  contentment  to  your  Grace.  I  made  bold  to  trouble 
your  Grace  with  a  letter,  or  two,  out  of  Wales,  which  I  hope 
Mr.  Windebank  took  the  best  care  he  could  to  see  delivered. 
I  have  no  means  to  do  your  Grace  any  service,  but  by  my 
prayers;  and  they  do  daily  attend,  and  shall  ever,  while  I 
breathe  to  utter  them.  I  hope,  though  I  have  missed  this 
opportunity,  yet  I  shall  be  so  happy  as  to  see  and  wait  upon 
your  Grace  at  London.  In  the  meantime,  and  ever,  I  leave 
your  Grace,  and  all  your  home-blessings,  to  the  protection%of 
the  Almighty,  and  ever  shall  be  found, 

Your  Grace's  most  devoted  and  affectionate  Servant, 

Gun,.  MENEVEN. 

Windsor,  Decemb.  13,  1625. 

r  [From  MSS.  Harl.  No.  7000,  fol.      Countries.] 
102.]  *  [See  Diary,  Nov.  24,  1625.] 

8  [He  had  been  absent  in  the  Low 


248  LETTERS. 

LETTER  VIII. 

TO   Dll.    AUBREY,    CHANCELLOR   OF    THE    DIOCESE   OF   ST.  DAVID'S. 
fPrynne's  Hidden  Works  of  Darkness,  pp.  78,  79.] 

AFTER  my  hearty  commendations,  &c.  It  will  appear  from 
the  several  copies  under  written  from  his  royal  Majesty  to 
the  Lord's  Grace  of  Canterbury,  and  from  my  Lord's  Grace 
to  me,  what  care  his  Majesty  hath  for  the  preservation  of  true 
religion,  settled  and  established  in  this  kingdom .  The  terms 
of  these  letters  are  as  followeth  : 

[Then  follow,  in  Prynne,  the  letters  of  the  King,  and 
Archbishop  Abbot.  The  Bishop's  letter  proceeds:] 

These  are  therefore  to  will  and  require  you,  and  every  one 
of  you,  through  the  several  Archdeaconries  within  my 
Diocese,  that  there  be  all  possible  care  taken  of  such  as  are 
any  way  backward  in  points  of  religion,  and  more  especially 
of  known  and  professed  Recusants;  that  they  may  be  care 
fully  presented,  and  proceedings  had  against  them  to  excom 
munication,  according  to  form  and  order  of  law;  and  that  there 
be  a  true  list  and  catalogue  after  every  Easter  yearly  sent 
unto  me,  that,  according  to  the  order  of  these  letters,  I  may 
be  able  to  have  it  ready,  and  deliver  it  up  to  my  Lord  of 
Canterbury ;  and  for  the  better  effecting  of  this,  I  must  and 
do  further  require,  that  the  Register  do  write  out  several 
copies  of  these  letters,  and  issue  them  into  the  several  Arch 
deaconries,  that  none  may  plead  ignorance  of  their  duty  in 
this  behalf,  as  you  must  look  to  answer  it  further,  if  fault 
be  found  to  rest  upon  you.  Thus,  not  doubting  of  your 
religious  care  and  duty  to  the  Church  and  State,  I  leave  you 
all  to  the  grace  of  God,  and  rest 
• 

Your  loving  Friend  and  Brother, 

Westmin.  Jan.  14,  1625.  GuiL.    MENEVENSIS. 

To  the  Right  Worshipful,  my  very 
loving  Friends,  Dr.  Aubrey,  Chan 
cellor  of  the  Diocese  of  St.  David's, 
and  all  his  Surrogates  and  Deputies 
within  the  several  Archdeaconries, 
these  be  delivered. 


LETTERS.  249 


LETTER  IX. 

TO  THE  DUKE  OF  BUCKINGHAM. 
[MSS.  Harl.  7000.  Art.  104.] 

To  my  most  gracious  Lord  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  these. 
MAY  IT  PLEASE  YOUR  GRACE, — Upon  your  last  letters, 
directed  to  the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  signifying  his  Majesty's 
pleasure,  that,  taking  to  him  the  Bishops  of  London,  Durham, 
Rochester,  Oxford,  and  St.  David's,  or  some  of  them,  he  and 
they  should  take  into  consideration  the  business  concerning 
Mr.  Montague's  late  book,  and  deliver  their  opinions  touch 
ing  the  same,  for  the  preservation  of  the  truth,  and  the  peace 
of  the  Church  of  England,  together  with  the  safety  of  Mr. 
Montague's  person u;  we  have  met  and  considered,  and  for 
our  particulars  do  think  that  Mr.  Montague,  in  his  book,  hath 
not  affirmed  anything  to  be  the  doctrine  of  the  Church  of 
England,  but  that  which  in  our  opinions  is  the  doctrine  of  the 
Church  of  England,  or  agreeable  thereunto.  And  for  the 
preservation  of  the  peace  of  the  Church  we  in  humility  do 
conceive  that  his  Majesty  shall  do  most  graciously  to  prohibit 
all  parties,  members  of  the  Church  of  England,  any  further 
controverting  of  these  questions  by  public  preaching  or  writing, 
or  any  other  way,  for  the  disturbance  of  the  peace  of  this 
Church  for  the  time  to  come.  And  for  anything  that  may 
further  concern  Mr.  Montague's  person  in  that  business,  we 
humbly  commend  him  to  his  Majesty's  gracious  favour  and 
pardon.  And  so  we  humbly  recommend  your  Grace  to  the 
protection  of  the  Almighty.  Resting 

Your  Grace's  faithful  and  humble  Servants, 

GEO.  LONDON.  [MONTAIGNE.] 
R.  DUNELM.  [NEILE.] 
LA.  WINTON.  D.C.   [ANDREWES.] 
J.  ROFEENS.  [BUCKERIDGE.] 
GUIL.  MENEVEN.  [LAUD.] 

Prom  Winchester  House, 
January  16,  1625. 

u  [See  Diary,  Jan.  16,  1625.] 


250  LETTERS. 

LETTER  X. 

TO   G.    J.    VOSSIUS. 

[Apud  Clarorum  Virorum  ad  Vossium  Epistt.,  Epist.  Ixxxii.  p.  49;  ad  calc. 
Vossii  Epist.  Lond.  1690  *.] 

DOCTISSIME  ViR, — Prsebuisti  gratissimam  ansam,  et  aliquam 
prehendere  mihi  jamdiu  in  votis  fuit.  Quse  impediebant 
duo  fuere;  negotia  plura,  quam  quibus  par  esse  possum,  et 
stylus  insequalis,  et  barbariem  sonans;  quern  tamen,  ob  male 
jacta  in  me  literarum  fundamenta,  nunquam  satis  limare 
potui.  Compedes  hosce,  non  solum  candor  tuus,  sed  et 
gratitude  mea  abruperunt.  Accepi  litteras  tuas,  utinam 
scires  quam  charas,  cum  iis  solos  amoris  tui  libros,  eeternum 
eruditionis  tua3,  et  sere  perennius  monumentum,  de  Ilistoricis 
Latinis.  De  Grsecis  quos  edidisti  Commentarios,  apud  me 
quidem  illi  sunt,  et  quod  non  plane  perlegerim,  me  invitis- 
simum  distinuit  negotiorum  moles.  Sed  quod  in  amorem 
tui  me  rapuit,  Historia  fuit  Pelagiana  y,  Historia,  non  magis 
sseculis,  quam  affectibus  Theologoruin  pugnantium  diversis 
perplexa,  seriatim  tamen  per  ipsas  laceras  Ecclesias  deducta, 
et  in  ipsis  funestissimis  Ecclesiasticorum  dissidiis,  non  sine 
ingenii  simul  et  laboris  miraculo  ordinata.  Ad  munus  tuum 
redeo ;  gratiasque  ago  multiplices,  quod  tarn  eruditum  opus, 
tarn  utile,  nostrum,  i.  Britannicum,  adoptione  feceris.  Quod 
tarn  justis  laudibus  Academiam  norentissimam  Cantabrigiam 
apud  aures  sequissimas  placuit  celebrare.  Quod  me  dignum 
voluisti  simul,  nomine,  inscriptione,  libro,  literis  tuis.  Prse- 
cipue  vero,  quod  Buckingnamise  Illustrissimum  Ducem,  omni 
virtutem  genere  cultissimum,  et  mihi  omnis  officii  nomine 
observandissimum,  tantis,  debitis  tamen,  laudibus,  posteris 
consecrasti z.  Ego  jam  Duci  paro  literas,  a  me  (et  forte 
primo)  audiet  quid  calamo  tuo  debet.  Unum  rogo;  noli 
me  in  lineis  hisce  turbatis  nimium  quserere,  alibi  habito, 
rerum  non  verborum  servus.  Et  quum  Erpenius  tuus z,  et 
Wintoniensis  meusa  fatis  cessere,  ipsi  meritis  suis  immor- 

x  [IToec  Epistola,  magna  vero  sui  z  [Thomas     Erpenius    Linguarum. 

parte  mutila,  cxstat  inter  '  Praestan-  Orientalium  apud  Leidenses  Professor, 

tium  ao  Eruditorum  Virorum  Episto-  qui  fatis  cesserat,  Nov.  13, 1624.] 

las,' p.  727.     Amst.  1684.]  a    [  Lancelotus    Andrewes    Episc. 

>'  [Historiee  de  Controversiis,  quas  Winton.  qui  mortem  obierat  Sept.  25, 

Pelagius,   ej usque  reliquiae  moveruut,  1626.] 
libri  septcm.'J 


LETTERS.  251 

tales,  socias  jimgamus  manus,  meas  licet  multo  breviores 
invenias.  Pater  benedictionum  sit  cumulus  tuus,  et  ego 
interim  servus  tibi  in  Christo,  et,  si  placeat  nomen,  amicus, 

GUIL.  BATHON.  ET  WELLENSIS. 

Ex  Aula  Regia 
Hampton.  Sept.  25,  1627. 


LETTER  XI. 

10   G.   J.   VOSSIUS. 
[Ibid.  Epist.  xc.  p.  57;] 

Guilielmus  Bathonensis  et  Wellensis  6f.  J.  Vossio. 
Aliam  datam  mihi  occasionem  ad  te  scribendi,  Vir  doc- 
tissime,  libenter  accipio.  Et  certe  gaudeo  (etiamsi  undique 
mole  negotiorum  gravatus)  hanc  opportunitatem  milii  se 
obtulisse.  Non  diu  est,  ex  quo  literas  tuas  gratissimas  accepi, 
una  cum  Historicis  Latinis  a  te  nova  vita  donatisb.  Ego 
statim  acceptis  libro  literisque,  literas  ad  te  dedi  calamo  sane 
obeso,  et  per  desuetudinem  titubante.  Unum  in  tua  ilia 
pereleganti  et  gravissima  Epistola  Duci  Illustrissimo  nuper- 
rime  nuncupata  invitus  legi,  scilicet,  te  suasu  tuorum  et 
pollicitis  Reipublicse  illius  animum  tuum  mutasse,  et  proinde 
ccelum  non  mutaturum,  nee  accessum  nunc  ad  nos  te  para- 
turum.  Sed  quod  in  hac  re  tibi  placuit,  mihi  lex  sit.  Nolo 
sperare,  quod  non  vis.  Interim  Dux  Buckinghamise  (qui 
Deo  gratias  apud  nos  iterum  salvusc)  amore  et  tuo,  et  tui 
captus,  omnes  meditatur  vias,  quibus  te  pari  honore,  quo  tu 
ilium,  afficiat.  Remora  munincentissimse  gratitudinis  nulla, 
nisi  quod  prorsus  neseit,  quod  potissimum  eligere  debeat,  in 
quo  tibi  beneficiat.  Et  hoc  ut  ego  tibi  scriberem  in  mandatis 
dedit.  Officium  (etsi  difficilius  scribo  literas)  mihi  gratis- 
simum.  Nunc  iterum  vel  hanc  ob  rem  doleo  te  exuisse 
animum  ad  nos  accedendi.  Potuisset  enim  heroicus  animus 
rnajora,  quam  nunc  apud  vos  potest.  Unum  restat,  ut  te 
ostendas  dextrum  fortunse  tuse  fabrum,  et  prudenter  exco- 
gites,  quid  tibi  factum  velis ;  sit  quale  optare  fas  est  (novi 
enim,  ni  tua  me  fallant  scripta,  ingenium  tuum)  et  factum 

b  [Vide  supra,  p.  250.]  c  [Ab  Tnsula  Reaco  nuper  rcdux.] 


252  LETTERS. 

puta.  Forte  deliberandum  esse  de  re  ipsa  judices.  Delibera ; 
tamen  hoc  unum  peto,  ut  prsesenti  quam  fieri  possit  response 
certiorem  me  facias  literas  has  ad  manus  tuas  pervenissed. 
Scio  enim  Ducem,  candoris  tui  cultorem  eximium,  responsum 
expectare,  quod  (si  fieri  possit)  literas  hasce  meas  antever- 
teret.  Quod  reliquum  est,  preces,  oro,  effundas  pro  peccatrice 
anima 

Devinctissimi  tui  in  communi 

Salvatore  Jesu  Christo, 

GUIL.  BATHON.  ET  WELLENSIS. 

Decemb.  22,  1627. 


LETTER  XII. 

TO  G.    J.   VOSSIUS. 
[Apud  Freest,  ac  Erudit.  Virorum  Epistt.,  Epist.  ccceliv.  p.  729.   Amst.  1684 e.] 

Guilielmus  Bathonensis  et  Wellensis  G.  J.  Vossio. 
Non  profiteer,  Vir  clarissime,  me  hisce  ad  tuas,  quas  mihi 
tradidit  vir  tui  studiosissimus  Dominus  Carltonusf,  respon 
sum  dare.  Sunto  tantum  characteres  amoris  mei,  qui  nee 
te  negligere,  nee  ilium  sine  literis  novit  dimittere.  Quum 
duobus  ab  hinc  mensibus,  Majestatem  Regiam,  ut  mihi  pro 
officio  incumbit,  infausto  pede  sequor  (iter  turn  faciebat 
Hamptoniam)  rheda  egressus,  torrentem  non  quatuor  pedes 
latum  dum  transilio  pede,  insequali  planta  in  terram  sabu- 
losam,  et  minus  fidam,  incidente,  nervum  posteriorem  tibia3 
dextrse  (Tendonem  vocant)  fregi  B.  Ab  eo  tempore  incedo 
claudus ;  nee  adhuc  constat,  quando  sim  vires  pristinas  recu- 
peraturus.  Si  quseras,  quorsum  haec  ?  Ut  certior  fias,  nactum 
te  esse  amicum  claudum.  Sed  etsi  mine  fractis  nervis,  non 
possum  in  gratiam  tuam,  quse  tu,  quse  ego  cupio,  facere : 
quamprimum  tamen  vires  accreverint,  strenuo  mihi  concre- 
dita  peragam.  Ut  sic  intelligas,  (saltern  si  quid  possim,)  me 

d  [Vide   Vossii    Responsum,    apud  f  [Dudleius  Carletonus,  Eq.  Aurat. 

Vossii  Epist.,  Epist.  Ixxxi.  p.  115.]  hoc  tempore  Legati  officio  apud  pro- 

c  [Exstat  item  apud  Clarorum  Yiro-  vincias  Belgii  fcederatas  fungens.] 

rum  ad  Vossium  Epist.,  Epist.  xcii.  sr  [Vide  Diarium,  Feb.  5,  1627.] 
p.  58.] 


LETTERS.  253 

ima  taritum  mei  parte,  non  corde,  non  affectibus  claudicare. 
Literis   meis    proximis   meliora   forsan    ad   te    perferentur. 

Quod  in  votis  est 

Amicissimi  tui, 

GUIL.  BATHON.  ET  WELLENSIS. 

Martii  26,  1628. 


LETTER    XIII. 

TO   G.  J.  VOSSIUS. 
[Ibid.,  Epist.  cccclvii.  pp.  731,  732.] 
Guilielmus  Episcopus  Londinensis  Vossio,  S.  P. 

Literse  tuse  mihi  semper  gratissimse  ad  me  pervenerimt  h 
salvo  conductu  D.  Stewart!  \  qui  una  cum  honoratissimo 
Domino,  Domino  Carltono,  vobis  nuperrime  inservivit.  Tra- 
didit  ille  mihi  una  cum  litteris  librum  Thesium  tuarum,  mo 
nument  um  eximium.  Imperfectum  dicis,  sed  simul  polliceris 
te  eum  et  auctiorem  et  ampliorem  jamjam  ex  schedis  tuis 
latitantibus  in  lucem  producturum.  Nomine  certe  Ecclesise 
gaudeo  et  tuo;  quam  ilia  utilitatem,  tu  vero  honorem  sis 
inde  percepturus.  Et  eo  magis  gaudeo,  quia  per  litteras 
certior  factus  sum,  aliquos  nominis  tui,  apud  Oxonienses, 
cultores  Theses  tuas,  nee  omnes,  nee,  ut  vereor,  perfectas, 
zelo  pamm  prudenti  typis  mandare  non  statuisse  rnodo  sed  et 
iricepisse.  Ego,  ne  quid  esset  simul  tuum  et  imperfectum, 
curavi  quantum  potui,  ne  sic  luci  se  ostenderent,  et  factum 
spero.  Scripsi  enim  te  perfecta  volumina  editurum. 

De  Baronio  quod  moliri  instituis  inprimis  laudo;  prseci- 
pue  vero  quod  fixum  habeas  minutias  non  consectari.  Certe 
in  opere  tarn  diffuso,  nimis  longum  iter  esset  per  minutias,  et 
quod  tsedio  afficeret  et  peritos  viatores  et  festinantes.  Caput 
rei  est,  ilia  in  quibus  longe  a  primitiva  Ecclesia  Rom  ana 
recessit,  brevibus  ostendere,  et  argumentis  insolubilibus 
demonstrare ;  quse  utraque  tibi  factu  facilia  semper  sestimavi. 
De  lingua  etiam  Latina  commentaries  tuo,  id  est  suo,  tempore 
expectabok,  et  quod  opto  spero,  fore  te  ibi,  sicut  in  aliis,  sseculi 
hujus,  et  ignorantise  quorundam  superciliosse  vindicem,  &c. 

h  [\rideYossii  Epist.,  Epist.  Ixxxiv.  k  [Hoc  opus  tandem  prodiit,  sub 
p.  117.]  titulo  sequenti,  '  Etymologicum  Lin- 

1  [Rich.  Stewart,  de  quo  plura  alibi.]      gu»e  Latins/  &c.] 


254  LETTERS. 

Pollicitus  sum,  &c.  Filium  tuum  e  multis  felicibus  unum, 
&c.  mitte,  si  placet.  Jube  memorem  esse  honoris  Dei  et  tui. 
Dux  Buckinghamise,  ut  in  alumnum  Collegii  alicujus  adscri- 
batur,  et  ubi  quam  minimo  sumptu  tuo  studiis  fruatur, 
efFectum  dabit.  Ego  etiam  pater,  tua  venia,  filio  tuo  futunis, 
si  Deus  annos  meos  labentes  prproget,  et  films  tuus  patris 
vestigiis  insistat.  Prseterea  illustr.  Dux,  ne  te  in  filio  tuo 
tantum  videatur  colere,  aliud  addit  beneficium,  &c.  Win- 
desorise  Canonicatum,  &c. 

Infortunium  meum,  &c.,  grave  fuit  et  adhuc  hseret,  &c. 
Adhuc  inter  claudos  recensendus  sum,  &c.,  possum  baculi 
ope  gressus  licet  tardiores  promovere.  Nee  parti  lassse  in- 
cumbit  ulterius  dolor,  sed  tantum  infirmitas.  Erit  autem 
ilia  quotidianus  hospes  usque  ad  annum  revolutum.  Si  turn 
placeat  discedere,  gratus  erit  agilitatis  quondam  mese  tan  quam 
a  postliminio  reditus ;  si  non,  optabo  animum  corpore  in 
claudo  rectum,  et  serviam  necessitati  libere. 

Habes  quse  in  re  tua  multis  aliter  impeditus  hactenus  potui 
efficere.  Perficiam  quse  pro  amore  et  viribus  possum.  Salu- 
tem  vero  meam,  turn  animse,  turn  corporis,  precibus  tuis 
commendatam  cupio;  tuam  vota  mea  semper  prosequentur. 
Unum  doleo ;  negotiis  undique  implicatus,  factus  sum  a  libris 
meis,  quos  unice  sub  Deo  colui,  pene  exsul.  Quod  te  scire 
velim,  ne  me  inter  vel  studiosos  posthasc  nominare  digneris. 
Valeas  diu  precatur 

Tibi  omni  cultu  addictissimus^ 

GUIL.  LONDON. 

Julii  14,  1628. 

Postscriptum. — Mora  injecta  est  litteris  meis  non  sine  bono 
tuo,  et  gaudeo  scisse  me,  priusquam  missse  illse.  Mutavit  rex 
propositum  de  Canonicatu  Windesorise,  et  de  Cantuariensi 
nunc  cogitavit.  Prseponderat  hie  ilium  quadraginta  libris 
annuatim  ad  minimum,  &c.  Quod  ad  Theses  tuas  attinet, 
frustrate  conatu  meo,  Oxonise  vel  Bellositi  Dobunorum  excusse 
in  publicum  exierunt,  &C.1 

Tisdem  fide  et  amore  tuus, 

GUIL.  LONDON. 

August  5,  1628. 

1  [Theses  Theologies  et  Historicae  de  variis  Doctrinas  Christianre  Capitibus, 
&c.  Bellositi.  1628.] 


LETTERS.  '255 

LETTER  XIV. 

TO    G.    J.     VOSSIUS. 
[Apud  Clarorum  Virorum  ad  Yossium  Epistt.,  Epist.  xcviii.  p.  62  m.] 

Guilielmus  Londinensis  G.  J.  Vossio, 

Binas  literas  tuas  accepi,  utrasque  post  fata  Illustrissimi 
Duels  Buckinghamise.  Utrseque  tamen  de  illo  silent. 
Priores  putavi  ideo  tacuisse,  quia  ad  aures  tuas  tarn  cruenta 
mors  non  pervenisset.  Sed  prorsus  obstupui,  quum  secundas 
attulit  films  etiam  elingues.  Quid  est?  Num  fama  desiit 
esse  velox  ?  Num  mare  non  ita  spatiosum  inter  nos  vosque 
tardius  prsetervolat  ?  Num  cm  or,  crudeli  infernali  dextra 
effusus,  et  viscus  famse  pennas  impedivit?  Imo  accelerat 
sanguis,  clamatque  eundo.  Aliud  proculdubio  est,  prorsus 
ak'ud,  quod  de  re  tarn  barbara,  de  persona  tarn  illustri,  de  fato 
tarn  subito,  eligis  tacere.  Nolo  plura,  ne  iterum  cordis  mei 
fontes  rumpant  repagula,  et  effundant  spiritus.  Mortuus  est, 
cui  ego,  tuque  multum  debuimus. 

Priores  literse  tuse  nimium  mihi  ascribunt.  -Nee  enim  is 
sum,  cui  aut  ilia  debentur  elogia,  aut  cui  tu  tantum  debes. 
Ducis  memorise,  non  minus  quam  nomini  agnosee  te  debere, 
et  sufficit.  De  Musis,  a  quibus  incipis11,  sunt  certe  ante 
omnia  dulces,  sed  de  Dominabus  et  Musis  ipsis  intelligi  volo, 
de  ancillis  non  item.  Illse  enim  sunt  quse  Absintliium  mis- 
cent,  utpote  non  naturales  Musarum  pedissequse.  Ipsse  enim 
optant,  eligunt  alias  ;  vi,  et  infelicitate  temporum  nunquam 
satis  deploranda,  hse  obtruduntur  illis. 

Posteriores  literse  °  post  immeritissimas  laudes  descendunt 
in  charissimum  pignus  tuum,  mium  natu  maximum  P.  Quod 
expectavi  secundum,  fecit  non  optio  mea,  ubi  omnes  .pariter 
igiioti ;  sed  in  memoria  erat  quod  amicus  tuus  D.  Dudleius 
Carltonus  insinuavit.  Quum  aliud  tibi  consultius  visum  sit, 
primogenitum  seque  mini  cliarum  advenisse  scito,  etiam  non 
adhibitis  rationibus  illis,  quse  tamen  ipsse  per  se  abunde  sunt 
ad  suadendum. 

m  [Exstatitem,magna  verosuiparte  p.  120.     Lend.  1690.] 
mutila,  apud  Praest.  ac  Erud.  Yiror.          °  [Epist.  xciv.  pp.  129,  130.] 
Epistt.,  Epist.  cccclx.  p.  734.]  i}  [Joannem  Vossium.] 

-    "  [Tide  G.  J.  Vossii  Epist.  Ixxxviii. 


256  LETTERS. 

Unum  est,  de  quo  quid  dicam  adlmc  nescio.  Scribis  filium 
tuum,  prseter  progressus  in  Mathesi,  et  Scientia  Naturali, 
animum  tandem  appulisse  ad  Juris  scientiam,  et  in  ea  Bacca- 
laurei  gradum  consecutum  esse.  Timeo,  ne  hoc  ei  impedi- 
mento  esse  possit,  quominus  cooptetur  in  alicujus  Collegii 
Societatem,  si  forte  per  statuta  id  exigatur,  ut  non  Graduatus 
sit  tempore  admissionis  ;  spero  tamen  hoc  non  esse  omnibus 
Collegiis  commune.  Ego  (quod  potui)  statim  scripsi,  et 
spero  proxima  septimana  tale  responsum  me  accepturum, 
ut  films  tuus  Academic  Cantabrigiensi  gratissimus  hospes 
sit  futurus,  quod  postea  facile  poteris  et  a  me  et  a  filio  audire. 
Si  nactus  aliquando  fuerit  societatem,  necesse  est,  ut  Acade- 
mise  Collegiique  statutis  obtemperet,  et  ad  gradus  ulteriores 
tardius  quam  pro  meritis  promoveatur,  si  mores  loci  jubeant. 
De  sumptibus  abunde  est,  quod  promittis,  nee  minimse  mihi 
curse  erit,  quam  primum  possum  de  iis  minuendis  cogitare. 

Mitto  tibi  Theses  tuas  Oxonii  excusas,  a  quarum  editione 
utinam  abstinuissent  Oxonienses  mei,  sic  vota  tua  meis  con- 
sona  sunt.  Qua  fide,  qua  diligentia  publicas  fecerint,  ipse 
ex  hoc  exemplari  judicare  poteris,  sed  amore,  audeo  dicere, 
fecerunt  quodcunque  factum.  Tu  tamen  quod  polliceris 
facito.  Prodeat  editio  tua.  Et  ut  scias  me  legisse  aliqua 
(omnia  enim  nondum  otium  erat)  velim  prsecipue  ea  quse  a 
te  juniore  prodierunt,  oculo  haud  nimis  facili  ipse  jam  per- 
legas,  emendesque,  si  forte  aliquid  occurrat,  quod  te  judice 
a  veneranda  sanaque  simul  antiquitate  deviet.  Quod  mihi 
leviter  percurrenti  factum  videtur  in  capite  de  Baptismo 
Johannis.  Neque  enim  Patres  me  docuere  undique  idem 
fuisse  cum  Christi  Baptismate.  Boni  consule  libertatem 
hominis  amicissimi.  Et  quid  si  aliquantulum  differas  edi- 
tionem  illam  a  te  distinctam,  donee  ipse,  nunc  multo  matu- 
rior,  dicas;  Eat  liber  hie  priscissimse  Antiquitatis  semulus. 

Consilium  tuum  de  Baptismo,  una  cum  Historia  Rituum 
Antiquorum,  valde  probo.  Oro  tamen,  ne  omittas  quod  de 
Baronio  scripsisti.  Unum  cave.  Vides  iterum  libertatem 
meam.  Nam  libros  quinque  de  antiquis  Baptismi  Ritibus, 
Cseremoniisque  scripsit  Josephus  Vicecomes^.  Quod  cum 

i  [Titulus  hnjus  libri  ita  se  habet,      tismo  et  Confirmatione,  de  antiquia 
'  Observationes  ecclesiasticae  ;  de  Bap-      Missae  Ritibus.'     Mediol.  1615—26.] 


LETTERS.  257 

te  latere  non  possit,  curabis  scio,  ut  superior  sis  in  illo  argu- 
mento.  Velim  enim  nihil  sub  nomine  tuo  prodeat,  nisi 
Vossio  meo  dignissimum,  et  par  Historise  Pelagianse. 

-Redeo  ad  infandos  dolores,  quibus  intime  premor  ob  Ducis 
Illustrissimi  caedem,  omni  sseculo  dolendam.  Parricida  ille 
scelestissimus,  Gentis  et  Religionis  dedecus,  eripuit  non  mihi 
tantum,  sed  et  tibi  charissimum  caput,  et  (non  obstantibus 
iis,  quibus  eum  denigravit  hominum  quorundam  malitia) 
utrisque  et  animi  et  corporis  dotibus  ditissimum.  Coelum 
non  dubito  petiit  ille.  Terrarum  incolse,  quos  Astrsea  reliquit, 
nos  adhuc  sumus.  Damna  exinde  tua  cogita,  mea  infinita 
sunt.  Pecuniam  statuit  tibi  mittere  statim  a  reditu ;  periit 
cum  illo  ilia.  Decrevit  certo  certius  omnia  in  usum  filii  tui 
paratissima  habere.  Non  dico  periisse  hoc,  sed  quod  ego 
possum  multo  minus  est.  Diploma  Canonicatus  tui  in  Ec- 
clesia  Cantuariensi  ille  a  Rege  serenissimo  impetravit,  muni- 
vissetque  contra  quoscunque  impugnatores.  Ego  et  hie  tibi 
non  deero,  nisi  potestas  mihi  defuerit. 

Nunc  accipe  stigmata  anni  hujus,  mihi  inauspicatissimi. 
Ineunte  anno  (quod  nosti)  tendonem  fregi,  et  adhuc  incedo 
claudus.  Successit  Concio,  ineunte  Parliamento,  mihi  turn 
admodum  innrnio  a  Rege  impositar,  opus  (prout  res  nostrse 
se  turn  habuere)  periculosum  simul  et  difficile.  Postea  Dux 
Buckinghamiee  mihi  charissimus,  nescio  quo  fato,  et  cum  illo 
ipse,  haud  plane  amico  usi  sumus  conventu  illo8.  Einito  eo, 
ille  miserrime  est  non  sine  Diabolo  occisus.  Post  multa 
suspiria  (nam  vere  et  sine  teste  dolui)  morbum  contraxi  acrem, 
a  quo  vixdum  convalui*.  Servi  quatuor  variis  morbis  lassati, 
quintus  a  Pleuritide  csesus.  Et  nescio  quid  minatur  portio 
anni  infausti  futura.  Sed  Deus  est  cui  servio,  qui  tecum  sit 
gratia  speciali,  et  cum  tuis :  prout  precatur 

Tui  amantissimus 

GUIL.  LONDINENSIS. 
Octob.  25, 1628. 


r  [Vide  Diarium,  Mar.  17,  1627.]     •  [Ibid.  Junii  14, 1628.]    *  [Ibid.  Sept.  27.] 


LAUD. — YOL.  VI. 


258  LETTERS. 

LETTER  XV. 

TO   JAMES   TJSSHER,   ARCHBISHOP   OF  ARMAGH. 
[Parr's  Life  of  Ussher,  Letter  cxxxiv.  p.  401.] 

MY  VERY  GOOD  LORD, — I  have  received  your  Grace's  second 
letters,  and  with  them  letters  from  Dr.  Barlow/  a  man  known 
to  me  only  by  name  and  good  report.  I  have,  upon  receipt 
of  these,  a  second  time  humbly  presented  Dr.  Barlow's  suit 
to  his  Majesty,  with  all  fair  representation  to  his  Majesty  of 
the  necessity  of  a  good  commendam  to  the  Archbishop  of 
Tuam;  and  though  in  my  judgment  I  hold  it  very  unfit,  and 
of  ill  both  example  and  consequence  in  the  Church,  to  have 
a  Bishop,  much  more  an  Archbishop,  retain  a  deanery  in 
commendam,  yet,  because  there  is  (as  I  am  informed)  much 
service  to  be  done  for  that  Archbishop,  and  because  I  have 
conceived  this  man  will  do  that  service  (for  so  he  hath  as 
sumed)  ;  and  because  much  of  that  service  must  be  done  at 
Dublin,  where  that  deanery  will  the  better  fit  him,  as  well  for 
house  as  charge;  and  because  it  is  no  new  thing  in  that 
country  to  hold  a  deanery  with  a  bishopric ;  I  made  bold  to 
move  his  Majesty  for  it,  and  his  Majesty  is  graciously  pleased 
to  grant  it;  and  I  have  already,  by  his  Majesty's  special 
command,1'  given  order  to  Sir  Hen.  Holcroft  to  send  letters 
to  my  Lord  Deputy  to  this  purpose. 

But  these  two  things  his  Majesty  commanded  me  to  write 
to  your  Lordship :  the  one,  that  young  men  be  not  com 
mended  to  him  for  Bishops ;  the  other,  that  he  shall  hardly 
be  drawn  again  to  grant  a  deanery  in  commendam.  Any  other 
preferment,  though  of  more  value,  he  shall  be  content  to 
yield.  I  am  glad  I  have  been  able  to  serve  your  Grace's 
desires  in  this  business.  And  for  Dr.  Barlow,  I  wish  him 
joy ;  but  must  desire  your  Lordship  to  excuse  my  not  writing 
to  him ;  for  between  Parliament  and  Term,  I  have  not  lei 
sure.  So  I  leave  you  to  the  grace  of  God,  and  shall  ever  rest 
Your  Grace's  loving  Friend  and  Brother, 

Jan.  29,  1628.  GUIL.  LONDON. 

My  Lord  Archbishop  of  Yorkx,  Dr.  Barlow's  tutor  that 
was,  is  of  my  judgment  for  holding  a  deanery  in  commendam. 

u  [Eandolph  Barlow,  of  Pembroke      pointed  Archbishop  of  Tuam.] 
Hall,  Cambridge,  afterwards  Archdea-         x  [Samuel  Harsnet,  formerly  Fel- 
con  of  Winchester.    He  was  now  ap-     low  of  Pembroke  Hall.] 


.  LETTERS.  259 

LETTER  XVI. 

TO     G.    J.   VOSSIUS. 
[Apud  Claror.  Viror.  ad  Vossium  Epistt.,  Epist.  ciii.  p.  65  y.] 

Guilielmus  Londinensis  Ger.  Johan.  Vossio  suo. 

Quod  tarn  sero  ad  aures  tuas  pervenerat  Stygium  facinus, 
et  fatum  Duels  illustrissimi,  haud  dubito,  miror  magis2.  Sed 
occlusos  tune  temporis  portus  nostros  fuisse  serius  ipse  remi- 
niscor ;  et  dolor  sic  amissi  Duels,  necnon  mutata,  aut  saltern 
mutanda  (ut  sperabatur)  rerum  facies,  quse  in  fragili  memoria 
scripta  erant  facile  deleverunt.  Quod  restat  nunc  sola  pa- 
tientia  est,  ut  ferendo  leviora  fiant,  quse  nee  ferre  didicit 
ingenuitas,  nee  discutere  facultas  erat.  Quiescit  in  pace 
anima,  qua  terrse  indignissimse,  ipsa  coelo  dignissima.  Cla- 
rescet,  sperOj  post  sseculi  invidiam  virtus,  quam  deprimere 
non  potuit  rabies  plusquam  Scythica,  denigrare  tantum 
potuit  lingua  rabida.  Tu  age,  quod  spondes,  et  (quo  solo 
modo  gratus  esse  potes)  nomen  Ducis  in  se  clarum,  posteris 
clarius  tradere,  ne  totus  uno  ictu  infernali  periisse  videatur. 

De  filio  tuo  quod  scribam  nihil  aut  parum  habeo.  Antea 
significavi  quam  inopportunus  adventus  fuit.  Omnia  tamen, 
prout  turn  fieri  potuit,  molitus  sum,  quo  nihil  ei  morse  esse 
posset,  aut  scrupulum  injiceret,  se  in  gentem  incultam  adve- 
nisse,  aut  in  amicos  dubios  incidisse.  Cantabrigise  jam  est, 
in  Collegio  S.  Petri,  et  Doctori  Wrennoa  curse.  Quoe  restant, 
suo  tempore  prsestabo,  si  potero.  Et  scio  Wrennum,  nunc 
Vice-Cancellarium  Cantabrigiensem,  esse  et  filii  tui  amicum, 
et  nominis  tui  cultorem. 

Gaudeo  te  Thesium  tuarum  syllogen  accepisse,  et  Acade- 
miam  Oxoniensem,  quoniam  edere  voluit,  non  penitus  in- 
emendate  edidisse.  Sed  de  Thesibus  aliquibus  omittendis, 
nempe  quia  in  opere  Historise  Pelagianse,  et  quidem  emenda- 
tius,  legantur,  sicut  consilium  eorum  non  fuit,  ita  nee  tuum 
norunt.  Nee  sub  quocunque  prsetextu,  hoc  illis,  opinor, 
licuisset. 

De   Baptismo  Joh.  mihi   abunde   est,   quod  scribis.      Et 

y  [Exstat  item,  magna  vero  sui  parte      pp.  132,  133.] 

mutila,  apud  Praest.  et  Erud.  Viror.          a   [Matthseo   Wren,  postea    Episc. 
Epistt.,  Epist.  ccccliv.  p.  736.]  Heref.,  Korvic.  et  Eliensi.] 

z  [Vide   G.  J.  Vossii  Epist.  xcvii. 

S   2 


260  LETTERS. 

utinam  licuisset  ubique,  aut,  quia  illud  non  sperandum,  uti- 
nam  alicubi  licuisset,  apte  sententiam  vetustatis  exponere, 
sapiat  ilia  hominibus,  sive  non  sapiat.  Sed  in  ilia  tempora 
niihi  certe  incidisse  videtur  Christiana  philosophia,  ut  de  ea 
nee  loqui,  nee  tacere  quis  tuto  possit.  Et  quam  care  liber- 
tatem  illam,  qua  in  alia  causa,  non  sine  summo  Ecclesise  bono, 
usus  es,  redemeris,  facile  conjicio.  Tanti  tamen  tibi  con- 
stitisse  nunc  in  novissimis  literis  primo  legi.  Adjicerem  hie 
alia,  sed  est  quod  prohibet. 

De  Josepho  Vicecomite  admonui  tantum,  et  per  amorem  b. 
Et  magna  me  Isetitia  afficit,  te  ita  vestigia  ejus  premere,  ut 
simul  antecedas.  Nee  dolori  tibi  sit,  labores  si  forte  tui 
spissius  (ut  loqueris)  prodeunt.  Negotia  publica,  privata, 
uxor,  filii,  amici,  aliquam  tui  partem  vendicant,  ea  lege  natus 
es,  sed  utinam  de  tua  uxorisque  valetudine  Isetiora  propediem 
audiam,  et  diu  vivas  ad  Batavorum  tuorum  gloriam,  et  Reip. 
Christianse  emolumentum.  Mihi  tendo  fere  coaluit,  ita  tamen 
ut  pristinae  sanitatis  sit  spes  perexigua.  Deo  interim  quoti- 
dianas  ago  gratias,  quod  vel  sic  uti  crure  liceat.  Literis 
meis  per  omnia  responsum  dedisti,  prseterquam  quod  de 
Baronio  nihil.  Nolo  sic  prsetermittere  quod  summum  est; 
tu  id  age,  ne  quid  aliud  impediat  animadversiones  illas. 
Ecce  rogator  importunus  accedo,  id  age,  ut  sic  tandem  Ec 
clesise  non  desit  Historia  sua,  neve  accedat  quse  sua  non  est ; 
si  hoc  veils,  et  breviter,  potes  enim,  sacer  mihi  eris  Apollo. 

Vale. 

Tuus, 

GUIL.  LONDON. 

Mail  10,  1629. 

LETTER  XVII. 

TO    JAMES  USSHER,   ARCHBISHOP  OF  ARMAGH. 
[Parr's  Life,  Letter  cxlii.  pp.  409,  410.] 

MY  VERY  GOOD  LORD,— I  am  glad  Mr.  Bedell's  preferment0 
gives  your  Grace  such  contentment.  Your  former  letter 
came  safe  to  my  hands ;  so  did  your  second.  I  see  nothing 
is  so  well  done,  but  exceptions  can  fret  it ;  for  I  hear  that 
which  I  looked  not  for  concerning  Mr.  BedelPs  preferment, 

b  [Vide  supra,  p.  256.]  Dublin,  to  be  Bishop  of  Kilmore  and 

c  [The  Provost  of  Trinity  College,      Ardagh.   He  was  consecrated  Sept.  13.] 


LETTERS.  261 

whose  name  was  never  put  to  the  King  till  both  the  other 
competitors  were  refused  by  his  Majesty  as  too  young. 

Ardagh  is  not  forgotten  in  the  letter:  for  since  upon 
receipt  of  your  Lordship's  last  letters,  I  spoke  with  Sir  Hen. 
Holer  oft  about  it. 

Beside  those  of  your  Lordship's,  I  have  received  letters 
from  Mr.  Bedell,  and  from  the  Fellows,  about  their  freedom 
of  election  of  a  Provost.  My  Lord,  his  Majesty  would  fain 
have  a  man  to  go  on  where  Mr.  Bedell  leaves.  I  am  engaged 
for  none.  I  heartily  love  freedoms  granted  by  charter,  and 
would  have  them  maintained.  If  they  will  return  which  are 
come  hither;  and  all  agree,  or  a  major  part,  upon  a  worthy 
man  that  will  serve  God  and  the  King,  I  will  give  them  all 
the  assistance  I  can  to  keep  their  privilege  whole. 

The  King  likes  wondrous  well  of  the  Irish  lecture  begun 
by  Mr.  Bedell,  and  the  course  of  sending  such  young  men 
as  your  Grace  mentions.  I  hope  before  our  Committee  for 
the  establishment  of  Ireland  end,  I  shall  find  a  time  to  think 
of  the  remedy  your  Lordship  proposes  about  scandalous 
ministers ;  in  which,  or  any  other  service,  •  I  shall  not  be 
wanting.  For  the  particulars  concerning  Clark,  I  have  your 
enclosed;  and  if  he  stir  anything  while  I  am  present,  you 
shall  be  sure  I  will  do  you  right. 

Now,  my  Lord,  I  have  answered  all  your  letter,  save  about 
the  Archbishopric  of  Cassils  for  the  old  Dean  d.  I  have  done 
all  I  am  able  for  that  reverend  and  well- deserving  gentle 
man;  but  the  King's  Majesty  hath  been  possessed  another 
way;  and  it  seems,  upon  like  removes  hereafter  will  move 
more  than  one.  And  at  this  time  he  will  give  Cassils  to 
my  Lord  of  Clougher,  if  he  will  take  it ;  and  so  go  on  with 
another  to  succeed  him,  of  whom  he  is  likewise  resolved; 
and  who  shall  be  Cassils,  if  my  Lord  of  Clougher  refuse6. 
There  is  nothing  which  the  Dean  of  Cassils  can  have  at  this 
time,  unless  he  will,  with  a  good  commendam,  be  content  to 
take  Kilfanora.  To  which,  though  I  do  not  persuade,  yet 
I  would  receive  his  answer;  and  I  add,  it  will  be  a  step  for 
him  to  a  better.  As  for  Bath,  the  Lord-elect  that  was,  he 

d  [Lewis  Jones.  He  was  consecrated  was  vacant  by  the  death  of  Malcolm 

Bishop  of  Killaloe  April  23, 1633,  and  Hamilton.  His  successor  was  Archi- 

'died  Nov.  2,  1646,  aged  104  years.]  bald  Hamilton,  Bishop  of  Killala  and 

•     [The   Archbishopric   of   Cashel  Achonry.j 


262  LETTERS. 

hath  lapsed  it  by  not  proceeding  to  consecration f.  I  must 
now  humbly  intreat  your  Grace  to  send  me  the  names  and 
values  of  all  the  bishoprics  and  deaneries  in  Ireland,  and 
what  bishoprics  are  joined  to  others,  that  I  may  be  the 
better  able  to  serve  that  Church,  being  as  yet  one  of  the 
Committee  ;  and  I  pray  you  to  excuse  my  not  writing  to  Mr. 
Bedell,  for,  in  truth,  I  have  not  leisure.  So  I  leave  you  to 
the  grace  of  God,  and  rest, 

Your  Grace's 

Very  loving  Brother, 

GUIL.  LONDON. 

June  16,  1629. 


LETTER  XVIII. 

TO   JAMES  TJSSHER,  ARCHBISHOP   OF  ARMAGH. 
[Parr's  Life,  Letter  cxliii.  pp.  410,  411.] 

MY  VERY  GOOD  LORD,  —  The  two  Fellows  of  the  College  of 
Dublin,  which  are  attendant  here  about  the  freedom  of  their 
election,  were  commanded  by  his  Majesty  to  send  to  the 
College  there,  and  to  know  whom  they  would  pitch  upon  for 
their  Governor.  And  his  Majesty  was  content,  upon  the 
reasons  given  by  me,  and  the  petition  of  the  Fellows,  to  leave 
them  to  freedom,  so  they  did  choose  such  a  man  as  would  be 
serviceable  to  the  Church  and  him.  Upon  this,  after  some 
time,  they  delivered  to  the  King  that  they  would  choose,  or 
had  chosen,  Dr.  Ussher  s,  a  man  of  your  Grace's  name  and 
kindred.  His  Majesty  thereupon  referred  them  to  the  Secre 
tary,  the  Lord  Viscount  Dorchester11,  and  myself,  to  inform 
ourselves  of  his  worth  and  fitness. 

My  Lord  proposed  that  they  should  think  of  another  man 
that  was  known  unto  us  *,  that  we  might  the  better  deliver 
our  judgments  to  the  King.  I  was  very  sensible  of  your 
Lordship's  name  in  him,  and  remembered  what  you  had 
written  to  me  in  a  former  letter  concerning  him  ;  and  there- 


f  [Leonard  Maw  had  succeeded  Laud  consecrated  Bishop  of  .. 

in  the  see  of  Bath  and  Wells.     He  h  [Dudley  Carleton,  created   Vise. 

died  Sept.  2,  1629.]  Dorchester  July  25,  1628.] 

£  [This  was  Dr.  Robert  Ussher.  aon  *  [Laud  was  anxious  at  this  time 

of  Henry  Ussher,   Ar^hhiahop  tf  AT.  for  the  promotion  of  William  Chap- 

magh.      He   WEB    cousin    to   James  pell,  afterwards  Provost.    See  Letter 

Hasher,  the  Primate.     In  1635  he  was  to  Wentworth,  March  11,  163S.] 


LETTERS.  263 

upon  prevailed  with  his  Majesty  that  I  might  write  these 
letters  to  you,  which  are  to  let  your  Grace  understand  that 
his  Majesty  puts  so  great  confidence  in  your  integrity  and 
readiness  to  do  him  service,  that  he  hath  referred  this  busi 
ness  to  the  uprightness  of  your  judgment,  and  will  exercise ' 
his  power  accordingly.  For  thus  he  hath  commanded  me  to 
write;  That  your  Grace  should  presently  upon  receipt  of 
these  letters,  write  back  to  me  what  your  knowledge  and 
judgment  is  of  the  worth  and  fitness  of  Dr.  Ussher  for  this 
place,  setting  all  kindred  and  affection  aside :  and  upon  that 
certificate  of  yours,  the  King  will  leave  them  to  all  freedom 
of  their  choice,  or  confirm  it  if  it  be  made k.  So,  wishing 
your  Lordship  all  health  and  happiness,  I  leave  you  to  the 
grace  of  God,  and  shall  ever  rest, 

Your  Grace's  very  loving  Friend  and  Brother, 

GUIL.  LONDON. 

London  House,  June  25,  1629. 


LETTER  XIX. 

TO    G.    J.   VOSSIUS. 

[  Apud  Freest,  et  Erudit.  Viror.  Epistt.,  Epist.  cccclxxii.  pp.  740, 741.] 
Guilielmus  Episcopus  Londinensis  Ger.  Joan.  Vossio,  S.  P. 

Vir  Clarissime,  Quod  scripturus  ad  patrem  a  filio  initium 
sumam,  ingratum  tibi  esse  non  potest,  cui  salus  filii  tui 
majoris  pretii  videtur  quam  tua;  et  video  filium  tuum  te 
jam  certiorem  fecisse,  literas  a  Seren.  Maj.  signatas  et  missas 
esse  in  hunc  finem,  ut  ipse  in  locum  Collegii  Jesu  proxime 
vacaturum  adscriberetur.  De  hoc  literse  meas  omnino  silue- 
runt.  Volui  enim  nihil  scribere,  donee  aliquid  praestitum 
viderem.  Nunc  velim  scias  me  omnia  praestitisse,  quibus  me 

k  [Dr.  Elrington,  in  his  Life  of  the  Lord  Deputy  to  give  order  accord- 
Archbishop  Ussher  (p.  101),  records  ingly  to  the  College  at  Dublin  to 
several  documents  relating  to  this  proceed  to  an  election,  after  that  my 
subject;  among  others,  a  notice  to  the  Lord  Primate  of  Armagh  hath  certi- 
effect  that  the  Fellows  should  adver-  fied  his  judgment  of  Dr.  Ussher. — 
tise  the  King  of  the  choice  they  had  Guil.  London." 

made ;  and  the  following  suggestion  The  order  for  the  admission  of  the 

by  Laud:  "June  26,  1629.     I  think  Provost  was  not  issued  by  the  Lords 

it  fit  that  a  letter  be  prepared  for  his  Justices  till  the  13th  of  the  following 

Majesty's  signature,  to  give  order  to  January.] 


264  LETTERS. 

astrictum  tenebat  votum  aut  Duels,  aut  proprium.  Filius 
enim  tuus,  prout  literse  regise  voluerunt,  jam  socius  est  Col- 
legii  Jesu,  quod  ei  tibique  faustum  felixque  sit.  Et  forte 
hie  etiam  prsecurrit  films  tuus ;  a  quo  quidni  hsec  etiam  ante 
scias?  Nee  mirum,  si  juvenis  senem,  sanus  claudum,  filius 
peregrinum  prseeat  ad  patrem.  Nunc  vero  etiamsi  filius 
domicilium  mutavit,  spero  tamen  nee  amicos,  nee  animum, 
nee  studia  mutaturum ;  quod  primo  Dei  gratia,  dein  tuis 
monitis  facile  factu  erit.  Transitus  sic  beatior  futurus  a 
S.  Petro1  ad  Jesum. 

Quod  consulto  a  Baronio  manum  aliquantisper  subduxisti, 
rationem  nunc  reddis.  Voluere  Proceres  Partitiones  Ora- 
torias  priores  esse;  volunt  etiam  et  nunc  commentarios. 
Quidni  obtemperes  ?  prsesertim,  quum,  ut  scribis,  primus  hie 
sit  ingenii  tui  partus,  quern  Scaligerus,  Casaubonus,  aliique 
summi  viri  tantopere  comprobarunt ;  quos  quidem  nunquam 
laudasset  nobile  illud  par  doctorum,  nisi  dignissimos  luce 
judicassent.  Sed  audi.  Ego  etsi  orator  parum  vehemens, 
nee  dulcis  tamen:  etsi  negotiis  irretitus  non  solum  artem 
illam,  sed  insimul  omnes  oblivioni  tradere  pene  coactus  sum ; 
cupio  certe  videre,  quse  tot  et  tanti  viri  calculo  suo  approba- 
runt,  quseque  tantum  et  tarn  limatum  ingenium  post  eorum 
censuram  mature  consilio  ad  incudem  revocavit,  ut  auctius  et 
perfectius  emittat.  Quin  et  videor  mihi  hoc  jure  vendicare. 
Nam  quam  sint  hae  primitise  tuse,  cur  non  mihi  et  has  una 
cum  primogenito  concrederes  ?  His  autem  in  lucem  emissis, 
spero  te  animadversionibus  Baronianis  vacaturum,  saltern 
quantum  potes.  De  Duce  illustrissimo  Buckinghamise,  quern 
popularis  furor  abripuit,  saepius  apud  te  quod  sentiam,  de- 
posui ;  nee  sine  gaudio  in  epistolis  tuis  novissimis  legi,  ilium 
seternum  tibi  amico  sermone  et  scriptis  celebrandum,  ut 
alicubi  saltern  sui  similis  vel  mortuus  appareat.  Eo  autem 
ma"gis  laudo  gratum  tuum  erga  munificentissimum  Maecena- 
tem  animum,  quia  domi  pariter  et  foras  vapulat.  Legisti, 
scio,  P.  Bertii  Digestum  Novum  de  Aggeribus  et  Pontibus  ad 
mare  exstructis.  Qualis  fuit  vir  ille  (certe  abunde  doctus) 
apud  vos  tu  melius  nosti.  Qualis  et  nunc  est  non  ignoras 
scio.  Dum  religionem  mutavit,  forte  impleta  est  Apostasia 

1  [Peterhouse,  cui  ante  adscriptus.] 


LETTERS.  265 

Sanctorum m.  Hie  illius  operis  cap.  iv.  mire  in  Bucking- 
hanrium  invehitur.  Quern  et  cap.  xviii.  incentorem  vocat  et 
Ducem  omnium  malorum.  Quid  male  habet  hominem? 
Quid  in  eum  unquam  molitus  Buckinghamius  ?  Sed  forte 
Gallorum  causam  agit,  apud  quos  nunc  est.  Interim  ibi 
dum  ssevit  in  mortuos,  in  duplicem  eadem  pagina  incidit 
errorem.  Scribit  enim  Ducem  a  nobili  Scoto  confossum, 
quod  ab  ignobili  Anglo  factum  fuit.  Deinde  narrat  suffectum 
in  ejus  locum  Essexium;  cum  non  ille,  sed  Linseius  vices 
ejus  supplevit.  Det  Deus  viro  docto  meliorem  mentem. 
Ultimo  loco  scribis,  accepisse  te  his  diebus,  et  ab  iis  quibus 
res  Britannicse  non  ignota3  videntur,  dissensum  aliquem  doc- 
torum  in  controversia  de  Prsedestinatione  et  dogmatis  an- 
nexis,  zelo  quorundam  improvido  pene  in  schisma  apud  nos 
erupisse;  et  alia  quse  postremi  Parliamenti  tempore  me 
aliosque  occupatos  satis  tenuerunt.  Ego  certe  hsec  omnia 
in  prsecedentibus  literis  meis  consulto  omisi.  Partim  quia 
ulcus  fuit,  quidquid  attingerem,  quod  quia  sanare  non  potui, 
fricare  nolebam;  partim  quia  nihil  unquam  minus  placuit, 
quam  nidum  proprium  fcedare.  Quin  et  quia  de  Parliamento 
nihil  volui  nisi  bonum  (quod  non  semper  de  hoc  passa  est 
veritas)  proferre.  Prsecipue  vero  silentii  mei  ratio  hsec  erat. 
Ne  me,  quern  agitatum  undique  et  petitum  norunt  omnes, 
aut  irse  impotentem  existimares,  aut  male  ominantem  patrise 
aut  Ecclesise  audires,  quod  certe  non  deceret,  et  (quod  olim 
Cicero)  mallem  multum  aliense  quam  nostrse.  Sed  quoniam 
vis  aliqua,  hsec  accipe,  quse  a  corde  ssepius  vulnerato  nunc 
stillant. 

Omnem  ego  semper  movi  lapidem,  ne  publice  scopulosas 
illa3  et  perplexse  quaestiones  coram  populo  tractarentur ;  ne 
pietatem  et  charitatem  sub  specie  veri  violaremus.  Moderata 
semper  suasi,  ne  fervida  ingenia,  et  quibus  religio  non  est 
summa3  cura3,  turbarent  omnia.  Nee  forte  hoc  placuit ;  sed 
memini  tamen  quam  serio  suis  Salvator  charitatem  commen- 
davit.  Quam  caute  patienterque  voluit  Apostolus  cum  in- 
firmis  agi.  Si  his  artibus  peream,  factus  inter  litigantes 
victori  (ut  solet)  prseda,  merces  mea  mecum,  nee  extra  me, 
nisi  in  Deo,  solatium  quseram.  Interim  quse  spero  pauciora 

w  [Respicit  librum  Bertii,  cui  titulus,  '  De  Apostasia  Sanctorum.'] 


266 ,  LETTERS. 

sunt,  quse  timeo  multa.  Nee  liabet  Reform ata  Ecclesia  quod 
magis  doleat  caveatve,  quam  gladio  undique  apud  alias  gentes 
petita,  ne  apud  nos  vosque,  ubi  tutius  degit,  propriis  manibus 
lacera,  graviori  scissura,  in  partes  primo,  deinde  paullatim 
dividendo  in  minutias  et  sic  in  nihilum  evanescat.  Aliquid 
aliud  est  quod  videor  mihi  prsevidere.  Sed  orare  melius  est, 
ne  fiat,  quam  prsedicere  faciendum.  Nee  enim  hoc  condi- 
tione  propheta  esse  velim.  Plura  nolo,  ne,  dum  deploranda 
tempora  persequar,  id  dicam,  quod  imprimis  cupio  neminem 
scisse.  De  me  hoc  unuin  te  scire  velim.  Deo  propitio  dabo 
operam,  ut  veritas  et  pax  se  invicem  exosculentur.  Si  prse 
peccatis  nostris  id  nolit  Deus,  sperabo  ipse  quam  primum 
pacem  seternam ;  osculum  vero  dirimentes  Deo,  suo  tempore 
aut  convertendos,  quod  opto,  aut  castigandos  relinquens. 

Jussu  Serenissimi  Regis,  sed  opera  mea  et  Episcopi  Elien- 
sisn,  conciones  viri  apud  nos  doctissimi  et  sanctissimi  Pra3sulis 
nuper  Wintoniensis  °,  plurimse  in  lucem  prodierunt,  sed  quia 
lingua  nostra  vernacula  scriptse,  nolui  ad  te  transmittere. 
Aliud  volumen,  minus  illud  quidem  et  multo,  quia  aliqua 
habet  lingua  nobis  cum  aliis  communi,  nunc  una  cum  his 
literis  ad  te  mitto  P.  Qusedam  continet  quse  volui  te  videre. 
Excusatas  habe  rudiores  has  et  oblongiores  literas ;  otium  non 
fert,  ut  ssepius  te  sic  lassarem.  Valeat  dignitas  tua,  et  in 
omnibus  orationibus  tuis  sis  memor,  prout  necessitates  mese 
postulant, 

Amicissimi  tibi, 

GUIL.  LONDON. 

Julii  14,  1629. 

LETTER  XX. 

TO  JAMES  USSHER,   ARCHBISHOP  OF  ARMAGH. 
[Parr's  Life,  Letter  cxlviii.  pp.  415,  416.] 

MY  VERY  GOOD  LORD, — I  have  received  two  or  three  letters 
from  you  since  I  writ  you  any  answer.  I  hope  your  Grace 
is  not  of  opinion  that  it  is  either  idleness  or  neglect  which 
have  made  me  silent;  for  the  plain  truth  is,  I  fell  into  a 
fierce  burning  fever,  August  the  14th  9,  which  held  me  above 

n  [Joliannis  Buckeridge.]  loti  Andrewes.] 

0  [Lancelot!  Andrewes.]  1  [See  Diary  at  that  date.] 

P  [Opuscula  sell,  posthuma  Lance- 


LETTERS.  267 

three  weeks.  It  was  so  fierce  tliat  my  physicians,  as  well  as 
my  friends,  gave  me  for  dead,  and  it  is  a  piece  of  a  miracle 
that  I  live.  I  have  not  yet  recovered  my  wonted  strength, 
and  God  knows  when  I  shall;  yet,  since  I  was  able  to  go  to 
the  Court,  though  not  to  wait  there,  I  have  done  as  much 
business  as  I  could,  and  I  think  as  your  Grace  hath  desired 
of  me,  for  the  Church  of  Ireland,  as  your  Lordship  will  see 
by  this  brief  account  following. 

And  first,  my  Lord,  I  have  obtained  of  his  Majesty  the 
new  incorporating  of  the  Dean  and  Chapter  of  Derry r,  and 
I  think  the  Dean  is  returned s.  At  the  same  time,  the  King 
was  pleased  to  give  order  for  confirming  the  election  of 
Dr.  Ussher  to  be  Governor  of  the  College  in  Dublin*.  Thirdly, 
upon  the  refusal  of  my  Lord  of  Clougheru,  his  Majesty  gave, 
in  the  time  of  my  sickness,  the  Archbishopric  of  Cassills 
to  the  Bishop  of  Killallyx,  and  the  Bishopric  of  Killally  to 
the  Dean  of  Kaphoy.  And  whereas  your  Grace,  in  the 
close  of  one  of  your  letters,  did  acquaint  me,  that  there  was 
a  fear,  lest  some  cunning  would  be  used  to  beg  or  buy  some 
patronages  out  of  the  King's  hands;  I  moved  his  Majesty 
about  that  likewise,  and  he  made  me  a  gracious  promise  that 
he  would  part  with  none  of  them.  And  now,  my  Lord,  I  give 
your  Lordship  thanks  for  the  catalogue  of  the  Bishoprics  of 
Ireland,  which  I  heartily  desire  your  Grace  to  perfect,  as 
occasion  may  be  offered  you.  And  for  the  last  business  (as  I 
remember),  concerning  the  table  of  Tithing  in  Ulster,  I  have 
carefully  looked  it  over ;  but  by  reason  I  have  no  experience 
of  those  parts,  I  cannot  judge  clearly  of  the  business ;  but 
I  am  taking  the  best  care  I  can  about  it,  and  when  I  have 
done,  I  will  do  my  best  with  his  Majesty  for  confirmation, 
and  I  leave  Mr.  Hygate  to  report  the  particulars  to  your 
Grace.  I  have  observed  that  Kilfanora  is  no  fertile  ground, 
it  is  let  lie  so  long  fallow  z.  Hereupon  I  have  adventured  to 

r     [This    new    incorporation    was          *  [This  confirmation  was  issued  Nov. 

granted  March  3, 1629-30.  The  patent  15.     See  Elrington's  Life  of  Ussher, 

was  surrendered  Dec.  31,  1631,  and  p.  102.] 
a  second  was  granted  on  the  7th  of         u  [James  Spottiswood.] 
March  following.    See  Cotton's  Fasti          *  [Archibald  Hamilton.] 
Hibenici,  vol.  iii.  p.  328.]  7  [Archibald  Adair.] 

8  [Henry   Sutton,   M.  A.     He  was          z  [Kilfenora  had  been  vacant  since 

appointed  by  name  in  the  new  char-  the  translation  of  John  Steere  to  the 

ter.  Ibid.  p.  331.]  see  of  Ardfert  in  1622.] 


268  LETTERS. 

move  his  Majesty,  that  some  one  or  two  good  benefices  lying 
not  too  far  off,  or  any  other  Church  preferment  without  cure, 
so  it  be  not  a  Deanery,  may  be  not  for  this  time  only,  but  for 
ever  annexed  to  that  Bishopric.  The  care  of  managing  that 
business  he  refers  to  your  Grace,  and  such  good  counsel  in 
the  law  as  you  shall  call  to  your  assistance.  And  I  pray 
your  Grace  think  of  it  seriously  and  speedily ;  and  though 
I  doubt  you  will  find  nothing  actually  void  to  annex  unto  it, 
yet  if  that  act  be  but  once  past,  the  hope  of  that  which 
is  annexed  will  make  some  worthy  man  venture  upon  that 
pastoral  charge ;  and  so  soon  as  you  are  resolved  what  to  do, 
I  pray  send  me  word,  that  so  I  may  acquaint  his  Majesty 
with  it,  and  get  power  for  you  to  do  the  work.  These  are  all 
the  particulars  that  for  the  present  I  can  recall  out  of  your 
letters,  sent  unto  me  in  the  time  of  my  sickness.  So  with 
my  hearty  prayers  for  your  health  and  happiness,  and  that 
you  may  never  be  pushed  in  such  a  fire  as  I  have  been,  I 
leave  you  to  the  grace  of  God,  and  rest, 

Your  Grace's  loving  poor  Friend 
and  Brother, 

GUIL.  LONDON. 

London  House,  Dec.  7th,  1629. 


LETTER  XXI. 

TO  THE  AllCHDEACON  OP  LONDON. 
[Prynne's  Cant.  Doom,  pp.  371,  372.] 

SIB, — These  are  to  let  you  understand,  that  his  Majesty, 
out  of  his  royal  and  princely  care  that  the  government  of 
the  Church  may  be  carefully  looked  unto  by  the  Bishops, 
and  others  with  whom  it  is  trusted,  hath  lately  sent  certain 
instructions  to  my  Lord's  Grace  of  Canterbury,  and  of  York, 
to  be  by  them  dispersed  to  the  several  Bishops  of  each 
diocese  within  their  provinces ;  to  the  intent,  that  whatso 
ever  concerns  any  Bishop  personally,  or  otherwise,  in  refe 
rence  to  those  of  the  clergy  they  are  to  govern,  may  be  by 
every  of  them  readily  and  carefully  performed.  The  instruc- 


LETTERS.  269 

tions  which  concern  the  persons  to  be  governed,  are  only,  the 
third,  for  keeping  the  King's  Declaration,  that  so  differences 
and  questions  may  cease;  and  the  fifth,  about  lecturers; 
and  the  seventh,  concerning  private  chaplains  in  other  houses 
of  men  not  qualified ;  and  the  eighth,  about  either  recusants, 
or  any  other  that  absent  themselves  from  church  and  Divine 
service a.  All  the  rest  are  personal  to  the  Bishops;  yet  be 
cause  they  are  so  full  of  justice,  honour,  and  care  of  the 
Church,  I  send  to  you  the  whole  body  of  the  Instructions,  as 
they  came  to  me,  praying  and  requiring  you,  as  Archdeacon 
of  London,  to  send  me,  at  or  before  the  Wednesday,  the 
third  day  of  February  next,  both  the  Christian  and  surnames 
of  every  lecturer  within  your  Archdeaconry,  as  well  in  places 
exempt  as  not  exempt,  and  the  place  where  he  preacheth, 
and  his  quality  and  degree.  As  also  the  names  of  such  men 
as,  being  not  qualified,  keep  chaplains  in  their  houses.  And 
these  are  further  to  pray,  and,  in  his  Majesty's  name,  to 
require  you,  that  you  leave  with  the  parson  and  vicar  of  the 
place,  a  copy,  not  of  all,  but  of  the  four  Instructions  men 
tioned,  with  the  four  several  branches  belonging  to  the 
lecturers,  with  a  charge,  that  the  parson  or  vicar  deliver 
another  copy  of  them  to  the  churchwardens ;  and  that  you 
do  not  only  call  upon  them  for  performance  now  presently, 
but  also  take  a  great  care  from  time  to  time,  that  at  the  end 
of  your  next  visitation,  and  so  forward  at  the  end  of  every 
several  visitation,  I  may,  by  yourself  or  your  officials,  have 
true  notice  how  they  are  performed,  and  where,  and  by 
whom,  they  are  disobeyed.  For  so  much  my  Lord's  Grace 
of  Canterbury  requires  of  me,  as  you  shall  see  by  the  tenor 
of  his  Grace's  letters  to  me  here  inclosed.  I  pray  you,  in 
any  case,  not  to  fail  in  this ;  for  if  you  should,  when  I  come 
to  give  up  my  account,  I  must  discharge  myself  upon  you ; 
and  that  neglect  would  make  me  to  go  backward  in  his 
Majesty's  favour,  besides  whatsoever  else  may  follow.  Thus 
not  doubting  of  your  fidelity  in  this  behalf,  I  leave  you  to 
the  grace  of  God ;  and  shall  so  rest 

Your  very  loving  Friend, 

WILL.  LONDON. 

Jan.  4,  1629. 

•  [The  Injunctions  referred  to  are  given  by  Prynne,  Cant.  Doom,  p.  370.] 


270  LETTERS. 

LETTER  XXII. 

TO  JAMES  TJSSHER,   ARCHBISHOP  OF  ARMAGH. 
[Parr's  Life,  Letter  cliv.  pp.  426,  427.] 

MY  VERY  GOOD  LORD, — I  thank  your  Grace  heartily  for 
your  letters,  especially  for  the  preface  of  this  your  last.  It  is 
true,  my  Lord,  God  hath  restored  me,  even  from  death  itself, 
for  I  think  no  man  was  further  gone,  and  scaped.  And  your 
Grace  doth,  very  Christian-like,  put  me  in  mind,  that  God 
having  renewed  my  lease,  I  should  pay  him  an  income  of 
some  service  to  his  Church;  which  I  hope,  in  the  strength 
of  His  grace,  I  shall  ever  be  willing  and  sometime  able  to 
perform.  I  have  not  yet  recovered  the  great  weakness  into 
which  my  sickness  cast  me ;  but  I  hope,  when  the  spring  is 
come  forward,  my  strength  will  increase,  and  enable  me  to 
service. 

In  the  meantime,  my  Lord,  as  weak  as  I  have  been,  I  have 
begun  to  pay  my  fine;  but  what  the  sum  comes  to,  God 
knows,  is  very  little.  Your  table  of  the  Tithes  of  Ulster,  and 
the  business  concerning  the  impropriations,  are  both  past; 
and  concerning  both,  I  leave  myself  to  Mr.  Hygate's  report. 

As  touching  the  Deanery  of  Armagh,  I  am  glad  to  hear 
that  any  place  of  preferment  in  that  kingdom  hath  so  good 
means  of  subsistence  without  tithes.  But  I  must  needs 
acquaint  your  Grace,  that  neither  my  Lord  of  Winchester b, 
that  now  is,  nor  Dr.  Lindsell c,  did  ever  acquaint  me  with 
your  Grace's  purpose  of  drawing  Johannes  Gerardus  Vossius 
into  those  parts ;  had  I  known  it  in  time,  the  business  might 
have  been  easier  than  now  it  will  be. 

For  first,  upon  an  attempt  made,  by  the  Lord  Brook  d,  to 
bring  Vossius  into  England  to  be  a  reader  in  Cambridge,  the 
States  allowed  him  better  maintenance,  and  were  unwilling 
to  have  him  come ;  and  himself  was  not  very  willing,  in 
regard  of  his  wife  and  many  children,  being  loth  to  bring 
them  from  all  their  kindred  and  friends  into  a  strange  place. 
And  if  he  were  unwilling,  upon  these  grounds,  to  come  into 
England,  I  doubt  whether  he  will  venture  to  Ireland  or  no. 

b  [Richard  Neile,  translated  to  Peterborough,  afterwards  Bishop  of 
York,  Oct.  1632.]  .  Peterborough  and  Hereford.] 

c    [Augustine    Lindsell,    Dean    of        d  [Robert  Greville,  see  vol.  iii.  p.  241.] 


LETTERS.  271 

But,  secondly,  my  Lord ;  since  this,  my  Lord  Duke  in  his 
lifetime  procured  him  of  his  Majesty  the  reversion  of  a 
Prebend  in  Canterbury,  which  is  since  fallen e ;  and  Vossius 
came  over  into  England  in  the  time  of  my  infirmity,  and  was 
installed,  and  I  was  glad  I  had  the  happiness  to  see  him. 
After  he  had  seen  both  the  Universities,  he  returned  home 
again ;  and,  within  these  two  days,  I  received  a  letter  from 
him  of  the  safety  of  his  return  thither f.  The  Church  of  Can 
terbury,  notwithstanding  his  absence,  allow  him  an  hundred 
pounds  a  year,  as  they  formerly  did  to  Mr.  Casaubon  &. 
Now,  I  think,  the  Prebend  of  Canterbury  (would  he  have 
been  Priest,  and  resided  upon  it)  would  have  been  as  much 
to  him  as  the  Deanery  of  Armagh.  But,  howsoever,  my 
Lord  the  King  having  given  him  that  preferment  already, 
will  hardly  be  brought  to  give  him  another,  especially  con 
sidering  what  I  could  write  unto  you,  were  it  fit.  Never 
theless,  out  of  my  love  to  the  work  you  mention,  if  you  can 
prevail  with  Vossius  to  be  willing,  and  that  it  may  appear 
the  Deanery  of  Armagh  will  be  of  sufficient  means  for  him 
and  his  numerous  family,  if  your  Grace  then  certify  me  of 
it,  I  will  venture  to  speak,  and  do  such  offices  as  shall  be  fit. 

And  now,  my  Lord,  for  your  own  business.  Mr.  Archibald 
Hamilton,  who,  it  seems,  by  your  Grace's  letters,  is  your 
agent  here,  hath  not  as  yet  been  with  me ;  but,  whensoever 
he  shall  come,  he  shall  be  very  welcome ;  and  I  hope  your 
Grace  knows,  I  will  be  very  ready  to  do  that  Church  and 
you  the  best  service  I  can.  As  I  had  written  thus  far, 
Mr.  Hamilton  came  to  me;  so  that  now  I  shall  inform 
myself,  as  well  as  I  can,  of  your  Lordship's  business,  which, 
he  tells  me,  is  perplexed  by  some  to  whom  it  was  formerly 
referred.  His  Majesty  is  now  going  to  Newmarket,  so  that 
till  his  return,  little  or  nothing  can  be  done ;  but  so  soon  as 
he  comes  back,  I  will  not  be  wanting  to  that  part  which  shall 
be  laid  upon  me. 

I  formerly  writ  to  your  Grace  about  divers  businesses, 
and  I  have  received  your  answer  to  the  most  of  them, 

e  [This  was  the  eleventh  Stall.    On  Prebendary  of  Canterbury,  Feb.  1611.  ' 

the  Duke's  promise  to  Vossius,  see  Several  letters  addressed  to  him  by 

above,  p.  257.]  Benjamin  Carrier,  respecting  the  value 

f  [This  letter  does   not  appear  to  of  his  Prebend,  are    printed   in   the 

have  been  preserved.]  notes  to  Casaubon's  Ephemerides,  pp. 

s  [Isaac   Casaubon    was  admitted^  1183  seq.]  'I 


272  LETTERS. 

only  to  one  particular  you  have  answered  nothing,  which 
makes  me  think  that  letter  scarce  came  safe  to  your  hands. 
It  is  about  the  Bishopric  of  Kilfanora,  which  is  so  poor  in 
itself,  that  no  man  asks  it  of  the  King ;  and  his  Majesty 
is  graciously  pleased  that  your  Lordship  would  think  of 
some  good  parsonage,  or  vicarage,  or  donative,  that  might 
for  ever  be  annexed  unto  it.  And  though  nothing  be  now 
perchance  actually  void  to  fit  this  purpose,  yet  I  conceive  the 
annexation  may  be  presently  made,  though  the  profit  arising 
from  the  thing  come  not  to  the  Bishop  till  it  become  void. 
I  pray  your  Grace  take  as  much  care  of  this  as  possibly  you 
can,  and  let  me  hear  from  you  what  may  be  done. 

This  letter,  my  Lord,  is  a  great  deal  too  long ;  but  so  many 
occasions  would  not  suffer  it  to  be  shorter.     I  wish  you  all 
health,  and  so  leave  you  to  the  grace  of  God,  ever  resting 
Your  Grace's  loving  poor  Friend  and  Brother, 

GUIL.  LONDON. 

Lond.  House,  Feb.  23, 1629. 


LETTER  XXIII. 

TO  JAMES  USSHER,   ARCHBISHOP   OF  ARMAGH. 

[Parr's  Life,  Letter  clxvi.  pp.  448,  449.] 

Salutem  in  Christo. 

MY  VERY  GOOD  LORD, — I  hope  your  Grace  will  pardon  me, 
that  in  all  this  time  I  have  not  written  unto  you.  For 
though,  I  thank  God,  I  have  recovered  my  health,  in  a 
measure,  beyond  expectation,  yet  I  have  been  so  overlaid 
with  business,  that  I  have  not  been  able  to  give  you  any 
account,  or,  at  least,  not  such  as  I  desired. 

Your  Lordship's  first  letters  (for  I  owe  you  an  answer  to 
two)  bear  date  April  the  5th,  and  your  later,  June  the  4th,  1630. 
The  main  of  both,  letters  is  concerning  Sir  John  Bathe.  And 
though,  in  your  last  letters,  you  be  confident  that  Sir  John's 
grant  is  not  passed  the  Seals,  as  he  hath  avouched  it  is,  yet 
I  must  acquaint  your  Grace  that  you  are  mistaken  ^therein ; 
for  it  appeared,  at  the  last  sitting  of  the  Committee,  that  the 
Seal  was  put  to  his  grant  at  the  beginning  of  April  last h.  Of 

b  [This  was  a  grant  of  some  Impro-  See  Elrington's  Life  of  Ussher,  pp.  Ill, 
priations  belonging  to  the  Crown.  112.] 


LETTERS,  273 

which  doctrine  you  may  make  this  use:  what  close  con 
veyance  and  carriage  there  may  be,  when  the  Church  is  to 
be  spoiled.  I  understand,  by  Mr.  Hamilton,  that  the  Lord 
Chancellor  of  Ireland  is  in  Holy  Orders;  and  that  being 
Deacon,  he  holds  an  Archdeaconry  yet  of  good  value1. 
Surely,  my  Lord,  if  this  be  so,  there  is  somewhat  in  it  that 
I  will  not  express  by  letter;  but  were  I  his  superior  in 
ordinary,  I  know  what  I  would  do,  and  that  I  have  plainly 
expressed,  both  to  his  Majesty  and  the  Lords  Committees. 

But,  my  Lord,  for  the  business,  I  have  stuck  so  close  unto 
it,  both  with  his  Majesty  and  with  the  Lords,  especially  the 
Lord  Treasurer  J,  who  hath  been,  and  is  very  noble  to  the 
Church,  that  I  hope  Sir  John  Bathe  will  see  his  error,  and 
pitch  upon  some  other  reward  for  his  services,  and  surrender 
this  patent,  though  sealed,  that  we  may  go  on  with  the 
King's  royal  and  pious  grant  to  the  Church. 

Things  being  thus  far  onward  once  more,  there  are  two 
things  which  stick  with  the  Lords  k. 

1.  One  is,   they  like  not  the  placing  of  these  impropri- 
ations  upon  any  incorporations,  Dublin,  or  other.     To  this 
I  answered,  that  neither  did  I  like  it,  and  that  it  must  be 
altered,  because  it  is  against  law.     So  it  is  resolved  that  we 
shall  hereafter  take,  not  only  that,  but  all  other  material 
passages  of  the  grant  into    consideration ;    and,   therefore, 
I  think,  neither  your  old,  nor  your  new  letter  will  stand. 
Some  thought  it  fittest,  that  these  impropriations  should  be 
left  for  the  King  to  give.     To  this  I  replied,  that  this  course 
would,  by  the  suit  of  the  clergy,  and  their  journeys  over, 
take  off  a  great  part  of  the  benefit  intended  them.     And  to 
leave  them  in  the  power  of  the  Lord  Deputy,  that  might  be 
but  to  enrich  his  secretaries,  and  expose  the  Church  to  that 
which  I  will  not  speak. 

2.  The  other  difficulty  is,  that  this  grant  to  the  Church  is 
too  much  against  the  King's  profit  in  these  difficult  times, 
because  in  the  lay- way  the  King's  rent  may  be  improved ; 
which  according  to  this  grant  cannot  be.    This  blow  I  looked 

1  [Mam  Vise.  Loftus.     He  was  ap-  J  [Richard.  Lord  Weston,  afterwards 

pointed  Archdeacon  of  Glendalough  Earl  of  Portland.] 

by  his  uncle,  then  Archbishop  of  Dub-  k  [A  grant  of  Impropriations  had 

lin.     Elrington    (Life   of  Ussher,    p.  been  made  in  the  previous  year.     See 

114,)  states  that  he  was  only  a  layman.]  Collier,  Eccl.  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  749.] 

LAUD.— VOL.  vi.  T 


274  LETTERS. 

not  for;  but  answered  upon  the  sudden,  that  I  thought  the 
Church  of  Ireland  would  be  glad  to  take  the  King's  grant, 
though  it  were  with  some  improvement  upon  such  impro- 
priations  as  might  well  bear  it.  This  I  did,  partly  to  bear 
off  the  shock  for  the  time,  and  partly  to  gain  opportunity  to 
write  to  you,  who  understand  that  business  better.  And 
I  pray  you,  by  your  next  letters,  give  me  all  the  help  you  can 
towards  this  business. 

One  thing  more,  and  then  I  have  done  with  Sir  John 
Bathe.  Upon  occasion  of  his  speech,  That  the  Clergy  had  a 
third  part  of  that  kingdom,  I  represented  to  the  Lords  the 
paper  which  you  sent  me  concerning  the  state  of  the  county 
of  Louth.  It  was  a  miserable  spectacle  to  them  all ;  yet, 
at  the  last,  some  doubt  arose,  whether  those  values  there 
expressed,  were  the  rate  in  the  King's  books,  or  the  uttermost 
value  to  the  incumbent.  To  this  I  was  not  able  to  make  a 
resolute  answer,  yet  I  feared  they  were  rates  to  the  utmost 
value.  Hereupon,  the  Lords  required  of  me  to  write  unto 
you,  to  desire  you  to  send  me  word,  with  all  the  speed  you 
can,  what  value  that  rate  of  yours  contained;  of  which  I  pray 
fail  not. 

Your  Grace  is  pleased,  in  another  passage,  to  desire  me  not 
to  be  too  strict  to  my  rule,  in  choosing  Deans  only  to  be 
Bishops.  My  Lord,  it  is  true,  Deans  are,  or  should  be,  the 
likeliest  men  to  be  fitted  for  bishoprics;  but  they,  and  no 
other,  was  never  any  rule  of  mine  to  my  remembrance.  My 
rule  was,  and  is,  and  to  that  I  shall  ever  be  strict,  not  to 
suffer  any  Bishop  to  hold  any  deanery  in  commendam,  if  it 
lie  in  my  power  to  hinder  it. 

For  that  which  concerns  the  Bishop  of  Clonfert  and  Kil- 
macduagh },  I  have  read  the  enclosed  papers  you  sent,  and 
see  cause  more  than  enough  to  pity ;  but  the  way  for  remedy 
will  be  full  of  difficulty.  And  for  Kilfanora,  there  will  be 
time  enough  to  think  upon  annexation.  For  the  College  and 
their  chauntry  lands,  &c.,  when  they  come  for  their  patent, 
they  shall  not  need  to  doubt  all  the  lawful  assistance  that 
I  can  give  them. 

And  now,  my  Lord,  (for  as  my  business  stands,  'tis  time  to 
make  an  end,)  I  must  needs  thank  you  that  you  make  it  a 
1  [Robert  Dawson.] 


LETTERS.  275 

matter  of  joy  to  hear  of  my  late  honour  in  being  chosen 
Chancellor  of  Oxford.  My  Lord,  I  speak  really,  it  was 
beyond  my  deserts,  and  contrary  to  my  desires ;  but,  since  it 
hath  pleased  God,  by  their  love,  to  lay  it  upon  me,  I  must 
undergo  the  burden  as  I  may.  My  honourable  predecessor 
enriched  his  name  by  the  Greek  manuscripts  he  gave  m ;  and 
it  gives  me  much  content  that  I  was  the  means  of  it.  And 
now  for  the  bargain  which  you  mention  of  ancient  coins,  to 
the  number  of  5,500;  I  cannot  upon  the  sudden  say  any 
thing;  for  my  own  purse  is  too  shallow,  and  my  Lords,  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham,  and  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  are  dead. 
You  say  they  are  a  great  bargain  at  600/. ;  I  pray  therefore, 
if  you  have  so  much  interest  in  the  seller,  send  me  word,  as 
soon  as  you  can,  how  many  ounces  the  gold  coin  comes  unto, 
and  how  many  the  silver,  and  then  I  shall  be  able  to  judge 
of  the  copper;  and  then,  upon  my  return  to  those  your 
letters,  I  will  give  you  answer,  whether  I  can  find  any  noble 
spirit  that  will  deal  for  them  or  no  n. 

You  may  judge  by  these  letters,  I  am  not  in  haste.  But 
indeed  I  am ;  and  yet  in  the  fulness  of  my  business,  more 
troubled  a  great  deal,  that  I  cannot  remedy  what  I  see  amiss, 
than  at  any  disproportion  between  the  weakness  of  my 
shoulder  and  the  weight  of  my  load.  Let  me  have  your 
prayers,  and  in  them,  and  God's  grace,  I  shall  rest 

Your  Grace's  very  loving  Friend 
and  Brother, 

GUIL.  LONDON. 

Fulham  House,  July  5,  1630. 


LETTER  XXIV. 

TO  G.  J.  VOSSIUS. 
[Apud  Claror.  Viror.  ad  Yossium  Epistt.,  Epist.  cxv.  pp.  74,  75  °.] 

Salutem  in  Christo. 

Literse  tuse  tres  numero,  Vir  Clarissime,  manus  meas 
utrasque  implevere,  a  quo  te  vel  coram,  vel  per  literas  salutavi. 

m  [The  Baroccian  MSS.l  pp.  136,  225.] 

n  [Laud  presented  a  large  number  °  [Exstat  etiam,  magna  vero  sui 
of  coins  to  the  University,  probably  parte  mutila,  apud  Freest,  ac  Eritdit. 
obtained  from  this  source.  See  Hist.  Viror.  Epistt.,  Epist.  cccclxxiii.  p, 
of  Chancellorship,  Works,  vol.  v.  742.] 

T   2 


276  LETTERS. 

Et  pudet,  et  doleo.  Amor  tameii  tuus,  quo  me  frui  gestio, 
facile  liuic  tarditati  veniam  dabit,  prsesertim  quum  res  mese  tibi 
innotuerint.  Literse  enim  tuse  novissimse  datse  sunt  14  Feb. 
1630,  quo  tempore  ego  minus  firma  valetudine  responsum 
nee  illis,  nee  prioribus  potui  aptare.  Nam  post  diseessum 
tuum,  Festo  Nativitatis  Domini  nostri  instante,  etsi  relapsus 
in  febrem  non  contigit,  iiescio  quomodo  tamen  turbata  natura 
me  iterum  periclitantem  vidit?.  Et  quid  per  haec  potuit 
(cum  Hilario  loquor)  limosi  corporis  gravis  anima  ? 

Festo  Paschatis  sequente  (quod,  ut  nosti,  incidebat  hoc 
anno  in  28  Martii)  confirmatior  accedentem  et  ascendentem 
solem  aspexi,  et  me  paulatim  negotiis  et  Aulse  et  Ecclesise 
immiscui.  Fretus  tamen  multo  magis  Deo  et  tempore  anni, 
quam  propriis  viribus.  Exinde  festo  finito,  Deo  sic  dispo- 
nente,  negotia  undique  me  obruebant.  Certe  primo  non  sine 
metu  mei,  et  meorum,  sed  postea  sub  mole  ilia,  qua  vix  major 
mini  unquam  incubuit  *,  crevere  vires,  et,  misericordiam 
ampliante  Deo,  pristinam  adeptus  sum  valetudinem.  Semper 
tameii  excipio  tendonem  fractum. 

Hodie  primum  exui  paululum  negotia.  Et  hoc  justitio 
dum  fruor,  te  imprimis  salutare  cura  fuit.  Salvus  itaque  sis, 
mihi  charissime,  et  a  leevo  recipias,  quicquid  adhuc  amplius 
te,  et  studia,  et  familiam  tuam,  beare  possit. 

Ad  literas  quod  attinet.  Primse  diseessum  tuum  tantum 
repetunt,  et  quarn  charus  fuisti  confratribus  tuis  Cantuarien- 
sibus.  Gratias  ego  egi  nonnullis  eorum,  quos  vidisse  contigit, 
et  nomine  tuo.  Sic  illic  omnia  certa,  et,  spero,  tibi  grata 
sunt.  Filius  tuus  Johannes  dum  redit  Londinum,  non  multos 
post  dies  me  invisebat.  Claudicabat,  sed  paululum,  et  turn 
quoque  magna  spes  claudicationem  illam  non  fore  diuturnam. 
Ab  illo  tempore  eum  non  vidi,  studiis  spero  intentum.  At 
ubi  loci  nunc  sit,  non  dubito  quin  ipse  te  certiorem  fecerit,  et 
quam  graviter  Cantabrigia  peste  laborat r.  Morbus  ille  a 
yobis,  militibus  quibusdam  redeuntibus,  transmissus. 

Literse  tuae  quse  his  succedebaut,  felices  nuncise  fuerunt 
salvi  et  sospitis  reditus  tui  in  patriam8.  Gaudio  id  certe 
magno  mihi  cessit,  utpote  cui  sanitas  tua,  et  vita  in  longum 

P  [Vide  Diarium,  ad  Aug.  14,  Sept.  r  [Vide  Diarium  ad  Aug.  24, 1G30.J 

7,  Oct.  20,  26,  Mar.  21,  1629.]  s  [Vide  G.  J.  Vossii  Epist.  cxx.  pp. 

i  [Quum  admissus  fuerit  in  Cancel-  157,  158.] 
lariatum  Univ.  Oxon.] 


LETTERS.  277 

protracta  in  usum  Ecclesise,  in  primis  votis  sit.  Facile  credo 
fuisse  non  paucos,  qui  tibi  reditum  gratularentur,  quam 
dispari  ariimo  ipsi  viderint.  Sat  scio  quales  inter  vos  amicos 
habeant,  qui  Potestatis  Regise,  et  veteris  Ecclesise  cultores 
quoquomodo  existunt.  Si  cordatioribus  exemisti  scrupulum, 
illud  perbene  ;  qui  tribunum  olent,  ad  populum  refero ; 
curet  scilicet,  qui  vult.  Me  non  nominant  literse  illse,  sed 
satis  intelligo,  et  multum  rideo  insaniam. 

Promittis  hie  Institutiones  Oratorias.  Et  eas  jam  accepi 
per  manus  doctissimi  tui  Junii*.  Ille  mihi  ante  charus, 
charior  nunc  nomine  tuo.  Pollicitus  est  ille  se  nna  cum 
gratiis  ob  libros  illos  doctissimos  et  tuos,  me  excusatum  Labi- 
turum  apud  te,  quod  turn  literas  non  dedissem.  Nunc  ego 
iterum  Baronium  inculco.  Nosti  quid  velim.  Et  est  quocl 
vel  maxime  usui  sit  Ecclesise.  Inducise  vestrse  cum  Hispano 
precor  aut  non  sint,  aut  sint  cum  bono  et  vestro  et  Ecclesise. 
Nee  imprudeiiter  cavent  meo  judicio,  qui  exinde  domestica 
dissidia  magis  timent ;  prsecipue  prout  Religio  hodie  apud  vos. 
De  Scioppio  vestro11,  et  reliquis  Reformatse  Religionis  pro- 
pudiis,  quid  dicam  iiescio,  gaudeo  tamen  Amstelodamenses, 
ubi  libertatis  nescio  quid  asylum,  in  maledicum  tarn  severos 
exstitisse. 

Novissimse  literse  tuse  nil  aliud  fere  spirant,  quam  liono- 
rem  Higgii  nostriv.  Certe  multum  tibi  debet  Oxoniensis 
Academia  nomine  ejus,  nee  minimum  ego,  qui  Higgium 
ilium  virum  moderatum  seque  ac  doctum  semper  quibus  potui 
modis  promovebam.  Non  opus  est  ut  scribam;  ille,  scio, 
narrabit  quanto  amore,  maximo  illo  certe,  si  prudenti,  si 
fausto  bene  est,  me  Oxonienses,  nunc  alio  nomine  mei, 
prosecuti  sunt,  et  me  Cancellarium,  indignum  simul  et 
nolentem  elegerunt.  Inter  eligentes  Higgius.  Eum  sine 
literis  remittere  ad  vos  me  graviter  pupugit,  sed  turn  vix 
respirare  datum.  Gratias  tamen  ago,  et  tibi,  et  filio  Fran 
cisco,  ob  honoratum  Higgium. 

Quod   reliquum   est   scias   velim,    etsi   tempestates,    quse 

*  [Franciscus  Junius,  cujus  sororem  v  [Griffinus  Higgs,  e  Coll.  Merton., 

Vossius  in  matrimonium  duxerat.  Elizabethae  Kegiuae  Boiem.  a  sacellis 

De  eo  plura  videas  apud  Wood,  Ath.  gradu  Doctoris  in  S.  Theol.  in  A  cad. 

Ox.  iii.  1139.]  Leidensi  nuperrime  est  insignitus  : 

u  [Gaspar  Scioppius,  in  castra  Ro-  Decanatum  Lichfieldensem^^  postea 

manensium  transfuga,  erga  Reforma-  adeptus  est.  (Wood,  Ath.  Ox.  iii.  481.)] 
tos  maledicentissimus.] 


278  LETTERS. 

sseculo  hoc  cxagitant  Ecclesiam,  sedando  non  sim,  nolle 
tamen  me,  Deo  favente,  aut  causse  aut  officio  deesse.  Interim 
cuivis  fere  obvium  est,  quam  periculose  jactantur  RespublicaB, 
fluctuante  Ecclesia.  Ad  filium  tunm  Johannem  quod  spectat, 
quum  proxime  videro  (brevi  id  spero  futurum,  Deus  si  pro 
misericordia  sanarit  Cantabrigiam)  eifectum  dabo  quod  postu- 
las.  Tu  modo  ut  mei  quotidianis  in  precibus"  memor  sis 
obnixe  rogo,  ut  in  nomine  Christi ;  ne,  dum  moliuntur  inimici, 
solus  sim.  Vivas  interim  opto,  valeasque,  ego  ut  sim 

Virtutum  tuarum  cultor,  sicut 

Sum  et  tui  amantissimus, 

GUIL.  LONDIN. 
Julii  21,  1630. 


LETTER  XXV. 

TO  DR.   ROBERT  PINKE,   WARDEN   OP  NEW  COLLEGE. 

[Lambeth  MSS.  Numb,  dccccxliii.  p.  141.] 

Salutem  in  Christ  o. 

WORTHY  SIR, — I  heard,  when  I  was  at  Court  at  Windsor, 
that  my  worthy  friend,  Mr.  Warden  of  Winchester  w,  was  ill, 
and  in  some  danger,  which  I  was,  and  am,  very  sorry  for. 
Since  my  return  to  Fulham,  I  hear  the  same  confirmed,  and 
it  seems  his  danger  increases.  Though  I  know  not  the 
particulars  of  your  local  Statutes,  yet  I  know  the  preferment 
must  fall  upon  a  New  College  man,  and  that  the  election 
is  with  you. 

I  know  you  understand  that  the  schoolmaster  of  Win 
chester,  Mr.  Stanley x,  is  my  Chaplain,  and  he  was  (being 
otherwise  a  stranger)  commended  unto  me  by  very  near 
friends  of  mine.  A  good  able  scholar  he  is,  and  gave  his 
Majesty  good  contentment  lately  when  he  preached  before 
him.  Now  I  am  informed,  that  for  three  elections  succes 
sively  the  schoolmasters  of  Winchester  have  been  chosen 
Wardens,  and  I  should  be  very  glad  if  he  might  be  the 

w  [Dr.  Nicholas  Love.]  the  first  sermon  in   that    cathedral 

x  [Edward  Stanley,  afterwards  Fre-      after  the  Restoration.     (Wood,  Ath. 
bendary  of  Winchester.     He  preached      Ox.  iii.  590.)] 


LETTERS.  279 

fourth,  if  this  place  fall  void,  which  is  at  this  time  my  suit 
unto  you.  I  am  induced  the  rather,  because  I  can  assume 
for  Mr.  Stanley,  if  he  be  chosen,  that  he  shall  be  a  very 
respective  and  true  brother  Warden  to  you ;  and  besides,  as 
I  conceive,  the  choice  of  him  will  be  more  advantage  to  your 
College  than  the  choice  of  any  other,  because  by  his  choice 
the  schoolmaster's  place  will  be  a  present  and  a  rich  prefer 
ment  for  another  Fellow,  which  I  doubt  not  but  you  will  so 
order  that  a  friend  of  your  own  may  have. 

I  hope  you  will  not  think  it  amiss  that  I  write  thus  unto 
you,  because  it  is  for  a  Chaplain  of  mine  own,  and  a  Chaplain 
that  so  stands  out  of  my  way,  that,  where  he  lives,  I  have  not 
anything  to  bestow  upon  him ;  and  I  know  not  any  circum 
stance  which  should  make  him  unfit  for  this  your  favour. 
I  told  you  I  was  ignorant  of  the  particulars  of  your  Statutes, 
and  so  I  am,  and,  therefore,  if  this  suit  of  mine  be  cross  to 
them  in  any  considerable  thing,  I  shall  fairly  submit  it  to 
your  wisdom.  For  I  shall  ever  consider  that  God  hath  dis 
posed  of  me  to  the  place  I  bear,  to  keep  and  preserve  the 
liberties  of  statutes  and  elections  according  to  oath,  and  not 
to  put  any  stress  upon  them,  but  rather  to  stand  as  a  bar  and 
a  hindrance  to  any  power,  when  it  is  attempted  by  others. 

I  hope,  my  Lord,  your  Visitor?  will  not  write  to  prejudice 
this  request  of  mine,  but  being  absent,  if  he  be  over  entreated, 
I  shall  in  this  take  it  upon  me  to  give  him  satisfaction.  Thus 
wishing  you  all  health  and  happiness,  and  desirous  to  be 
beholding  to  you  in  this,  I  leave  you  to  the  grace  of  God, 
and  rest 

Your  very  loving  Friend, 

GUIL.  LONDON. 

Fulham  House, 
Septemb.  10th,  1630. 

To   the  right  worshipfull    my   very 

worthy  friend   Dr.  Pinke,  Warden 

of  New  College,  Oxon.  these. 
Endorsed:    Septemb.   10,  1630.     My 

first  letters  to  the  Warden  of  New 

College  about  Mr.  Stanley. 


[The  Bishop  of  Winchester.    llichard  Ncile  was  now  Bishop.] 


280  LETTERS. 

LETTER  XXYI. 

FROM   WILLIAM  BEDELL,   BISHOP   OF  KILMORE,   ETC. 
[Tanner  MSS.  vol.  cclxxviii.  p.  99.] 

RIGHT  REV.  FATHER,  MY  HONOURABLE  GOOD  LORD, — "With 
my  humble  service  remembered.  Since  my  last  to  your  Lord 
ship  of  the  1st  of  April,  I  have  set  on  foot  my  suit  at  the 
Council-board,  for  the  rights  of  my  bishoprics,  founding  it 
on  that  beneficial  clause  of  his  Majesty's  gracious  letters, 
wherein  he  was  pleased  to  give  order,  that  if  I  found  myself 
wronged  by  any  unlawful  act  of  my  predecessors,  either  in 
the  profits  or  jurisdictions  of  my  bishoprics,  I  might  be 
relieved  there.  I  propounded  first  my  jurisdiction,  impaired 
by  my  predecessor's  appointing  me  a  Chancellor;  wherein, 
before  I  relate  my  success,  I  shall  declare  to  your  Lordship 
the  grounds  and  manner  of  my  proceeding,  whereby  I  shall 
writh  one  labour  endeavour  to  satisfy  some  part  of  your 
expectation  from  me,  viz.  certify  you  of  such  occurrents  as 
concern  the  Church  of  Ireland,  and  free  myself  from  the 
false  imputations  of  slanderous  tongues,  which  there,  perhaps, 
as  well  as  here,  have,  or  shall  misreport  my  proceedings. 

My  Lord,  I  do  thus  account,  that  amongst  all  the  impe 
diments  to  the  work  of  God  amongst  us,  there  is  not  any 
greater  than  the  abuse  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.  This 
is  the  opinion  of  the  most  godly,  judicious,  and  learned  men 
that  I  have  known.  And  the  demonstration  thereof  is  plain. 
The  people  pierce  not  into  the  inward  and  true  reasons  of 
things ;  they  are  sensible  in  the  purse.  And  that  religion 
that  makes  men  that  profess  it,  and  shows  them  to  be 
despisers  of  the  world,  and  so  far  from  encroaching  upon 
others  in  matter  of  base  gain  as  rather  to  part  with  their 
own,  they  magnify.  This  bred  the  admiration  of  the  primi 
tive  Christians;  contrary  causes  must  needs  bring  forth 
contrary  effects.  Wherefore,  let  us  preach  never  so  painfully, 
and  live  never  so  piously  ourselves,  so  long  as  the  officers  in 
our  courts  do  prey  upon  the  people,  they  account  us  no 
better  than  publicans.  And  so  much  the  more  deservedly, 
because  we  are  called  spiritual  men  and  reformed  Christians. 
In  this  kind  there  hath  been  (they  say)  wonderful  abuse  in 


LETTERS.  281 

this  kingdom,  While  I  was  in  Dublin,  before  my  consecra 
tion,  I  understood  by  many  principal  men,  both  of  my  diocese 
and  others,  that  of  all  those  that  have  exercised  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction  in  this  land  these  late  years,  the  most  noted  man 
and  most  cried  out  upon,  was  one  Mr.  Alan  Cook,  Chan 
cellor  to  my  predecessor;  insomuch  as  he  had  been  ques 
tioned  in  the  Star- Chamber,  and  rather  by  error  in  proceeding 
for  the  manner,  or  some  other  cause  than  want  of  matter, 
escaped  the  trial.  Among  the  Irish  he  hath  gotten  the 
nickname  of  Pouke;  and,  indeed,  they  fear  him  like  the 
fiend  of  hell.  To  his  austerity  the  abandoning  of  the  country 
by  above  a  thousand  of  the  inhabitants  the  last  year  was 
more  imputed  than  to  the  hardness  of  the  times.  And  a 
principal  man  of  his  Majesty's  Council  said  it  within  these 
two  months  to  me,  that  he  had  been  more  burdensome  to 
that  part  of  the  country  than  the  contribution  to  the  soldiers. 
This  man,  as  was  told  me  by  others,  had  a  commission  to  be 
my  Chancellor.  Himself  would  not  so  much  as  show  it  me, 
or  desire  that,  with  my  good  leave,  he  might  hold  it ;  which, 
although  it  seemed  to  me  somewhat  uncivil,  yet  I  was  not 
willing  to  break  with  him,  or  infringe  the  acts  of  my  pre 
decessor,  till,  by  the  daily  complaint  of  my  neighbours,  and 
some  of  my  tenants,  and  of  the  clergy,  I  was  enforced  to 
demand  the  sight  of  his  patent.  I  found  a  vast  heap  of 
authority  conferred  upon  him  without  due  form,  Latin,  or 
common  sense.  One  period  before  the  Habendum  consist 
ing  of  above  540  words,  and  yet  without  any  one  importing 
a  grant,  or  any  other  principal  verb  at  all.  Nothing  left  to 
the  Bishop  but  a  mere  shadow  of  authority.  I  called  the 
Chapter,  examined  whether  they  confirmed  it  or  no,  which 
they  denied  not,  accounting  it  more  concerned  the  Bishop 
than  them ;  acknowledging,  that  the  Bishop's  great  seal  was 
not  put  to  it.  Whereupon,  I,  accounting  it  void  or  surrep 
titious,  or  revoking  it  in  case  it  had  any  validity,  did  inhibit 
Mr.  Cook  to  do  anything  by  virtue  of  it  as  my  Vicar,  and 
the  clergy  to  assist  him  therein.  Upon  this  he  appealed  to 
my  Lord  Primate's  Court,  from  whence  I  was  inhibited,  and 
cited  to  appear  to  answer  him;  he  being  in  the  citation 
styled  Vicar  of  the  Courts  of  Kilmore  and  Ardagh,  lawfully 
established.  For  this  so  apparent  a  forejudging  the  cause 


282  LETTERS. 

ere  it  was  heard,  I  entered  a  recusation  before  a  public 
notary,  which  I  sent  to  my  Lord  Primate ;  yet  submitting  the 
cause  to  his  own  censure,  omni  appellatione  remold,  if  my 
adversary  were  so  pleased.  This  he  refused.  Thus  did  it 
hang  till  Hilary  Term.  In  the  mean  season  I  went  about 
my  diocese  myself,  and  sat  in  mine  own  courts,  redressing 
the  disorders,  and  mitigating  the  fees,  (whereof  yet  I  took 
no  penny,  but  sequestered  them  only,)  and  in  a  short  space 
have,  as  I  hope,  disposed  the  people  to  some  better  opinion 
of  our  religion  and  jurisdiction,  than  before  they  had  con 
ceived. 

The  case  at  Dublin  was  divided  in  pleading  by  my  counsel : 
1st,  That  no  Bishop  may  grant  a  commission  longer  than 
during  his  own  time.  2nd,  That  my  predecessor,  holding  two 
bishoprics  united  only  for  term  of  life,  could  make  no 
greater  estate  than  his  own.  That  by  his  death  the  bishop 
rics  were  again  divided,  and  anew  united  by  his  Majesty, 
so  as  in  them  I  am  not  his  successor.  The  other  part  would 
make  a  Vicar-general  a  standing  office,  and  said,  the  Dean 
and  Chapter  might  anciently  choose  a  Bishop,  much  more 
then  confirm  a  Bishop's  Vicar  for  life.  Especially  they 
urged  precedents  in  England,  and  some  here.  The  Lord 
Chancellor  seemed  unwilling  to  have  this  case  determined 
here,  which  he  said  was  never  yet  adjudged  in  England. 
Those  of  the  Council  that  are  of  the  profession  of  the  law, 
required  it  might  be  argued  again  at  the  beginning  of 
Michaelmas  Term,  which  was  granted. 

Since  that,  Mr.  Cook  hath  procured  me  to  be  cited  again 
to  the  Lord  Primate's  Court,  where  I  appeared  July  29, 
alleging  that  the  cause  is  depending  before  the  Lords 
Justices  and  Council,  and  refusing  again  the  Chancellor, 
Mr.  George  Singe2,  to  be  either  judge,  or  assistant  therein, 
as  having  been  Mr.  Cook's  master  and  patron,  and  now  his 
familiar  friend,  and  having  discovered  some  spleen  against 
me  in  certain  letters  which  since  this  cause  came  into  that 
Court  he  had  sent  me. 

Your  Lordship  hath  here  the  historical  part  of  this  busi 
ness  ;  whereto  if  I  shall  be  bold  to  add  the  prognostical,  it  is 

z  [He  was  appointed  Vicar-General      of  Cloyne,   Nov.  11,   1638.      (Wood, 
and  Dean  of  Dromore  by  Archbishop      Ath.  Ox,  iii.  347.)] 
Hampton,  and  was  consecrated  Bishop 


LETTERS.  283 

this.  That,  although  I  have  his  Majesty's  patents  as  large 
for  me  as  I  can  desire,  the  canon  law  as  clear  as  the  sun 
(whose  maxims  are  these,  Vicar  ius  per  dit  jurisdictionem  morte 
Episcopi ;  Vicarius  removeri  potest  ad  libitum  Episcopi, 
etiamsi  sit  constitutus  cumjuramento  de  non  revocando ;  Vica 
rius  mortuo  Episcopo  non  potest  perficere  causas  inchoatas  vivo 
Episcopo :  and  de  facto,  Mr.  Cook,  after  the  death  of  my 
predecessor,  took  a  new  commission  from  the  Lord  Primate 
to  execute  the  jurisdiction  sede  vacante)  ;  lastly,  though 
I  have  the  common  law  equal,  if  this  be  but  a  commission ; 
and  as  the  Lord  Chief  Baron  said  openly,  by  the  law  one 
judge  cannot  appoint  another  in  his  stead ;  yet,  because  in 
lands"  and  possessions  the  grant  of  the  Bishop,  with  consent 
of  Dean  and  Chapter,  is  good,  it  will  be  carried  so  here  also. 
I  consider  my  adversary's  cunning,  potency,  friends  in  all 
courts,  purse :  the  King's  Serjeant  and  Attorney  are  for  him 
against  his  Majesty's  patent.  The  Lord  Chancellor  had 
sometimes  a  like  commission  bestowed  upon  him  by  his 
uncle,  as  I  have  been  told  by  some  of  the  Council.  He 
persuades  me  to  compound  with  Mr.  Cook,  which,  for  the 
incredible  scandal  that  would  follow,  I  can  never  do.  He 
(as  Mr.  Cook,  in  a  manner  boasting,  told  me)  hath  nomi 
nated  him  since  the  term  to  be  judge  in  a  cause  of  the 
Admiralty  touching  a  prize .  here  taken.  Add  to  all  these, 
the  confidence  of  the  man,  that  comes  and  sets  himself  by  me, 
and  quarrels  with  me  in  mine  own  court,  and  will  sit  there, 
and  ask  me  no  leave.  In  these  respects  I  give  it  gone ;  unless 
it  would  please  his  Majesty  to  interpret  his  own  meaning  in 
his  gracious  letters  for  me,  and  the  patents  thereupon  founded; 
or  to  signify  his  express  pleasure,  that  this  cause  may  be 
maturely  discussed  according  to  his  laws,  notwithstanding 
any  examples  there  or  here  inuring ;  or,  lastly,  to  give  order 
to  his  learned  counsel  to  see  to  the  interest  of  his  crown,  in 
upholding  his  grants  and  patents,  and  by  what  warrant  they 
are  infringed  by  the  pretended  patents  of  others. 

My  Lord,  if  this  were  mine  own  particular  case  alone, 
I  should  not  be  so  bold  as  to  request  your  favour  and  assist 
ance  hereunto.  But  it  is  the  common  interest  of  Bishops, 
who  through  their  own  sufferance  do  now  but  serve  for 
cyphers  to  make  up  the  wrongs  and  extortions  of  their 


284  LETTERS. 

officers.  They  begin  to  scorn  to  be  our  vicegerents.  Two 
citations  I  have  received  from  my  Lord  Primate's  Court,  in 
the  former  whereof  my  pretended  Chancellor  is  called  Vica- 
rius  Cur.  Kilmor.  et  Ardagh.  ;  in  the  other,  Diosceseos.  If 
they  were  (as  anciently)  constituted  only  durante  beneplacito, 
they  would  know  themselves.  For  my  part,  God  is  my 
witness,  that  if  I  thought  I  could  be  excused  in  conscience 
for  the  misgovernment  of  the  people  whom  God  and  his 
Majesty  have  committed  unto  me,  I  could  easily  suffer 
Mr.  Cook  to  exercise  the  jurisdiction,  though  there  be  left 
me  nothing  but  the  name  of  it;  but  when  the  blame  also 
and  the  shame  of  religion  lies  upon  it,  I  hope  good  men  will 
not  account  me  pragmatical  if  I  be  sensible,  and  desire  to 
fulfil  my  profession  made  at  my  consecration,  that  I  would 
be  gentle  and  merciful  for  Christ's  sake  to  poor  and  needy 
people,  and  such  as  be  destitute  of  help.  These  poor  people 
(to  whom,  to  be  put  into  the  Bishop's  book,  as  they  call  it, 
hath  been  worse  than  their  imaginary  purgatory)  do  beseech 
your  Lordship,  and  by  you,  his  Majesty,  to  pity  them. 
Religion  intreats  you  to  remove  this  scandal;  the  Church,  to 
reform  this  disorder.  I  have  said  and  done  what  I  can. 
I  leave  the  success  to  God.  To  whose  gracious  protection 
I  commit  your  Lordship,  and  shall  ever  remain 

Your  Lordship's  most  obliged, 

WILL.  KILMOHEN.  ET  ARDAGHEN. 

Kihnore,Aug.  7,  1630. 
To  the  Eight  Rev.  Father  in  God, 
William,  Lord  Bishop  of  London, 
my  honourable  good  Lord,  deliver 
these. 


LETTER  XXVII. 

TO   WILLIAM  BEDELL,  BISHOP   OF  KILMORE,   &c. 
[Tanner  MSS.  vol.  cclxxviii.  p.  104.] 

Salutem  in  Christo. 

MY  VERY  GOOD  LORD, — I  have  read  over  your  Lordship's 
large  letters,  both  the  historical  and  the  prognostical  part, 
and  truly,  my  Lord,  I  must  needs  acknowledge,  that  there 


LETTERS.  285 

arises  a  great  deal  of  hurt  to  ourselves,  and  scandal  to  our 
calling,  by  the  courses  which  our  under  officers  take  in  our 
courts,  and  the  harrowing  of  the  poor  people  there.  And 
I  easily  conceive,  it  must  be  worse  with  you,  than  with  us, 
because  the  state  of  that  Church  is  somewhat  more  broken 
of  the  two.  Your  Lordship  hath  expressed  a  great  deal  of 
care  and  a  great  deal  of  zeal  to  that  part  of  the  Church  with 
which  God  and  the  King  hath  trusted  you,  and  not  without 
a  great  deal  of  judgment.  But,  my  Lord,  we  live  in  times 
in  which  the  Church  is  overgrown,  not  only  with  weeds 
within  it,  but  with  trees,  and  bushes  about  it,  which,  though 
they  were  set  at  first  for  a  fence,  yet  now  they  are  grown  up 
they  drop  sourly  upon  whatsoever  is  good  in  it. 

And  now,  my  Lord,  to  descend  lower  and  nearer  your 
business,  you  must  first  give  me  leave  to  tell  you  I  see  little 
hope  of  any  remedy  in  the  thing  and  way  as  you  propose. 
For,  if  I  mistake  not,  the  question  is,  whether  (in  that  Church 
especially)  it  be  fit  that  Bishops'  Chancellors  or  Vicars- 
general  should  have  or  hold  their  offices  by  patent  during 
life,  or  stand  only  at  the  Bishop's  pleasure,  and  as  their 
merit  and  justice  in  their  courts  shall  deserve.  And  this 
being  the  question,  I  shall  promise  your  Lordship,  so  soon  as 
I  come  to  London  among  my  books,  to  look  into  the  ancient 
canons  and  laws  of  the  Church,  both  those  which  you 
mention  and  others ;  but  in  the  meantime  desire  your  Lord 
ship  to  consider  these  particulars  following  : 

First,  The  canon  law  hath  been  blasted  in  these  kingdoms, 
so  that  any  use  taken  up  of  almost  any  continuance  will  be 
able  to  bear  head  against  it.  Secondly,  They  answered  you 
truly,  that  told  you  this  case  had  never  yet  been  decided  in 
England ;  or  if  it  were,  the  overruling  was  that  they  should 
hold  for  life,  for  so  the  practice  goes  in  all  the  cathedrals  of 
England.  Thirdly.  Wherever  this  question  shall  come  on 
foot,  whoever  appears  in  it  must  look  that  all  the  civil 
lawyers,  and  all  the  friends  they  can  make,  which  are  many 
and  great,  will  be  sure  to  oppose  it.  And  they  will  plead 
reason,  that  where  so  great  a  part  of  the  burden  of  a  diocese 
lies  upon  them,  it  will  be  fit,  if  not  necessary,  they  should 
be  invested  for  time  of  life.  Fourthly,  I  think  now  for 
many  years  together  the  practice  through  Christendom 'hath 


286  LETTERS. 

been  (except  in  some  few  exempts)  that  the  Chancellors 
have  held  by  patents  for  life.  Fifthly,  I  would  be  peremp 
tory  against  that  hold,  and  all  grants  of  a  Bishop  longer 
than  his  own  life,  if  I  were  sure  all  Bishops  were  and  would 
be  such  as  they  should.  For  otherwise  the  pressure  of  the 
people  would  be  as  great  by  a  bad  Bishop  as  by  a  bad  Chan 
cellor,  and  the  scandal  greater ;  whereas  now  sometimes  a 
good  Chancellor  moderates  an  ill  Bishop,  though  at  some 
other  time  a  bad  Chancellor  troubles  a  good.  Last  of  all, 
and  which  is  most  forcing  amongst  us,  I  doubt  it  will  appear 
that  patents  for  life  have  been  so  long  granted  in  both 
kingdoms,  that  the  common  law  will  make  them  good,  do 
you,  or  I,  or  any  man  else,  what  we  can  :  for  to  imagine  that 
all  Bishops  will  agree  to  rectify  such  an  abuse  as  is  con 
sequent  upon  these  patents  for  life,  is  mere  building  in 
the  air. 

For  the  particular  person  with  whom  you  have  to  do, 
Mr.  Alan  Cook,  I  never  heard  of  him  before,  but  it  seems  by 
your  letters  he  knows  very  well  how  to  lick  his  own  fingers. 
As  for  Mr.  Singe,  I  think  my  Lord  Primate  (if  I  forget  not 
one  of  his  letters)  hath  had  as  harsh  music  from  him  as 
another  man  hath  had  of  his  Chancellor,  and  therefore  it  is 
not  very  probable,  that  your  Lordship  should  find  any  more 
favour  in  his  court  against  Mr.  Cook.  And  for  the  bringing 
of  your  cause  to  the  Council-board,  though  I  make  no  doubt 
but  you  shall  find  there  all  honourable  justice  with  favour, 
yet  I  fear  they  will  do  nothing  in  a  business  of  this  weight, 
being  altogether  vithout  example  and  precedent  here. 

And  for  the  proposals  towards  the  end  of  your  letter, 
which  are  three,  without  all  or  some  of  which  you  seem  to 
give  your  cause  gone ;  to  deal  openly  and  freely  with  you, 
I  do  not  see  how  they  can  relieve  you.  For  first,  for  his 
Majesty 's  interpretation  of  his  own  meaning  in  his  gracious 
letters  for  you,  and  the  patents  thereupon  founded;  you  may 
be  sure  he  will  make  no  other  interpretation  than  may  stand 
with  his  laws,  neither  may  I  desire  more.  For  the  second, 
for  his  Majesty  to  signify  his  express  pleasure  that  this 
cause  may  be  maturely  discussed  according  to  his  laws, 
notwithstanding  any  example  in  either  kingdom,  I  doubt 
that?  the  common  law,  which  upon  a  prohibition  will  be 


LETTERS.  287 

judge,  will  upon  never  so  mature  discussing  make  good  their 
patents,  unless  you  can  infringe  any  by  some  particular 
exceptions.  And,  thirdly,  though  his  Majesty  should  give 
order  (as  you  desire)  to  his  learned  counsel  never  so  strictly 
to  look  to  the  interests  of  his  crown  in  upholding  his  grants 
and  patents,  &c.,  which  were  no  hard  matter  to  obtain, 
as  I  conceive,  yet  that  would  be  to  no  purpose,  if  the  law  be 
for  their  patents,  for  then  they  will  easily  make  that  answer 
to  his  Majesty. 

Now  therefore  upon  the  whole  matter  I  have  but  these 
two  things  to  say  :  The  one  is,  I  do  not  believe  you  will  be 
able  to  do  anything  against  Mr.  Cook's  patent,  unless  you 
can  find,  that  it  is  drawn  against  law,  (and  if  he  refuse  to 
show  his  patent,  there  is  means  enough,  I  think,  in  the  ordi 
nary  way  to  force  him  to  it,)  or  unless  you  can  legally  prove, 
that  he  hath  carried  himself  so  ill,  as  that  he  hath  forfeited 
the  patent,  though  rightly  granted.  The  other  is  mentioned 
by  yourself,  and  it  is  an  offer  made  by  the  Lord  Chancellor 
of  Ireland,  if  I  understand  you  right,  that  you  should  com 
pound  with  Mr.  Cook  ;  to  which  you  say  you  may  by  no 
means  yield,  for  the  infinite  scandal  that  would  follow  upon 
it.  Indeed  it  is  true,  if  you  compound  with  him  only  to 
settle  his  patent  and  take  money  for  that,  and  leave  him  to 
vex  the  people  more  till  he  hath  made  up  his  money,  it 
must  needs  be  a  very  unworthy  act  in  you,  and  full  of 
scandal.  But  if  (where  you  cannot  remedy  it  otherwise) 
you  there  compound,  and  in  that  composition  bind  up  Mr. 
Cook,  that  the  people  may  have  justice  and  ease,  I  do  not 
yet  see  what  ill  is  in  that,  or  what  scandal  can  follow  upon 
it ;  for  I  shall  not  advise  the  making  of  any  other  compo 
sition,  than  that  which  shall  be  free  from  corruption  on 
your  part,  and  for  the  just  and  orderly  settling  of  your 
jurisdiction  on  his. 

My  Lord,  my  occasions  are  many  and  great,  yet  I  have 
stolen  time,  such  as  I  could,  to  give  you  answer.  The  case 
never  fell  either  under  my  study  or  practical  consideration, 
yet  I  have  adventured  to  write  freely  unto  you.  You  must 
pardon  both  the  freedom  and  the  weakness,  the  case  espe 
cially  being  such  as  a  man  cannot  tell  of  whom  to  ask  counsel. 
For  none  can  be  asked  but  a  Bishop  or  a  civilian.  And  if  a 


288  LETTERS. 

Bishop  be  asked,  he  is  likely  to  say  for  you ;  but  if  you  ask 
a  civilian,  I  am  sure  he  will  be  for  Mr.  Cook.  And  where 
I  now  am,  I  can  meet  with  no  experienced  man  of  either. 
In  Court  haste,  therefore  I  leave  you  to  the  grace  of  God, 
and  rest 

Your  Lordship's  very  loving  Friend  and  Brother, 

[GuiL.  LONDON  a.] 

Fulham  House, 
September  11,  1630. 


LETTER  XXVIII. 

TO   DR.   ROBERT  PINKE,    WARDEN    OF   NEW   COLLEGE. 
[Lambeth  MSS.  Numb,  dccccxliii.  p.  143.] 

Salutem  in  Christ o. 

SIR, — I  hear  how  lovingly  you  received  my  former  letters, 
and  how  careful  you  are  for  my  sake  of  Mr.  Stanley.  No 
part  of  your  love  shall  be  lost,  and  if  it  shall  please  you  to 
use  me,  you  shall  find  it.  I  had  rather  act  the  rest  as  it 
comes  in  my  way  than  speak  it ;  and  to  that  I  refer  myself. 

I  took  sufficient  order  before  I  went  from  Windsor  that 
110  letters  should  come  from  his  Majesty  for  any  other,  if 
Mr.  Stanley  had  them  not,  and  (as  you  may  see  by  my 
former  letters  to  yourself)  I  purposed  there  to  leave  it,  ever 
resolving  to  keep  me  entire  to  the  duty  of  my  place,  that 
elections  might  go  as  statutes  directed,  and  as  merits  pre 
vailed.  But  when  I  came  to  see  (for  I  saw  it),  that  his 
Majesty's  letters  were  aimed  at  for  another,  and  in  some 
words  that  I  had  no  great  cause  to  like,  I  then  thought  fit 
my  Chaplain  might  use  his  friends,  yet  I  ordered  it  so  that 
the  letters  which  are  come  might  no  way  trench  upon  the 
liberty  of  your  election,  but  keep  near  the  precedent  which 
I  saw  written  for  Dr.  Loveb. 

I  must  end  with  the  same  thanks  with  which  I  began, 

a  [This  cause  was  ultimately  taken  14,  1613,  in  favour  of  Nicholas  Love, 

into  the  Court  of  Chancery,  and  the  Lamb.  MSS.  Numb,  dccccxliii.  pp.1 49 

Chancellor  confirmed  Mr.  Cook's  ap-  — 151.  Also  from  T.  Winton.  (Bilscn) 

pointment,  with  100?.  costs.  See  in  favour  of  the  same  person,  dated 

Elrington's  Life  of  Ussher,  pp.  116,'  Oct.  25,  1613,  ibid.  pp.  151 — 153; 

117,  where  some  other  particulars  and  from  Lord  Chancellor  Ellesmere, 

relating  to  the  case  are  mentioned.]  enjoining  them  to  make  a  free  elec- 

b  [See  a  copy  of  the  King's  letter  to  tion,  dated  Oct.  12,  1613,  ibid.  rp. 

Warden  and  Fellows  of  New  Coll.  Oct.  1 53—1 55.] 


LETTERS.  289 

which,  if  God  spare  me  life,  you  shall  find  to  be  very  well. 
So  in  court  haste  I  leave  you  to  the  grace  of  God,  and  shall 
ever  rest 

Your  very  loving  Friend, 

GUIL.  LONDON. 

Theobalds,  Septemb.  12,  1630. 
To   the    right    worshipful    my  very 

worthy  friend   Dr.  Pinke,  Warden 

of  St.  Mary  New  College  in  Oxford, 

These. 

Endorsed:  September  12, 1630. 
My  second  letters  to  the  Warden  of 

of  New  Coll.  about  Mr.  Stanley. 


LETTER  XXIX. 

TO    DR.    ROBERT    PINKE,   WARDEN  OF  NEW  COLLEGE. 
[Lambeth.  MSS.  Numb,  dccccxliii.  p.  145.] 
Salutem  in  Christo. 

SIR, — T  am  very  much  beholding  to  you  for  your  love, 
which  I  shall  esteem  no  whit  the  less  because  it  succeeded 
not*.  I  am  rather  the  more  in  your  debt  because  you 
laboured  it  so  freely  and  so  constantly  to  the  last.  And 
I  pray  be  persuaded,  that  when  God  shall  give  me  an  oppor 
tunity  to  return  it,  you  shall  find  me  ready  to  do  all  parts  of 
a  friend. 

I  hear  of  some  things  in  this  business,  which  I  have  not 
deserved,  and  therefore  looked  not  for.  But  I  hope  you 
shall  suffer  no  more  than  you  have  already.  And  I  know 
you  will  carry  yourself  so  justly  and  so  worthily  in  your 
government,  that  you  will  not  need  to  fear  any  faction  at 
home,  which  I  hear  bear  bolder  for  any  power  abroad.  And 
in  your  wisdom  you  will  be  the  more  wary,  because  you  see 
what  watch  is  upon  you. 

Give  me  thus  far  leave  (out  of  a  great  deal  of  love)  to  be 
bold  with  you  also  in  another  particular,  which  I  observed 
when  I  lived  in  Oxford,  and  which  I  hear  you  yet  continue. 
It  is  that  you  live  a  little  too  much  reserved  to  yourself; 

c  [John  Harris  was  elected  Warden,      was  one  of  the  Assembly  of  Divines. 
He  sided  with  the  Presbyterians,  and      (Wood,  Ath.  Ox.  iii.  455.)] 
LAUD. — VOL.  vi. 


290  LETTERS. 

which  as  it  cannot  but  damp  your  spirits,  and  take  off  from 
your  experience,  so  doubtless  it  adds  to  the  insolency  of  the 
Fellows  which  oppose  you,  to  see  you  acquaint  yourself  with 
110  other  Heads,  nor  no  other  resort  to  you.  I  know  divers 
would  be  glad  you  would  think  of  this;  and  I  do  verily 
persuade  myself  the  party  in  your  House  would  not  be  as 
they  are,  if  they  saw  you  backed  with  other  men  of  note  in 
the  town.  If  this  be  against  your  nature,  or  your  resolution 
justly  grounded,  I  leave  it  to  your  wisdom,  and  only  desire 
my  love  and  my  liberty  may  not  be  mistaken. 

I  sent  you  a  few  lines  the  last  week,  but  they  were  so 
enclosed  that  I  doubt  they  came  not  to  you,  and  'tis  no 
matter  for  anything  in  them.  For  Mr.  Stanley  had  forgotten 
to  write  me  the  certain  day  of  the  election,  so  I  shot  at 
Rovers  for  that  particular. 

I  hear  some  of  your  house  have  been  very  bold  with  me, 
and  charged  upon  me  the  procuring  of  letters  for  one  Morlye, 
that  he  might  be  Fellow  (which  they  say  he  deserved  not), 
and  have  greater  allowance  of  money  for  his  travel  than 
your  Statutes  allow ;  or  at  least  that  I  connived  at  it,  and 
let  them  pass.  I  shall  not  much  labour  to  give  them  satis 
faction  ;  but  I  assure  you,  in  fide  boni  viri,  I  am  most  inno 
cent  of  this  charge.  And  had  you  sent  unto  me  about  it, 
I  would  have  kneeled  to  the  King  for  preservation  of  your 
Statutes.  And  how  tender  I  was  of  them  in  this  last  parti 
cular  you  best  know,  who  alone  had  letters  from  me.  And 
while  I  speak  of  them,  I  pray  do  me  the  favour  to  send  me 
the  copy  of  my  letters  back  again,  that  I  may  have  them  to 
show,  or  the  letters  themselves,  which  you  please,  if,  at  least, 
you  did  keep  them.  Again  I  thank  you,  and  am  heartily 
sorry  you  should  suffer  for  my  sake,  or  mine.  So  I  leave  you 
to  the  grace  of  God,  and  shall  ever  rest 

Your  very  loving  Friend, 

GUIL.  LONDON. 

Fulham,  Octob.  1, 1G30. 
To   the   right  worshipful    my    very 

worthy  friend  Dr.  Pinke,  Warden 

of  New  College  in  Oxon,  These. 
Endorsed  :  Octob.  1,  1630. 
My  last  letters  to  Mr.  Warden  of  New 

Coll.  about  Mr.  Stanley. 


LETTERS.  291 


LETTER  XXX. 

TO  DR.   CHRISTOPHER  POTTER,   PROVOST  OF   QUEEN'S. 
[In  the  possession  of  Queen's  Coll.  Oxford.] 

Salutem  in  Christ o. 

SIR, — I  received  a  letter  from  you  the  last  week,  and  had 
I  not  come  home  as  I  did,  lame  and  sick,  I  had  given  you 
present  answer.  I  am  sorry  to  hear  that  Dr.  Rawlinson  is 
so  ill,  as  it  seems  by  you  he  is.  I  heard  a  flying  report  of  it 
about  a  fortnight  since,  because  much  about  the  same  time 
there  was  one  of  the  same  name  in  Bedfordshire  very  sick, 
and,  as  I  hear,  since  that  time  dead.  This  made  me  hope 
there  was  no  danger  toward  the  Dr.  you  mean,  but  that 
there  had  been  a  mistake  only ;  now  your  letters  make  me 
fear  again  'tis  otherwise ;  I  pray  God  comfort  him  according 
to  his  extremities  whate'er  they  be. 

Concerning  your  business  about  St.  Edmund's  Hall,  I 
must  needs  say  you  have  made  a  fair  representation  to  me, 
and  I  shall  take  it  into  as  just  a  consideration.  You  know 
I  am  but  newly  come  to  be  Chancellor,  and  have  had  as  yet 
but  little  time  to  think  of  those  things  which  may  most 
concern  it.  As  for  those  which  belong  to  myself,  I  have  put 
them  last,  and  least  thought  on  them,  therefore  I  must 
desire  you  to  lend  me  a  little  time  to  consider.  For  as 
I  shall  be  ever  unwilling  to  trespass  against  any  privileges 
or  statutes,  either  of  the  whole  body  of  the  University  or  of 
any  college  in  particular,  so  shall  I  be  ever  loth  to  sink 
or  weaken  any  rights  belonging  to  the  place  I  bear,  lest 
afterwards  my  successors  should  have  cause  to  say  I  had 
been  unworthy  to  the  office.  So  soon  as  I  have  fully 
informed  myself,  and  weighed  my  business,  you  shall  re 
ceive  such  farther  answer  as  is  fit,  and  I  hope  to  satisfaction. 
In  the  meantime  I  am  glad  of  occasion  to  hear  of  you 
and  your  health,  of  which  God  make  you  long  master;  to 
whose  grace  I  leave  you,  and  shall  ever  rest 

Your  very  loving  Friend, 

GUIL.  LONDON. 

Fulham  House,  Octob.  15,  1630. 


292  LETTERS. 

LETTER  XXXI. 

TO  DR.  BROOKE,  MASTER  OF  TRINITY  COLLEGE,  CAMBRIDGE  d. 
[Ward's  Lives  of  Gresham  Professors6.] 

For  your  pastoral  I  take  little  care,  but  wish  it  well ;  but 
for  your  other  tract  I  must  needs  say  thus  much, — fifteen 
years  study  cannot  but  beat  out  something.  And  I  like  it 
well  that  you  mean  to  have  the  judgment  of  so  many  and 
such  men  upon  it.  And  if  God  give  me  leisure,  and  the 
tract  be  not  too  long,  I  shall  be  glad  to  read  it  too.  And  the 
making  even  of  the  old  way  will  to  most  men  seem  better 
than  a  new.  Nevertheless  I  am  yet  where  I  was,  that  some 
thing  about  these  controversies  is  unmasterable  in  this  life. 
Neither  can  I  think  any  expression  can  be  so  happy  as  to 
settle  all  these  difficulties.  And  however  I  do  much  doubt, 
whether  the  King  will  take  any  man's  judgment  so  far  as  to 
have  these  controversies  any  further  stirred,  which  now, -God 
be  thanked,  begin  to  be  at  more  peace,  etc.  And  for  the 
several  copies  which  you  mention,  to  send  to  those  friends 
you  name,  it  shall  be  wisdom  for  you  to  take  heed  that 
none  be  stole  out  privately  to  the  press,  before  you  are 
aware. 


LETTER  XXXII. 

TO  G.  J.  VOSSIUS. 
[Apud  Claror.  Viror.  ad  Vossium  Epistt.,  Epist.  cvi.  p.  68  f.] 

Salutem  in  Christ  o. 

VIR  SPECTATISSIME, — Quum  literas  meas  novissimas  darem 
(et  parcius  hoc  facere  cogor  pro  negotiis  quae  urgent  et  pre- 
munt  fatiscentem)  literse  tuse  ad  me  pervenerunt.  Sic  situlee 

d  [Samuel  Brooke  was,  on  May  13,  printed.     (Wood,  F.  0.  i.  401,  402.)] 
1631,  admitted  Archdeacon  of  Coven-  e  [This  portion  of  a  letter  is  printed 
try,  and  died  the  middle  of  September  from  a  MS.  in  Trinity  College,  Cam- 
following.     Prynne    (Cant.    Doom,  p.  bridge,  endorsed,  'December  9,  1630. 
167)  says  that  he  wrote  an  Arminian  The  passage  of  my  letter  to  Dr.  Brooke, 
treatise  of  Predestination,  and  gives  concerning  a  Tract  of  his.'] 
in  the  same  place  his  reply  to  this  f  [Exstat  etiam,  magna  vero   sui 
letter  of  the  Archbishop.     This  trea-  parte   mutila,  apud  Prsest.  ac  Erud. 
tise  does  not  appear  to  have  been  Viror.  Epistt.,  Epist.  ccccxciii.  p.  758.] 


LETTERS.  293 

nostrse  mutuo  fontem  petiere,  dum  neuter,  quid  alter  ageret, 
certior  factus. 

Literse  illse  jam  antiquse  et  adhuc  prse  manibus,  sed  sine 
responsione,  et  quod  ssepius  impedivit  volentem,  idem  est. 
Nonas  illse  Sextiles  prae  se  ferunt  s,  et  hse  xii.  Cal.  Feb.,  nee 
tamen  adhuc  responsio  parata.  Credideris  forsan  me  gelu 
quodam,  etiam  hac  nimis  temperata  hyeme,  obriguisse  ;  hoc 
te  metu  ut  liberem,  ecce  jam  tandem  te  iterum  saluto,  tibi 
omnia  exopto  bona.  Cum  anno  novo  incipiat,  recurratque 
in  sinum  felicitas. 

Prima  literarum  tuarum  facies  gratulatur  mihi  Cancel- 
lariatum  Oxonii  mei,  et  subridet.  Gaudio  sit  illud  tibi, 
Academies  salus ;  mihi  sat  scio  onus  incumbit,  et  cui  nun- 
quam  par  ero.  Quin  et  his  exulceratis  Ecclesia3  temporibus, 
nee  Ecclesias  tantum  (nam  et  sic  solet  punire  Deus)  nescio, 
ita  me  Deus  amet,  nescio  quid  agendum  sit,  mihi  prsesertim. 
Sed  aliquid  est,  quod  urget,  et  ducentem  sequor. 

Illustrissimus  Princeps  noster,  pro  tenella  ilia  setate  (Deo 
gratias)  abunde  valet h.  Et  mihi  quidem  gratissimum  est, 
quod  laetitise  illius,  quam  nos  ex  felicissima  ipsius  Nativitate 
merito  percipimus,  te  quoque  consortem  prgebeas.  Vivat 
ille  valeatque  diu,  serius  tamen  spero  paternis  succedet 
sceptris. 

Alia  sunt  quse  properans  cogor  omittere.  Sed  mortem 
Matthise  Martinii1  certe  eo  impensius  doleo,  quo  magis 
indiget  Ecclesia  sequitate  ilia,  quse  in  illo  viguit,  et  quse  spero 
tamen  non  est  penitus  cum  illo  sepulta.  Penitus,  dico. 
Vereor  tamen  ne  multo  rarior  sit,  quam  quse  deceret  togam 
nostram,  Historia  ilia,  unde  profitebatur  se  earn  hausisse, 
prolixe  habet  in  se  unde  earn  conferre  possit,  nisi  lectores 
habeat  admodum  iniquos^.  Iterum  tibi  eo  nomine  gratias 
ago.  Nunc  accinge  (promisisti  enim  et  non  semel)  ad  his- 
toriam  aliam,  veteris  nempe  Ecclesise,  scribendam.  Mag- 
nopere  cupio  (Deo  si  placuerit)  antequam  fata  mihi  aperient 
sepulchrum,  Baronium  viderejsub  telis  tuis  cadentem.  Nee 
literas  potes  a  me  ullas  exspectare  sine  stimulo. 

*  [Vide  G.  J.  Yossii  Epist.  cxv.  p.  SynodoDordrechtanamagnampartem 

1531  egit,  et  moderata  consilia  prosequutus 

h  [Carolus,  Princeps  Wallise,  natus  est.] 

Maii  29,  1630.]  j  [Historia  Pelagiana  ab  ipso  Yossio 

1  [Auctor  Lexici  Philologici.     In  conscripta.] 


294  LETTERS. 

Et  ecce  quum  manum  chartulse  huic  eram  appositurus, 
alise  literse  tuse  ad  me  perveniuntk.  Illustrissimus  Legatus 
rediens,  non  redux  sine  te.  De  te  certe  nee  pauca  nee  parva 
loquitur.  Quin  et  gratias  egi,  quod  nomine  meo  te  sibi  cog- 
nitum  charumque  habuit. 

Ad  negotium  quod  attinet.  Academic  vestrse  ita  collapsam 
esse  disciplinam  non  sine  dolore  audio.  Sunt  hsec  certe 
semina  omnium  malorum,  turn  in  Ecclesia,  turn  in  civili 
statu,  quod  loca  educationi  juvenum,  in  Artibus  simul  et 
Religione,  olim  dicata,  ita  laxata  sint  in  omne  quod  vel 
maxime  dedecet  juventutem  Christianam.  Ad  csedes  vero, 
easque  frequenter  deventum  esse,  quis  ferat  ? 

Consilium  quod  petis  libentissime  darem,  si,  quod  optas, 
prsesens  essem.  Res  certe  magna  et  gravis ;  tibi  honorifica 
et  utilis  futura ;  Amstelodamensibus  forsitan  non  desiderata 
magis,  quam  salutaris.  Rationes,  quas  proponis,  primo  intuitu 
firma3  videntur,  et  rotunda3,  sine  offensione,  quam  novi. 
ulla.  Hoc  unicum  serio  considerandum,  quid  Ordines  vestri 
de  consilio  hoc  tuo  senserint,  et  quibus  fundamentis  nixi. 
Nam  si  illis  transitio  hsec  tua  parum  Reipublicse  vestra3  utilis 
censebitur,  quis  scit,  quid  inde  dispendii,  quid  periculi  tibi 
possit  accedere  ?  Quod  ex  animo  deprecor.  Scio  te  cautum 
fore  et  prudentem ;  et  spero  Deum,  cui  servis,  electionem 
tuam  ita  velle  disponere  in  melius,  ut  illud  in  te  assumas, 
quod  simul  et  licitum,  et  utile,  et  honorificum  sit.  Quod 
semper  erit  in  votis 

Amici  tui,  et  rerum 

tuarum  studiosissimij 

GUIL.  LOND. 
12  Cal.  Feb.  1630. 


LETTER  XXXIII. 

TO  DR.  CHRISTOPHER   POTTER,   PROVOST   OF   QUEEN 'S. 
[In  the  possession  of  Queen's  Coll.  Oxford.] 

Salutem  in  Christo. 

SIR, — I  received  letters  from  you  the  last  week  concerning 
Dr.  Rawlinson's  death,  or  his  being  in  extremis ;  upon  which 
k  [Vide  G.  J.  Vossii  Epist.  cxxxv.  pp.  168,  169.] 


LETTERS.  295 

you  inferred  the  near,  if  not  present,  vacancy  of  Edmund 
Hall.  I  could  not  give  you  answer  to  those  letters  by  reason 
of  the  urgent  business  which  lay  upon  me  ;  yet  I  desired  you 
should  not  only  know  that  I  had  received  them,  but  also  how 
respective  I  stood  to  your  claim  when  it  should  be  made ;  of 
both  which  I  sent  you  word,  though  briefly,  in  Dr.  Juxon's 
letters.  You  know  how  tender  I  was  to  meddle  with  your 
evidences,  or  anything  concerning  that  place,  till  I  had  appa 
rent  certainty  of  Dr.  Rawlinson's  death1;  and  my  reasons, 
I  think,  were  just.  Upon  this  I  thought  I  should  have  had 
so  much  respect  from  you  and  the  College,  as  might  have 
borne  a  fair  return  of  my  letters  unto  you,  before  you  had 
proceeded  unto  any  election,  especially  considering  that 
Dr.  Rawlinson  was  not  dead  when  you  wrote  those  letters 
to  me.  For  since  that  I  have  received  direct  information 
out  of  Shropshire,  by  a  neighbour  minister  that  came  to  me, 
that  Dr.  Rawlinson  died  upon  Thursday  was  seven-night, 
about  four  in  the  afternoon ;  and  your  letters  came  to  me  that 
very  night,  and  you  proceeded  to  an  election  before  I  could 
send  any  answer  upon  Saturday ;  which  was  more  haste  than 
was  fit,  unless  I  had  been  formerly  acquainted  with  your 
title,  and  resolved  upon  your  right.  I  think  I  have  not  so 
carried  businesses  in  the  University,  as  that  you  should 
suspect  my  justice;  and,  therefore,  being  the  first  in  this 
kind  that  fell  since  I  was  Chancellor,  a  little  respect  might 
have  been  had  to  me,  and  not  such  a  sudden  resolution  taken 
as  must  needs  seem  to  slight  me,  and  can  do  you  no  good. 
For  in  whomsoever  the  choice  be,  the  approbation  is  necessa 
rily  mine ;  and  since  you  have  been  so  quick  in  the  choice, 
you  shall  find  me  as  slow,  perhaps,  in  the  admittance.  And 
were  it  not  that  I  so  far  tender  the  memory  of  Dr.  Ayrym, 
I  would  resolutely  say,  this  man  whom  you  have  chosen 
should  never  be  Principal;  and  what  it  may  prove  yet,  I 
cannot  tell.  When  I  have  had  more  leisure  to  consider-  of 

1    [Dr.  John  Kawlinson,  who  was  m  [This  was  Henry  Airay,  who  had 

originally    a    Fellow    of    S.   John's,  '  picked  a  quarrel '  with  Laud  '  about 

was   Laud's    chief    opponent    in    his  his   sermon.'     (See    Diary,    Oct.    2L, 

election  as  President.  (Heylin,  Cypr.  1606.)     The  new  Principal  of  S.  Ed- 

Angl.  ad  an.  1611.)     He  was,  among  mund's  Hall,   Mam  Airay,  was   his 

his  other  preferments,  Rector  of  Whit-  relation.     lie  was  not  admitted  Prin- 

church,  Salop,  where  he  died,  Feb.  8,  cipal  till  March  9.] 
168*] 


296  LETTERS. 

the  papers  which  he  brought  concerning  your  claim.,  you 
shall  hear  further  from  me.  In  the  meantime,  I  cannot 
take  the  business  well.  So  I  leave  you  to  the  grace  of  God, 

and  rest 

Your  neglected  Friend, 

GULL.  LONDON. 

London  House,  Feb.  II,  1630. 

To  the  right  worshipful  my  good 
friend  Dr.  Potter,  Provost  of 
Queen's  Coll.  in  Oxford,  These. 


LETTER  XXXIV. 

TO   G.  J.  VOSSIUS. 
[Apud  Claror.  Viror.  ad  Vossium  Epistt.,  Epist.  cxxxiii.  pp.  86,  87  ".] 

Salutem  in  Christo. 

Literas  hodie  tibi  debeo  binas ;  totidem  enim  accepi  °,  nee 
reddidi.  Sum  in  hoc  genere  seris  solvendo  paulo  tardior. 
Et  certe  aliquid  tantum  est,  quod  possim  solvere.  Tanta 
enim  mole  negotiorum  gravatus  sum,,  ut  aliquid  sit,  et  ssepius, 
quod  mihimetipsi  debeo,  nee  solvere  possum,  quidni  ergo 
et  amicis  aliquando  ?  Et  quod  nunc  in  hoc  scribendi  officio 
tibi  non  desim,  gratias  ago  stylo  huic  contraction,  qui  hoc 
unum  novit,  multa  paucis  concludere. 

Intelligo  ex  utrisque  literis  tuis  metum  injectum  esse  Lug- 
dunensibus,  non  solum  ne  te  amitterent,  sed  et  ne  Acade- 
miam ;  saltern  ne  Professores  quosque  digniores  ad  se  allice- 
rent  Amstelodamenses.  Eos  autem  primores  juvenum  facile 
sequuntur,  sicut  illi  prsemia  ampliora.  Et  quid  sine  his 
Academia?  Superest,  ut  vel  stipendia  adaugeant  Leidenses, 
quod  in  bonum  cedet  Professoribus ;  aut  ut  Professores  Am- 
stelodamum  concedant,  quod  malum  minatur  Academise ; 
quin  et  civitati  etiam,  quse  ex  frequentia  studentium  ditior 
facta,  nee  cupit,  scio,  lucrum  dediscere.  Ileliqua,  in  tantum 
te  spectant,  cupio  audire,  sed  quum  causa  finita  est,  et  quum 
static  tua  fixa. 

Filium  tuum  salvum  et  reducem  gestio  videre.     Hoc  bene 

n  [Exstatetiam,magna  vero  sui  parte         °    [Vide   G.  J.  Vossii  Epistt.  cxl. 
mutila,  apud  Praest.  ac  Erudit.  Yiror.      (pp.  172,  173.)  cl.  (pp.  182,  183.)] 
Epistt,,  Epist.  dv.  p.  765.] 


LETTERS.  297 

est,  sed  male  quod  abiit  me  nesciente.  Quid?  Ut  ad  te, 
quern  tanti  facio,  quanti,  spero,  nosti,  abeat  films  tuus  sine  me? 
Iterum  (si  quse  occasio  detur)  non  faciet  spero.  Et  unice 
probo,  quod  tarn  cito  remiseris.  Non  quasi  de  progressu 
ipsius,  dum  apud  te,  dubium  ullum,  sed  ne  in  Collegii  sta- 
tuta  peccaret. 

Si  quse  parata  habeas,  nolim  ut  abscondas.  Nosti  quid  sit, 
Lucerna  sub  modio.  Nee  erit  male  posita  opera,  si  scripta 
ilia,  quse  ut  antiqua  sunt,  ita  ante  hoc  sa3culum  pa3ne  an- 
tiquata,  e  pulvere  suo  extrahas,  iisque  aliquid  lucis  addas. 
Semper  tamen  inculco  Baronium,  et  eo  magis  quia  Ecclesia 
(sic  enim  scribis)  summa  votorum  tibi. 

Franc.  Juniusp  rediit  in  Britanniam  citius  multo  quam 
opinabar,  utpote  qui  satis  novi,  quo  animo  in  Gallias  pro- 
fectus  sit. 

Attulit  secum  literas  ab  amplissimo  viro  Hugone  Grotio  ad 
me  datas.  Gratissimse  illse  (viruin  enim  ilium  doctissimum 
semper  agnovi),  sed  rescribendi  otium  non  datur.  Nota 
etiam  mihi  probitas  et  eruditio  Junii,  nee  opus,  ut  a  te  habeani 
ilium  commendatiorem.  Scias  velim,  me  et  tui,  et  Grotii,  et 
sui  causa  facturum  quod  possum. 

Victorise  Principis  vestri  gratulor.  Cedat  precor  in  glo- 
riam  Dei  et  bonum  Ecclesise.  De  prudentia  ipsius  et  virtute 
militum,  non  est  apud  me  dubium ;  sed  si  iterum  et  in  mari 
non  rubro  Israelem  prseivit  nebula,  date  quse  sunt  Csesaris 
Csesari,  et  quse  sunt  Dei  Deo. 

De  filio  tuo  iterum.  Et  iterum  si  placeat.  Nam  cur  non 
et  hie  duplex  primogeniti  portio?  Certe  mihi  curse  erit, 
quamdiu  ipse  sibi.  Tu  eum  hortare,  ut  facis.  Et  quo  magis 
te  et  tua  in  eo  conspexero,  eo  majori  cura  me  eum  prosecu- 
turum  spondeo.  Quod  reliquum,  te,  et  ilium,  et  tuos  Deo 
fovendos  commendo.  Et  quum  fuerit  opportunum,  te  rogo, 
ut  nomine  meo  virum  ilium  spectatissimum  Hug.  Grotium 
[salutes],  eique  pro  literis  per  Junium  missis  gratias  agas. 
Hoc  facto  scias  me 

Amicum  semper  tibi  fore 

Fidelissimum, 
Novemb.  7, 1631.  GUIL.  LONDON. 

P  [Vide  supra,  p.  277.] 


298  LETTERS. 

LETTER  XXXV. 

TO   THOMAS   COMBER,   MASTER  OP  TRINITY   COLLEGE. 
[Prynne's  Cant.  Doom,  p.  363. J 

I  am  sorry  you  have  been  troubled  at  Cambridge  with  the 
distempered  speeches  of  any  men  in  the  pulpit.  And  I  must 
confess,  I  heard  of  both  the  particulars  you  mention  before 
I  received  your  letter.  That  in  St.  John's,  it  seems,  they 
have  punished;  and  you  do  very  worthily  to  join  with  them, 
in  case  anything  for  the  public  shall  be  further  requisite. 
And  as  for  Mr.  Bernard  1,  I  am  the  more  sorry  for  him, 
because  he  is  in  London,  within  my  charge.  Nevertheless, 
if  he  have  done  unworthily,  I  shall  be  very  ready  to  assist 
you  and  the  University,  in  what  I  may  be  able.  And  since  you 
gave  a  decree  to  the  Beadle  to  convent  him,  and  he  slipped 
away  the  while,  I  will  do  the  best  I  can  to  send  him  back, 
there  to  be  answerable  to  the  government  against  which  he 
hath  offended.  And  if  he  shall  refuse  to  do  so,  without 
giving  better  reason  than  I  think  he  can,  I  shall  certainly 
suspend  him  till  he  do  it.  So,  in  haste,  I  leave  you,  &c. 

W.  LONDON. 

Endorsed  :  May  27, 1632. 

A  clause  of  my  letter  to  Dr. 
Comber  concerning  Mr.  Bernard. 


LETTER   XXXVI. 

TO  G.  J.  VOSSIUS. 

[Apud  Claror.  Viror.  ad  Vossium  Epistt.,  Epist.  cxlix.  pp.  100, 101  r.J 
VIR  ILLUSTRISSIME, — Literse  tuse  Id.  Februarys  dates8  nuper 
ad  me  delatse  sunt.  In  quibus,  quod  mihi  gratissimum, 
lego  pro  Amstelodamensibus  pronunciatum  esse,  et  te  ibi 
inauguratum.  Cedant  tibi  in  bonum  omnia.  Spero  enim 
te,  Numine  propitio  valde,  sedem,  non  studia,  mutasse.  Sti- 

i  [Nathaniel  Bernard,  Lecturer  at          r   [Exstat  etiam,  magna  vero   sui 

St.  Sepulchre's  in  London,  in  preach-  parte  mutila,  in  locis  autem  quibus- 

ing  at  St.  Mary's  in  Cambridge,  May  dam      emendatior,    apud    Freest,    ac 

6,1632,  "uttered  some  offensive  words  Erudit.  Viror.  Epistt.,  Epist.  dviii.  p. 

concerning  some  ceremonies  and  rites  767.] 

used  in  some  churches,"  as  Comber          •   [Vide  G.  J.  Vossii  Epist.  clviii. 

the  Vice-Chancellor  informed  Laud.  pp.  189,  seq.] 
See  Prynne's  Cant.  Doom,  p.  363.] 


LETTERS.  299 

pendium  altera  parte  majus  usui  erit  tuis,  quod  paucioribus 
horis  publice  doceas,  erit  tibi  et  studiis. 

Casaubonus*  a  morte  Reverendissimi  Wintoniensisu  in 
meam  clientelam  transiit.  Ego  Patris  nomine  et  suo,  quse 
potui  feci,  ut  liber  a  curis  studiis  indulgeret ;  quibus  seque  ac 
majoribus  conatibus  (si  majores  sint)  res  domi  augustiores 
obstare  solent.  Alia  et  majora  facturus  sum,  quum  facultas 
adsitv,  et  erit  opportunum.  Interim  gaudeo  tot  nominibus  tibi 
gratum  accessisse  Casauboni  Optatumx.  Si  qua  in  re  aurem 
tibi  vellat,  spero  Hiitius  agit,  nollem  enim,  ut  quid  durius, 
quum  tantis  sis  occupationibus  distentus,  nee  vellem  ut  aliis 
quam  tuis  passibus,  et  quibus  feliciter  possis,  progrediaris. 

Armachanus  certe  noster?  Vir  doctus  et  gravis  librum  tibi 
dicatum,  a  se  scriptum2  ad  me  misit.  Gratias  egi,  ut  par 
erat ;  nam  valde  mihi  Prcesul  ille  ob  multiplicem  doctrinam 
charus.  Sed  quum  primum  inspexi,  nonnulla  occurrebant, 
quse  mihi  raptim  (prout  res  mese  exigunt)  legenti  non  ita 
arrisere.  Prsecipue  vero  ille  S.  Aug.  sensus  restriction  qui 
venerabilem  ilium  Patrem  nee  antiquioribus  in  Eeclesia,  nee 
sibi  ipsi,  constare  permisit.  Gratias  vero  tibi  ago  summas, 
quod  (etsi  paucis  id  a  te  factum)  significare  placuit,  in  quibus 
necesse  tibi  sit  a  viro  tanto  dissentire.  Dignare,  obsecro,  si 
per  otium  liceat,  pleniori  calamo,  breviter  tamen,  ea,  et  si 
quse  alia  sunt,  describere,  et  ad  me  transmittere,  in  privatum 
tantum  usum  vertenda. 

De  amplissimo  illo  Viro  Hu.  Grotio  pauca  habeo.  Salutes, 
quseso,  virum  doctissimum  meis  nominibus.  Fac  etiam,  ut 
sciat  gratum  mihi  admodum  fuisse,  quod  calculo  ejus  dignis- 
simo  indignissimus  approbatus  sim,  quod  ex  ipsius  ad  Casau- 
bonum  literis  intellexia.  Cseterum  reditum  ejus  in  patriam 
fateor  mihi  semper  fuisse  inter  res  vix  credibiles,  cujuscunque 
demum  suasu  fuerit.  Nee  deest  mihi  ratio,  etsi  non  hie  et 
nunc  inserenda.  Si  iterum  sponte  patria  excedat,  felix  est, 

i  [Mericus  Casaubonus,  Isaac!  filius,  et  Observationibus,  Londini.  1631.] 
admissus  ad  Eccl.  Cant.  Canonicatum,          y  [Jacobus  Usserius,  Archiep.   Ar- 

Junii  19,  1628.]  mach.] 

u  [Lancelot!  Andrewes,  qui  obierat          z  [Gotteschalci  et  Praedestinarianse 

Sept.  25,  1626.]  Controversies  ab  eo  motas  Historian:, 

v  [Contulitei  Laudus,  turn  Archiep.  editam  Eblanae,  A.D.  1631.] 
Cantuar.,  Vicariam  de  Minster,  Oct.          a  [Vide   Merici   Casauboni  ad  has 

4,   1635,  et  Vicariam  de  Monkton,  Hug.  Grotii  literas  responsum  apud 

Oct.  25,  ejusd.  anni.]  Merici  Casauboni Epist.  p.  3.  Koterod. 

x  [Ediderat  Optatum  una  cum  Notis  1709.] 


300  LETTERS. 

quod  eum  tot  reges  priricipesque  desiderant.  Hoc  uno  infe- 
licior,  quod  non  tarn,  aut  facile,  aut  tuto,  eligere  potest,  atque 
eligi.  Quod  prse  aliis  invides  eum  Britannise,  placet  id  qui- 
dem,  et  quam  utilis  esse  potest,  non  magis  scio  quam  agnosco. 
Sed,  ut  nunc  res  sunt  apud  nos,  de  ea  re  ne  cogitandum 
quidem. 

Quod  interjicis  de  turbis  Lugdunensibus,  et  capitis  sup- 
plicio  irrogato  homicidseb,  certe  non  sine  dolore  audio  hsec  et 
similia  de  Academiis.  Inter  pessimos  mores  quid  restat,  si 
occidere,  vel  occidi,  sit  Academice  vivere  ?  Felix  tamen  Lug- 
dunum  vestrum,  quod  inter  tarn  crebras  caBdes,  tot  habet 
tamen  nobiles,  quotidie  illuc  advolantes  studii  et  eruditionis 
causa,  auditque  Asylum  juventutis.  Sed  non  sic  olim  crevere 
liters. 

Quod  reliquum  est  (nam  alia  me  avocant),  cura  vale- 
tudinem,  ut  diu  usui  esse  possis  Ecclesise  Christi.  .ZEvum. 
schismaticum  dicis ;  nee  audeo  abnuere.  Interim  necesse 
est  ferre,  quod  nee  vitare  potes,  nee  corrigere.  Et  certe 
morbus  adeo  complicatus  est,  ut  iiescio  quern  potest  Medicum 
exspectare,  prseter  Deum.  Auctorem  salutis  nostra3  dum  pre- 
cibus  sollicitas,  sis  mei  memor.  Vale. 

Tui  studiosissimus, 

GUIL.  LONDON. 

Julii  3, 1632. 

Fere  inter  scribendum  accepi  orationem  a  te  publice  habi- 
tam,  certe  doctissimam,  de  Utilitate  Historic.  Gratias  ago 
maximas. 


LETTER  XXXVII. 

TO  THE  LORD   VISCOUNT  WENTWORTU. 

[Strafforde  Letters,  vol.  i.  pp.  57,  58°.] 

Salutem  in  Christ o. 

MY  VERY  GOOD  LORD, — I  humbly  thank  you  for  your  noble 
letters  to  me,  and  I  cannot  doubt  of  your  assurance  to  me. 

b  [Iste  homicida  "fuit  ex  famulitio  in  1631 ;  but  it  obviously  belongs  to 

Principis  Kazevilii,  eo  tempore  apud  1632,  as  Wentworth  was  not  made 

Lugdunenses  degentis."  Yide  Vossii  Deputy  of  Ireland  till  Jan.  7, 163|  ; 

Epist.  clviii.  p.  190.]  also,  Moreton  was  not  made  Bishop  of 

c  [This  letter  is  placed  by  Knowler  Durham  till  June  1632.] 


LETTERS.  301 

I  am  glad  to  hear  from  so  good  a  hand  as  your  Lord 
ship's,  that  my  Lord  Newcastled  is  so  well  affected  to  me. 
You  know  I  had  need  hold  some  friends ;  and,  certainly,  if 
his  Lordship  come  into  the  south,  to  me  he  must  be  welcome, 
to  whomsoever  he  be  not ;  and,  if  it  were  in  my  power  to 
hold  him  here,  the  north  should  not  have  him  again  in  haste. 
I  hope  they  are  as  well  minded  to  him,  that  have  more 
power. 

Mr.  Secretary  Windebank6  takes  himself  much  bound  to 
your  Lordship,  and  hath  lately  expressed  so  much  to  you  by 
his  own  letters. 

The  same  day  that  I  received  letters  from  your  Lordship 
about  Smartf,  I  received  the  like  from  my  Lord  his  Grace  of 
YorkS;  they  came  to  me  at  Oatlands.  There  I  acquainted 
his  Majesty  with  it,  and  read  my  Lord  of  York's  letter  to 
him,  and  left  it  in  his  hands  to  give  to  Mr.  Secretary  Coke, 
that  he  might  write  presently  down  about  it.  I  acquainted 
the  King  likewise  with  the  passage  in  your  letter.  I  hope 
your  Lordship,  and  the  Commissioners  there,  will  make  that 
most  unworthy  Dean  an  example11. 

For  Dr.  Carr1  I  have  moved,  and  have  obtained  in  your 
name  what  you  desire  for  him.  But  I  must  tell  your  Lord 
ship,  fifty  miles  is  a  great  distance;  and  the  King  was 
marvellous  strict;  yet  he  said  he  would  not  deny  it  you, 
being  to  leave  those  parts  for  his  better  serviced  Yet  this 
he  requires,  that  Dr.  Carr  shall,  within  the  space  of  two 
years,  bring  himself  within  the  distance  of  thirty  miles, 

d  [William  Cavendish,  created  Earl  of  released  by  the  Long  Parliament,  and 

Newcastle,  March  7,  1628  ;  Marquess  retaliated  by  instituting  a  prosecution 

of  Newcastle,  Oct.  27, 1643 ;  and  Duke  against  Cosin  and  others.   See  vol.  iv. 

of  Newcastle,  March  16,  1664 :  a  most  pp.  40,  293.] 

accomplished  person,  and  also  actively  s  [Richard  Neile.] 

employed  on  the  side  of  the  King  in  h  [  Dr.  Hunt,  who  appears  to  have 

the  great  Rebellion.    The  Archbishop  favoured  Smart.] 

bequeathed  him    his    best  diamond  '  [Thomas  Carr,  Prebendary  of  the 

ring.     (See  Will.)]  fourth  stall  in  Durham  Cathedral.  He 

e  [Sir  Francis  Windebank,  so  fre-  was  presented  by  Lord  Strafford  to 

quently  mentioned  in  the  Diary.]  the  livings  of  Hungate  and  Ayeliffe, 

f  [Peter  Smart,  Prebendary  of  the  and  attended  him  at  his  murder  on 

fourth  stall  in  Durham  Cathedral.  He  the    scaffold.      (Walker's    Sufferings, 

preached,  in  1628,  two  celebrated  ser-  p.  20.)] 

mons  on  "  The  Vanity  and  Downfall  k  [Went worth  had,  a  few  months 

of  Superstition  and  Popish   Ceremo-  before,  been  appointed  Lord  Deputy 

nies,"  for  which  he  was  deprived  in  of  Ireland.] 
the  High-Commission  Court.    He  was 


302  LETTERS. 

which  the  canon  of  the  Church  allows.  And  of  this  I  heartily 
pray  your  Lordship  to  take  the  best  care  you  can,  to  help 
him  to  an  exchange.  For  the  world  will  be  apt  to  think  this 
is  my  doing,  and  that  I  make  too  little  conscience  of  distance. 
This  to  your  letters. 

Now,  my  Lord,  what  do  you,  or  have  you  done,  about  Dr. 
Bramhall  for  the  prebend?  For  my  Lord  of  Durham  is 
actually  translated,  and  so  out  of  it1. 

And  what  do  you  mean  to  do  for  your  journey  into  Ire 
land  ?  Will  you  stay  till  August  be  past,  and  put  yourself 
upon  the  flaws  of  September  in  that  broken  sea?  Have  you 
courted,  you  know  whom,  all  this  while  (for  I  have  nothing 
but  what  Cassius  tells  me),  to  take  no  better  company  with 
you  than  Michaelmas  Riggs  ?  If  you  do  not  make  haste, 
I  profess  I  cannot  tell  what  to  say  to  your  journey.  You 
may  find  more  danger  in  a  ship  to  Ireland,  than  over  the 
Thames  in  a  skuller.  Did  ever  Brutus  or  Cassius  do  thus  or 
thus  at  Tiber? 

One  business  more  I  must  acquaint  you  with :  the  Lord 
Mountnorrism,  when  he  went,  spake  with  me  to  get  him  a 
chaplain,  a  sober  man  and  a  good  scholar.  His  intentions 
are  very  honourable,  but  too  long  for  a  letter.  He  told  me, 
the  party  (if  I  could  fit  him)  was  to  come  over  with  your 
Lordship.  I  have,  I  think,  fitted  his  desires n;  but  whether 
my  Lord  acquainted  you  with  this  or  not,  I  cannot  tell. 
I  thought  fit,  however,  to  tell  you  of  it ;  for  I  should  be  loth 
to  have  him  prepare  himself,  and  then  be  left  behind ;  the 
rest  of  this  you  shall  have,  when  I  have  the  happiness  to  see 
you.  I  hear  my  Lord  Bishop  of  Lincoln0  uses  my  name  at 
his  pleasure,  and  strangely,  if  all  be  true  I  hear.  God  forgive 
him,  and  I  do.  But  I  hope  He  will  preserve  me  from  such 
inveterate  malice.  This  is  too  long  too,  and  not  worth 
repeating.  I  will  hope  he  is  misreported  to  me. 

1  [Thomas  Moreton,  Bishop  of  Lich-  Mountnorris  in  1628.] 

field  and  Coventry,  had  been  confirmed  n  [The  person  Avho  was  selected  was 

Bishop  of  Durham  the  previous  July  James  Croxton,  of  whom  see  more  in 

2.     The  stall  which  Bramhall  held  in  vol.  iv.  p.  288,  note  a.      He  is   fre- 

York  Cathedral  was  Husthwaite,  to  quently  mentioned  below  in  the  course 

which  he  Avas  not  admitted  till  June  of  these  Letters.] 

13,    1633.      See   Bramhall's   Works,  °    [John  Williams,    Laud's    bitter 

vol.  i.  p.  xvii.]  opponent.] 

'"  [Francis  Annesley,  created  Baron 


LETTERS.  303 

My  Lord  Marshall's  and  his  Lady^  are  gone  towards  Cum 
berland.  I  presume  they  have,  or  will  see  you  in  those 
parts,  where  I  shall  now  never  have  the  honour  to  see  you,  if 
I  should  lose  my  way  again  between  Rotherham  and  Rouslye 
Bar.  So,  wishing  you  all  health  and  happiness,  I  leave  you 
to  the  grace  of  God,  and  rest 

Your  Lordship's  most  affectionate 

Friend  and  Servant, 

GUIL.  LONDON. 

July  30,  1631  {leg.  1632]. 


LETTER  XXXVIII. 

TO  G.   J.   VOSSIUS. 
[Apud  Claror.  Viror.  ad  Vossium  Epistt.,  Epist.  clxi.  p.  105  r.] 

Salutem  in  Christo. 

Junius s  vester  nosterque,  vos  et  nativum  solum  repetit. 
Causa  itineris  est  Comes  Arundelianus,  cui  jam  feliciter 
servit.  Comes  ille,  non  genere  clarior  quam  virtutibus,  Le- 
gatus  Regius  ad  sororem  Reginam  Bohemia  *,  ad  vos  profi- 
ciscitur ;  turn  ut  ei  solatio  sit  graviter  amissum  maritum 
dolenti;  turn  ut  earn,  si  ita  Deo  et  Reginse  visum  fuerit,  in 
Angliam  reducat.  Hinc  occasionem  avide  arripiens  Junius, 
me  gaudio  perfusus  adit,  et  vos  desiderio  prius,  quam  ulnis, 
amplectitur.  Quseris  ergo  cur  Junius  sine  literis  meis  ?  Certe 
non  est,  quod  nihil  h abeam,  quod  scribam,  scribo  enim  (ut 
vides)  etsi  nihil :  sed,  non  inscio  Junio  aliis  manibus  literas 
meas  credidi,  ut  juvenis  hie,  pra3clarse  certe  indolis,  qualem- 
qualem  occasionem  habeat  te  videndi,  et  meo  nomine  salu- 
tandi.  Filius  autem  est,  et  natu  quid  em  maximus  honor  a- 
tissimi  DD.  Francisci  Windebank  u,  Regise  Majestatis  nuper 
Secretarii,  et  a  Consiliis ;  viri  ut  alias  dignissimi,  ita  mihi 
per  annos  triginta  et  amplius  amicissimi.  Juvenem  hunc  eo 
am  ore,  quo  amicos  beare  soles,  prosequere,  et  omnia  quse 
nunc  petenda  sunt  perfecisti.  Velim  etiam,  ut  Junio  gratias 

P  [Thomas  Howard,  Earl  of  Arun-  Viror.  Epistt,,  Epist.  dxvi.  p.  771.] 
del.]"  3  [Vide  supra,  p.  277.] 

i  [Alathea,  daughter  and  co-heir  of         i  [Vide  torn.  iii.  p.  216,  note  k.] 
Gilbert  Talbot,  Earl  of  Shrewsbury.]  u  [Thomas  Windebank,  de  quo  plura 

r  [Exstat  etiam,  maxima  vero  parte  apud   Prynne,   '  Hidden  Works,'  pp. 

BUI  mutila,    apud  Praest.   ac   Erudit.  144,  seq.] 


304  LETTERS. 

agas,  quod  hie  amici  mei  films  ei  curse  sit.  Quod  nee  multis, 
nee  ssepius  scribo,  negotia  mea  in  causa  sunt,  non  animus. 
Baronium  tamen  etiam  nunc  inculco,  et  scis  quid  magnopere 
velim.  Hoc  etiam  habe ;  me  omnia  fecisse,  et  facturum,  quse 
Grotio  nostro  dignissimo,  aut  honori  sunt,  aut  usui  esse 
possunt.  Heliqua  Dei  sunt.  Vale,  et  quoties  Deum  adoras, 
pro  me  ores  ;  sum  enim 

Tibi  in  Christo  amicissimus, 

GUTL.  LOND. 
Lond.  Decembr.  26,  1632. 


LETTER  XXXIX. 

TO  G.   J.   VOSSIUS. 
[Ibid.  Epist.  cxxxvii.  p.  90.] 

Salutem  in  Christo. 

Nudiusquintus  scripsi  ad  te,  Vir  Clarissime.  Nuncius  turn 
et  Junius  tuus  et  Windebankus  meus.  Quum  lit  eras  illas 
ad  te  dedi,  prorsus  nihil  rescivi  de  filio  tuo,  nisi  quod  omnia 
bene  Cantabrigia3.  Quum  ecce  literse  ab  amicis  meis  intimis, 
et  qui  tibi  filioque  optime  vovent,  ad  me  properant.  Clamant 
filium  tuum,  non  otiosum  tantum,  sed  et  pene  dissolutum. 
Dens  bone,  qualis  mutatio,  et  quam  inexpectata!  Doleo 
valde,  sed  tua  interest,  ut  quam  proximum  rescires.  Aiunt 
ilium,  amore  puellae,  et  famse  non  satis  integrae  (utpote 
degentis  in  diversorio)  captum  esse.  Si  matrimonium  con- 
trahat  et  tale,  quantus  dolor  !  Statim  in  ipso  Nunc  literarum 
istarum  scripsi  ad  illos,  ut  omnia  facerent,  quae  aegrum  filium 
tuum  possint  sanare,  aut  saltern  impedire,  ne  sic  miser 
pereat.  Societas  enim,  qua  fruitur  in  Collegio  Jesu,  ilia  altera 
Societate  perditur,  et  unde  vitam  quseret  nescio.  Consilium 
dant  amici,  nee  aliud  ego,  ut  tu  quam  citissime  tanquam 
aliud  volens  filium  accersas,  celerrimum  reditum  promittas, 
sed  quum  in  tuam,  i.  e.  patriam  potestatem  devenerit,  potes 
alia  et  salubria  consilia  capere.  Num  Junius  abeuns  eum 
non  adiit  ?  Num  adiit,  et  nihil  est  suspicatus  novi.  Deus 
bone,  quam  male  me  habet  animus !  A  tempore  quo  a  te 
redux  (diu  id  mihi  videtur)  me  non  invisit.  Quum  hoc 
audio,  jubeo  literas  hasce  meas  volare,  ut  tu  jubeas  reditum 


LETTERS.  305 

filii   tui,    saniora    spero    consilia   inituri,    quum   te  viderit. 
Vale,  et  me  ama,  ut  mihi  molestum  est  haec  scribere. 

Tibi  amic. 

fan'  4'  1632  GUIL.    LONDIN. 

Stylo  nostro. 


LETTER  XL. 

TO    G.    J.    VOSSIUS. 
[Ibid.  Epist.  cxl.  pp.  92,  93  «.] 

Salutem  in  Christo. 

Vm  CLARISSIME,  Admodum  gratse  mihi  sunt  literse  tuse  y, 
ut  semper,  ita  mine  prsecipue.  Diu  enim  expetii  brevem,  sed 
magis  dilucidam  sententise  Godescalsianse  Expositionem, 
quam  ullibi  adhuc  mihi  videre  contigit.  Et  certe  lis  ilia  de 
gratia  et  libero  arbitrio  eo  inauspicatius  mota  mihi  videtur, 
quia  vix  ulli,  qui  a  primis  ante  S.  Aug.  Patribus  recesserunt, 
tam  feliciter  rem  aggressi  sunt,  ac  priores  illi.  Nunc  literae 
tuse,  et  chartulse  inclusae,  mihi  et  votis  meis  abunde  satisfe- 
cerunt,  et  gratias  ago.  Si  quse  tam  en  sunt,  quse  post  uberi- 
orem  disquisitionem  prolixius  placet  scribere,  mihi  certe  per- 
gratissima  futura  sunt. 

Exercitationes  Grammaticse  tibi  forsan  (ut  res  tuse  sunt) 
necessarise  editu,  aliis  proculdubio  utiles,  mihi  acceptiores 
futurse,  nisi  te  a  Baronio  avocarent.  Summopere  enim  cupio 
historian!  veteris  Ecclesise  a  te  aut  compositam,  aut  limatam 
videre  ;  id  est,  a  prsejudiciis,  et  contrariarum  factionum  inter- 
polationibus  liberatam. 

Gratulor  tibi  de  Dionysio  tuo  z,  quod  annum  vix  egressus 
vigesimum  tam  alta  sapiat.  Si  Rabbi  Mos.  Maimonidis  trans- 
ferre  ex  Hebrseo  cogitat,  et  auctor  placet  et  argumentum,  sc. 
de  Idololatria3  Exordiis  et  Progressu.  De  nomine,  cui  inscri- 
bere  decrevit  opus  tam  insigne,  id  mihi  voluptati  erit,  quod 
placet  vobis  a.  Interim  carmina  ejus,  quse  geminum  implent 
Panegyricum,  Principi  Arausioniensium  debita b,  avidius  per- 

*    [Prior  hujus  Epistolse  pars  ex-  z  [De  quo  in  Epist.  superius  citata 

stat  quoque    apud    Prsest.   ac    Erud.  Yossius  ad  Laudum  scripserat.] 

Viror.  Epistt.,  Epist.  dxvii.  pp.  771,  a  [Voluit  librum  suutn  Laudo   in- 

772.]  scribere.     Vide  Yossii  Epist.  p.  209.] 

>  [Vide  G.  J.  Vossii  Epist.  clxxxvi.  b  [Vide  ibid.  p.  210.] 
p.  208.] 

LAUD. — VOL.  VI.  X 


306  LETTERS. 

legi,  sed  (ut  soleo)  propere  nimis  prse  negotiis,  quse  me  nou 
a  studiis  modo,  sed  et  meipso  divellunt. 

Et  utinam  hie  laus  Dionysii  terminus  esse  posset  Epistolse 
hujus,  sed  Johannes  id  non  patitur,  nee  literas  tuse  per  Junium 
nostrum  allatse c.  De  amoribus  illis  si  antea  audivisti,  eo 
doleo  magis,  quod  monitis  tuis,  non  dico,  spretis,  neglectis 
tamen.  ullam  cum  ea  consuetudinem  ulterius  foveret.  Si 
nolit  uxorem,  cur  vult  consuetudinem  ?  Cur  famam  placet 
alere  in  proprium  dedecus  ?  Si  extremes  dementia?  sit  pro- 
jicere  se  infra  sortem  suarrr,  certe  vix  minoris  est,  id  agere, 
quo  magis  fama  frustra  scindatur  sua.  Negat  haec  omnia, 
audio,  et  spero  vere.  Sed  vera  sint  ilia  de  nuptiis,  sive  non, 
certum  est  et  horas  male  collocare  bonas,  et  ses  alienum  con- 
trahere,  quse  duo,  sola  ut  shit,  ferenda  non  sunt.  Hsec 
autem  ita  se  habere,  potes  e  chartula  hac  inclusa  scire.  Clau- 
sula  est  literarum  Doctoris  Beli,  Collegii  Jesu  apud  Canta- 
brigienses  Praepositid,  quas  nuperrime  ad  me  misit.  Belus 
lingua  vernacula  scripsit,  literas  ejus  Latinas  fecit  inelegantior 
calamus. 

Junius  statim  a  reditu  et  me  consuluit,  ct  Cantabrigiam 
petiit.  Rediens  inde  me  frustra  qusesivit,  ut  quern  negotia 
alibi  magis  detinent  quam  domi.  Id  tantum  servo  meo  con- 
credidit,  intra  triduum  aut  eo  circiter  adfuturum  filium 
tuum.  Ecce  paro  literas,  sed  nimis  propere  scriptas,  et  de 
filio  tuo  nihil  habent,  quod  addant.  A  Junio  ea  spero  accipies. 
Si  bona  sint,  tecum  gaudeo ;  si  alia,  et  rion  pessima,  potes  id 
agere,  Deo  propitio,  ut  quum  ad  te  venerit  films,  redimatur 
quam  queas  minim  o,  sive  damno,  sive  periculo.  Gravia  certe 
hsec  sunt,  sed  ad  meliorem  se  frugem  recipiet  filius,  si  forte 
(ut  fertur)  aberravit.  Deus  te  diu  incolumem  servet  tibi, 
tuis,  et  mihi 

Nominis  et  meriti 

tui  Cultori, 

Feb.  15,  1632,  GUIL.    LONDIN. 

Comp.  nostro. 

Hucusque  filium  tuum  exspectavi  frustra.  Cantab rigia 
Londinum  decessit,  antequam  ego  has  literas  scripsi.  Si  alas 
mutuatus  est,  quibus  ad  te  volet,  bene  est.  Sed  timeo  omnia. 
Iterum  vale. 

c  [Vide  Vossii  Epist.  cxci.  p.  212.] 

11  [Guil.  Bclus,  de  quo  plura  videas  apud  '  Walker's  Sufferings,'  p.  148.] 


LETTERS.  307 


LETTER  XLI. 

TO   THE   LORD    VISCOUNT   WE  NT  WORTH. 
[Straff orde  Letters,  vol.  i.  pp.  81,  82.] 

S.  in  Christ o. 

MY  VERY  GOOD  LORD,, — I  humbly  and  heartily  pray  you  to 
give  me  leave  to  recommend  these  particulars  following  both 
to  your  memory  and  your  justice,  so  soon  as  it  pleases  God 
you  shall  be  settled  in  Ireland.  And  that  you  will  be 
pleased  to  consider  of  so  many  particulars,  as  concern  the 
Church  and  religion,  with  as  much  favour  as  justice  can  give 
way  unto. 

1.  I  humbly  pray  your  Lordship  to  remember  what  you 
have  promised  me  concerning  the  Church  at  Dublin c,  which 
hath  for  divers  years  been  used  for  a  stable  by  your  prede 
cessors;  and  to  vindicate  it  to  God's  service,  as  you  shall 
there  examine,  and  find  the  merits  of  the  cause. 

2.  That  you  would  be  pleased  to  consider  of  the  business 
proposed  by  the  Lord  Viscount  Mayo,  so  far  as  you  shall 
find  it  honourable,  and  for  the  King's  service ;  and  let  his 
Lordship  know,  that,  according  to  my  word,  I  have  remem 
bered  it. 

3.  That  you  would  be   pleased,  when   old   Mr.  Matchet 
brings  my  letters  to  you,  about  the  rights  of  his  parsonage, 
to  preserve  him  and  the  Church's  cause,  so  far  as  you  shall 
find  it  just,  for  his  adversary  is  potent. 

4.  That  in  the  great  cause  of  the  Impropriations,  which 
are  yet  remaining  in  his  Majesty's  gift,  and  which  he  is  most 
graciously  willing  to  give  back  to  God  and  His  service,  you 
will  do  whatsoever  may  justly  be  done  for  the  honour  and 
service  of  our  two  great  masters,  God,  and  the  King ;  that 
you    would   countenance   and   assist   the   Lord  Primate   of 
Armagh  in  all  things  belonging  to  this  great  service.     And 
particularly  for  the  procuring  of  a  true  and  just  valuation  of 
them,  that  the  King  may  know  what  he  gives  the  Church. 
I  pray,  my  Lord,  be  hearty  in  this,  for  I  shall  think  myself 

e  [S.Andrew's  church.     See  Letter      Deputy,   Feb.   26,    1631.     (Strafforde 
from  the  Lords  Justices  to  the  Lord      Letters,  vol.  i.  p.  68.)] 

x  2 


308  LETTERS. 

very  happy,  if  God  be  pleased  to  spare  my  life  to  see  this 
business  ended. 

5.  I  would  also  pray  your  Lordship  to  give  the  Lord  Bishop 
of  Limerick f  that  fair  and  just  hearing,  which  I  know  you 
will  not  deny  to  any  j  the  rather  because  the  said  Bishop 
pretends  in  his  letter  to  me,   that  he  desires  nothing  but 
justice^'. 

6.  The  next  is  a  particular  business  concerning  St.  John's 
College  in  Oxford;    to  which  college  Dr.  Michael  Boyle11, 
now  Bishop  of  Waterford,  is  indebted  thirty-five  pounds,  as 
appears  by  note  under  Dr.  Juxon's  hand,  then  President  of 
the  college  \  which  I  here  deliver  your  Lordship.     I  presume 
he  cannot  be  so  unworthy  as  to  deny  the  debt.     If  he  be, 
I  here  send  your  Lordship  the  bond  itself,  which  he  entered 
to  the  college  according  to  course,  when  he  was  made  Fellow ; 
and  two  letters  which  himself  sent  to  me,  while  I  was  Presi 
dent,    acknowledging  the   debt,    and    desiring   forbearance. 
I  pray  your  Lordship  the  college  may  be  no  longer  deluded 
by  him,  but  that  you  will  be  honourably  pleased  to  receive 
the  college  money,  and  deliver  him  his  bond,  or  call  him  to 
a  legal  account,  if  he  refuse,  that  we  may  once  have  an  end 
of  this  business. 

7.  There  is  one  Christopher  Sands,  who,  as  I  am  informed, 
dwells  now  in  Londonderry,  and  teaches  an  English  school 
there ;  and  I  do  much  fear  he  doth  many  things  there,  to  the 
dishonour  of  God,  and  the  endangering  of  many  poor  souls. 


f  [Francis  Gough,  consecrated  Sep-  So  it  is   ordered  at  the  Board,  that 

tember  17,   1626,    died  August   26,  Streatch  shall  convey  and  release  all 

1634.]  his  interest  to  the  Church,  and  take 

s  [This  case  is  thus  mentioned  in  back  a  lease  of  one-and-twenty  years 

the  letter  written  December  1633,  by  from  the  bishop,  paying  40Z.  rent,  and 

Wentworth  to  Laud,  in  which  he  gives  40£.  fine."    It  is  added,  in  the  margin 

an  account  of  the  progress  he   had  of  this  passage,  "  that  Lofthouse  was 

made  in   his  '  Church-work ' : — "  My  moved  to  restore  these  lands,  and  a 

Lord  of  Limerick  had  likewise  a  suit  stone  house  of  his  own,  forth  of  re- 

with  one  Streatch,  which  continued  morse  of  conscience,  by  recompence 

many  years,  and  the  Bishop  not  any-  for  the  lands  he  had  mala  fide  taken 

thing  the  nearer.     The  matter  con-  the  benefit  of  from  the  Church." — 

cerned  SQL  a  year,  given  by  one  Loft-  Strafforde  Letters,  vol.  i.  pp.  171,172.] 
house  (whose  daughter  and  heir  this          h  [Michael  Boyle  was  elected  Scholar 

Streatch  since  married)  to  the  Catholic  of  St.  John's  in  1593.     He  came  first 

Bishop  of  Limerick,   intending  sure  to  Ireland  as  Dean  of  Lismore,  and 

theKoman;  but  we  hold  ours  the  Ca-  was  consecrated,  in  1619,  Bishop  of 

tholic  Bishop,  and  therefore  have  rec-  Waterford.] 

tified  the  knowledge  of  the  donor,  and         '  [Juxon  was  President  of  St.  John's 

applied  it  to  the  right  bishop  indeed,  from  November  19,  1621,  to  1632.] 


LETTERS.  309 

For  the  party  is  a  Jew,  and  denies  both  Christ  and  His 
Gospel;  as  I  shall  be  able  to  prove,  if  I  had  him  here. 
I  hutnbly  pray  your  Lordship,  that  he  may  be  seized  on  by 
authority,  and  sent  over  in  safe  custody,  and  delivered  either 
to  myself,  or  to  Mr.  Mottershed,  the  Register  of  the  High- 
Commission,  that  he  may  not  live  there  to  infect  his  Majesty's 
subjects. 

8.  I  am  likewise  commanded  by  his  Majesty  to  deliver 
your  Lordship  a  clause  of  a  letter  sent  unto  me  by  the  Lord 
Primate   of  Armagh,    Novr.   1st,    1632,   with  which   I  ac 
quainted  his  Majesty.     At  which  time  his  princely  pleasure 
was,  that  your  Lordship  should  assure  the  Lord  Primate,  that 
he    would   see  the  jurisdiction  of  the    Church   established 
there,  to  be  maintained,  against  both  recusants,  and  other 
factionists  whatsoever;   and  that  you  should  do   your  best 
endeavour  to  stop   all  such  occasions  as  may  dishearten  the 
bishops  in  God's  service  and  his.     This  branch  of  the  letter 
I  also  here  deliver  to  your  Lordship. 

9.  I  further  pray  your  Lordship  to  take  notice  by  the  Lord 
Primate  of  Armagh,  of  the  readiness  of  the  Lord  Chief  Justice 
of  Ireland  k  to  set  forwards  the  maintenance  of  the  ministers 
in  that  kingdom,  and  to  encourage  him  to  advance  the  same. 
As  also  to  move  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  for  his  opinion,  what 
legal  course  he  shall  think  fittest  may  be  held  for  the  present 
means  of  curates  out  of  the  impropriations  in  Ireland ;  which 
I  am  credibly  informed  his  Lordship  is  very  able,  and  willing 
to  give. 

10.  I  heartily  pray  your  Lordship  to  take  notice  of  young 
Mr.  Croxton l,  whom  I  send  over  with  your  Lordship  to  the 
Lord  Mountnorris.     I  hope  he  will  prove  so  honest  and  so 
able  a  man,  as  may  do  good  service  to  those  parts,  if  God 
bless  him  with  life.     And  I  doubt  not,  but,  as  it  shall  fall  in 
your  way,  your  Lordship  will  bestow  some  preferment  upon 
him  for  his  maintenance,  for  which  I  will  thank  you,  and 
rest 

Your  Lordship's  loving  poor 

Friend  to  serve  you, 

April  30,  1633.  GUIL.  LONDON. 

k  [Sir  George  Shurlcy.]  '  [See  above,  p.  302.] 


310  LETTERS. 

LETTER  XLIL 

TO   THE   LOUD   VISCOUNT   WENTWORTII. 
[Strafforde  Letters,  vol.  i.  pp.  110,  111.] 

SnJutem  in  Christ o. 

MY  \7ERY  GOOD  LORD, — I  heartily  thank  your  Lordship 
for  all  your  love,  and  for  the  joy  you  are  pleased  both  to 
conceive  and  express  for  my  translation  to  Canterbury ;  for 
I  conceive  all  your  expressions  to  me  are  very  hearty,  and 
such  I  have  hitherto  found  them.  And  now,  since  I  am  there, 
(for  my  translation  is  to  be  on  Thursday,  Sept.  19th,)  I  must 
desire  your  Lordship  not  to  expect  more  at  my  hands  than 
I  shall  be  able  to  perform,  either  in  Church  or  State;  and 
this  suit  of  mine  hath  a  great  deal  of  reason  in  it,  for  you 
write,  that  ordinary  things  are  far  beneath  that  which  you 
cannot  choose  but  promise  yourself  of  me  in  both  respects. 
But,  my  Lord,  to  speak  freely,  you  may  easily  promise  more 
in  either  kind  than  I  can  perform.  For,  as  for  the  Church, 
it  is  so  bound  up  in  the  forms  of  the  common  law,  that  it  is 
not  possible  for  me,  or  for  any  man,  to  do  that  good  which 
he  would,  or  is  bound  to  do.  For  your  Lordship  sees,  no 
man  clearer,  that  they-  which  have  gotten  so  much  power  in 
and  over  the  Church,  will  not  let  go  their  hold ;  they  have, 
indeed,  fangs  with  a  witness,  whatsoever  I  was  once  said  in 
passion  to  have.  And  for  the  State,  indeed,  niy  Lord,  I  am 
^  for  '  thorough/  but  I  see  that  both  thick  and  thin  stays 
somebody,  where  I  conceive  it  should  not ;  and  it  is  impos 
sible  for  me  to  go  thorough  alone.  Besides,  private  ends  are 
such  blocks  in  the  public  way,  and  lie  so  thick,  that  you  may 
promise  what  you  will,  and  I  must  perform  what  I  can,  and 
no  more. 

Next,  my  Lord,  I  thank  you  heartily  for  your  kind  wishes 
to  me,  that  God  would  send  rne  many  and  happy  days  where 
I  now  am  to  be.  Amen.  I  can  do  little  for  myself,  if  I  can 
not  say  so ;  but  truly,  my  Lord,  I  look  for  neither  :  not  for 
many,  for  I  am  in  years,  and  have  had  a  troublesome  life  ;  not 
for  happy,  because  I  have  no  hope  to  do  the  good  I  desire  ; 
and,  besides,  I  doubt  I  shall  never  be  able  to  hold  my  health 


LETTERS.  311 

there  one  year ;  for  instead  of  all  the  jolting  which  I  had 
over  the  stones  between  London  House  and  Whitehall,  which 
was  almost  daily,  I  shall  have  now  no  exercise,  but  slide  over 
in  a  barge  to  the  Court  and  Star-Chamber  ;  and  in  truth,  my 
Lord,  I  speak  seriously,  I  have  had  a  heaviness  hang  upon  me 
ever  since  I  was  nominated  to  this  place,  and  I  can  give  myself 
no  account  of  it,  unless  it  proceed  from  an  apprehension  that 
there  is  more  expected  from  me  than  the  craziness  of  these 
times  will  give  me  leave  to  do. 

That  there  is  a  sharp  contention  between  the  Seculars  and 
the  Regulars  in  Ireland m,  and  that  the  titular  Archbishop 
of  Dublin n  sides  as  a  Benedictine  with  the  Regulars,  is  no 
news  to  me ;  for  my  Lord  Primate,  I  thank  him,  hath  sent 
me  over  some  of  the  books  which  have  been  written  and 
printed  in  that  argument ;  but  the  habit  both  of  the  Bishop 
and  Priests,  I  swear  by  his  Grace's  stockings,  is  as  new  as 
blue.  Indeed,  my  Lord,  I  did  not  think  to  hear  of  a  clergy 
so  suited  on  that  party.  I  should  not  much  have  wondered 
had  it  been  Knox  and  his  fellows ;  but  your  Lordship  may 
see  by  this  to  what  contempt  and  scorn  the  rents  and  divi 
sions  of  the  Church  have  brought  many  of  all  parties ;  but 
I,  for  my  part,  must  acknowledge  the  judgment  just. 

For  the  matter  itself,  since  you  are  pleased  to  ask  such 
advice,  as  I  can  give ;  First,  I  know  no  reason  of  state  why  you 
should  cooperate  to  set  the  contrary  party  at  one.  Secondly, 
I  know  no  reason  in  religion  why  a  superior  should  excom 
municate  any  man  for  suing  his  civil  rights  in  the  civil  courts 
of  justice,  especially  if  he  break  no  canon  of  the  Church  in 
the  manner  of  pursuit.  In  which  case,  if  your  Lordship  do 
prosecute  the  Archbishop,  by  the  King's  Attorney,  for  not 
recalling  such  his  excommunication,  I  think  you  shall  do  but 
your  duty.  Nevertheless,  if  he  shall  send  to  his  superiors 
to  consult  whether  he  shall  recal  his  excommunication  or  no, 
(as  I  verily  think  he  will,)  I  should  think,  because  this  is 
a  leading  case,  it  were  not  amiss  for  your  Lordship  to  com 
municate  it  to  the  Lords  of  the  Council  here,  and  then  you 
may  be  the  more  ready  for  what  answer  soever  his  superiors 

m  [See  some  papers  relating  to  this  n  [Thomas  Fleming.  He  is  called 
dispute  in  Prynne's  Hidden  Works,  a  Franciscan  in  the  Protest  of  the 
pp.  106- -109.]  Romish  Bishops,  ibid.  p.  107.] 


312  LETTERS. 

shall  give  him ;  but  this  I  submit  to  your  Lordship's  better 
judgment. 

Now,  my  Lord,  why  may  you  not  write,  as  whilom  you 
did  to  the  Bishop  of  London  ?  The  man  is  the  same,  and 
the  same  to  you ;  but  I  see  you  stay  for  better  acquaintance, 
and  till  then  you  will  keep  distance.  I  perceive,  also,  my 
predecessor's  awe  is  upon  you,  but  I  doubt  I  shall  never  hold 
it  long ;  and  I  was  about  to  swear  by  my  troth,  as  you  do, 
but  I  remember  oaths  heretofore  were  wont  to  pass  under 
the  Privy  Seal,  and  not  the  ordinary  seal  of  letters.  Well, 
wiser  or  not,  you  must  take  that  as  you  find  it;  but  I  will 
not  write  any  long  letters  and  leave  out  my  mirth,  it  is  one 
of  the  recreations  I  have  always  used  with  my  friends,  and 
'tis  hard  leaving  an  old  custom,  .neither  do  I  purpose  to  do  it ; 
though  I  mean  to  make  choice  of  my  friends,  to  whom  I  will 
use  it.  For  proof  of  this,  I  here  send  your  Lordship  some 
sermon  notes  which  I  have  .received  from  Cambridge;  and, 
certainly,  if  this  be  your  method  there,  you  ride  as  much 
aside  as  ever  Croxton  did  towards  Ireland.  I  wish  your 
Lordship  all  health  and  happiness,  and  so  leave  you  to  the 
grace  of  God,  ever  resting 

Your  Lordship's  very  loving  poor  Servant, 

W.  CANT.  ELECT. 

Fulham,  Sept.  9th,  1633. 


LETTER  XLIII. 

PROM  JOHN  WILLIAMS,   BISHOP  OF  LINCOLN. 
[Lambeth  MSS.  Numb.  mxxx.  p.  10 P.] 

MOST  REVEREND  FATHER  IN  GOD  AND  MY  VERY  GOOD  LORD, 
— My  duty  and  all  due  respects  remembered,  I  do,  in  the 
first  place,  congratulate  with  your  Grace,  or  rather  with 

P  [The  letters  of  Bp.  Williams,  now  the  purpose  of  making  the  Arch- 
printed  for  the  first  time  in  this  col-  bishop's  replies  intelligible,  but  also  to 
lection  from  the  originals  in  Lambeth  illustrate  the  position  in  which  these 
Library,  are  introduced,  not  only  for  leading  Churchmen  stood  to  each 


LETTERS.  313 

this  happy  and  flourishing  Church  of  England,  that  it  hath 
pleased  God  to  put  it  into  his  Majesty's  heart  to  advance 
your  Grace's  person,  so  full  of  great  parts  and  abilities, 
and  withal  so  acceptable  unto  his  Majesty,  to  be  Primate 
of  all  England,  and  the  Metropolitan  of  this  province.  And 
do  must  humbly  and  willingly  offer  unto  your  Grace  my 
best  service  and  attendance,  either  on  your  Consecration,  as 
one  of  your  Grace's  poor  Officers,  or  in  any  other  way,  as  !'IMP£ 
one  of  your  Grace's  Bishops  or  Suffragans.  verb?61 

In  the  next  place,  protesting  sincerely  in  the  presence  of  qi 
God,  that  whatsoever,  or  from  what  man  soever  your  Grace 
hath  heard  aught  to  the  contrary,  yet  that  in  truth  I  did 
never,  in  all  the  time  of  my  being  in  any  nearness  unto 
the  late  King  or  his  Majesty  that  now  is,  either  offer 
(willingly)  any  wrong,  or  omit  any  act  of  true  and  sincere 
friendship  and  respect  unto  your  Grace,  whom  (as  all  men 
know,  that  know  me)  I  esteemed  one  of  my  best  and  ablest 
friends  in  those  times.  This  protestation,  I  say,  sincerely 
premised  in  the  presence  of  Almighty  God,  I  humbly 
beseech  your  Grace  to  procure  my  peace  with  the  King's 
Majesty,  that  resting  in  his  favour,  as  others  of  his  Ma 
jesty's  ordinary  Bishops  and  Chaplains,  I  may,  for  this 
short  remainder  of  my  life,  serve  God  more  quietly,  and 
his  Majesty  more  cheerfully  and  comfortably,  and  yet  in  no 
other  ways  and  directions  than  his  Majesty,  by  your  Grace, 
to  whom  it  now  most  properly  belongeth,  shall  chalk  and 
appoint  me. 

And  for  the  favourers  of  Puritans  or  Sectaries,  with 
whom  I  am  most  injuriously  treated  to  comply  so  much,  I 
renounce  them  all,  of  what  sort  or  condition  soever  they  be, 
from  the  cedar  in  Lebanon  to  the  hyssop  weeping  upon  the 
wall;  and  shall  not  be  offended  if  all  the  world  be  ac 
quainted  with  my  profession  in  this  kind,  but  shall  always 
be  ready  to  make  it  appear  unto  your  Grace,  that  this 
great  diocese,  God's  name  be  praised  for  it,  is  more  free 
from  unconformable  ministers  than  ever  it  hath  been  these 

other.  The  volume  of  MSS.  from  which,  the  commencement  of  the  volume,  an 

they  are   transcribed,  contains  much  account  of  the  manner  in  which  it  came 

other  interesting  matter  relating  to  into  the  Archiepiscopal  Library.] 
Bishop  Williams.     There  is  given,  in 


314  LETTERS. 

sixty  years ;  and  had  been  so  many  years  ago,  if  I  had  been  as 
fortunate  as  other  Bishops  in  the  ability  and  faithfulness  of 
those  Ecclesiastical  Officers,  which  my  predecessors'  patents 
have  pinned  upon  me. 

And  so,  my  good  Lord,  being  no  more  ready  to  receive 
that  great  favour  in  this  kind  from  your  Grace  than  I  shall 
ever  be,  if  not  to  deserve,  yet  to  acknowledge  it,  I  beseech 
God  Almighty  to  preserve  your  Grace,  and  shall  ever  remain 

Your  Grace's  most  humble 


Servant  and  Suffragan, 

Jo.  LINCOLN. 


To  the  Most  Rev.  Father  in  God,  his 
very  good  Lord  Archbishop  Elect 
of  Canterbury  His  Grace,  Primate 
of  all  England  and  Metropolitan, 
present  these. 

Endorsed  : — 'Reccp.  Sep.  9,  1633. 

My  Ld.  Bp.  of  Lincoln's  Letter  to  me 

to  move  his  Majesty,  &c.' 


LETTER  XLIV. 

TO   JOHN   WILLIAMS,   BISHOP   OF   LINCOLN. 
[Lambeth  MSS.  Numb.  mxxx.  p.  11 1.] 

MY  VERY  GOOD  LOED, — I  received  your  Lordship's  letters 
about  the  middle  of  the  last  week,  by  the  hands  of  Mr.  Secre 
tary  Windebank;  and  had  there  been  nothing  in  them  but 
what  I  could  have  answered  by  myself,  your  Lordship  should 
not  have  stayed  so  long  for  these  of  mine ;  but  in  that  you 
desired  from  me  a  good  office  to  the  King,  and  who  was  then 
gone  to  Bagshot,  I  could  neither  do  it,  nor  give  your  Lord 
ship  an  account  of  it,  till  after  this  Sunday  that  I  had  spoken 
with  his  Majesty. 

And  now,  my  Lord,  I  shall  distinctly  answer  to  the  three 

i  [These  letters  of  Archbishop  Laud  the  handwriting  of  his  amanuensis, 
to  Bishop  Williams,  are  not  originals,  and  were  evidently  the  copies  pre- 
as  those  of  the  Bishop,  but  are  all  in  served  by  him  for  future  reference.] 


LETTERS.  315 

parts  into  which  you  have  divided  your  letters.  Aud  for  the 
first,  which  is  your  congratulation,  I  heartily  thank  you  for 
it ;  and  I  pray  God  give  me  that  ability  for  the  discharge  of 
the  place  which  your  Lordship  seems  to  suppose  in .  me. 
I  thank  your  Lordship,  likewise,  for  your  readiness  to  come 
up  at  this  time  to  my  translation ;  but  before  I  knew  that 
it  stood  with  your  liking  and  occasions,  there  were  other 
Bishops  named,  upon  whom  I  must  now  rely ;  and  my  day 
is  so  near  (being  Thursday  next,  the  19th  of  this  present 
September)  that  I  cannot  hope  these  letters  can  come  to  your 
Lordship's  hands  much  sooner  than  the  very  time. 

For  the  second,  which  contains  your  Lordship's  serious 
protestation,  that  in  all  the  time  of  your  nearness  to  King 
James,  of  blessed  memory,  or  his  Majesty  that  now  is,  you 
never  did  me  wittingly  any  ill  office;  I  leave  it  to  your 
Lordship's  truth  and  sincerity,  and,  howsoever,  have  no  will 
at  all  to  rake  into  anything  that  is  past,  and  have,  therefore, 
according  to  your  Lordship's  desires,  very  seriously  and 
earnestly  moved  the  procuring  of  your  peace  with  his 
Majesty. 

The  King  gave  me  a  fair  and  a  full  hearing,  and  when 
I  had  done,  commanded  me  to  signify  to  you  that  he  had 
given  me  leave  to  move  him  in  any  business  of  the  Church 
whatsoever,  but  a  charge  withal  that  I  should  not  be  earnest 
in  temporal  causes,  save  where  I  was  called  in,  and  that  he 
thought  I  was  mistaken  in  this.  For  though  your  Lordship's 
person  be  ecclesiastical,  yet  the  cause,  he  said,  for  which  you 
were  questioned  was  temporal,  as  was  also  the  Court  in  which 
you  were  to  answer1';  and  therefore  his  Majesty  required  me 
to  forbear  any  further  motion  in  that  business.  This  was  all 
the  answer  I  could  get  from  him,  and  all  the  service  which 
in  this  particular  I  have  been  able  to  perform  to  your  Lord 
ship,  though  I  were  very  willing  to  strain  upon  his  Majesty 
directions  given  me  to  do  you  this  good  office,  might  my 
mediation  have  proved  effectual. 

In  the  lust  place,  it  is  very  true  that  divers  men  have 
charged  upon  your  Lordship  for  favouring  of  sectaries,  and 

r  [Bishop  Williams  was  at  this  time  ing  the  King's  secrets.  See  above, 
lying  under  the  charge  of  reveal-  p.  71.] 


316  LETTERS. 

men  that  have  neither  loved  the  uniformity,  nor  the  peace  of 
the  Church;  but  that,  my  Lord,  must  rest  upon  them  that 
have  so  reported  of  you.  And  I  hope  your  Lordship  doth  not 
look  that  I  should  take  anything  of  theirs  upon  me.  For  if 
they  have  traduced  you,  I  am  not  in  any  part  of  their  fault, 
nor  will  I  offer  at  any  part  of  their  defence.  And  if  your 
Lordship  can  (as  you  say)  make  it  appear  that  there  are  fewer 
unconformable  ministers  in  that  great  diocese  than  have  been 
these  sixty  years,  I  think  your  Lordship  will  need  no  other 
justification  than  that  in  this  particular.  And  this  also, 
because  I  thought  it  might  do  you  good,  I  read  out  of  your 
Lordship's  letters  to  his  Majesty.  But  whereas  you  add,  that 
you  have  not  been  fortunate  in  the  ability  and  faithfulness 
of  such  ecclesiastical  officers  as  have  been  left  to  you  by  the 
patents  of  your  predecessors;  that,  perhaps,  is  not  your  Lord 
ship's  case  alone ;  but,  howsoever,  it  is  matter  of  law,  and 
I  shall  not  meddle  with  it  one  way  or  other. 

And  thus,  my  Lord,  having  given  your  Lordship  a  true 
account  of  the  business  you  trusted  with  me,  and  a  real 
answer  to  all  other  parts  of  your  Lordship's  letter,  I  shall 
forbear  to  be  further  troublesome  at  this  present,  but  assure 
your  Lordship  that  I  shall  always  be  very  ready  to  perform 
towards  you  all  the  duty  of  my  place,  and  all  that  I  can  in 
any  way  owe  you  in  Christ's  charity,  and  so  rest 

Your  Lordship's  loving  Friend  and  Brother, 
Lambeth,  September  16th,  1633. 


LETTER  XLV. 

PROM  JOHN  WILLIAMS,   BISHOP  OF  LINCOLN. 
[Lambeth  MSS.  Numb.  mxxx.  p.  12.] 

MOST  REVEREND  FATHER  IN  GOD  AND  MY  VERY  GOOD  LORD, 
—I  am  much  bound  unto  your  Grace  for  this  great  pains 
your  Grace  was  pleased  to  take  in  answering  a  letter, 
written  principally  to  comply  with  my  duty,  and  not  to 


LETTERS.  317 

put  your  Grace  (at  this  time  especially)  to  any  molestation. 
I  was  an  humble  suitor  indeed  unto  your  Grace,  to  be  my 
good  Lord  in  mediating  unto  his  most  excellent  Majesty  for 
the  extent  of  his  favours  towards  me  in  the  general,,  without 
the  which  it  is  but  small  comfort  that  I  could  promise  my 
afflicted  soul  in  any  one  particular;  nor  had  I  then  any  dis 
tinct  thought,  either  of  my  cause,  or  the  Court  wherein  it 
depended,  my  prayers  aiming  at  his  Majesty's  mercies,  which 
are  so  high  above  his  justice. 

Yet  God  forbid  but  that  princely  ear  should  be  always 
open  to  your  Grace  for  a  poor  man,  whose  person  is  Eccle 
siastical,  be  his  cause  never  so  civil  or  temporal.  Nor  do 
I  despair  of  mine  own  better  fortune  in  this  kind  upon  your 
Grace's  further  opportunities,  and  my  humbling  of  myself, 
in  the  meanwhile,  in  true  devotions  towards  my  God,  who 
hath  in  His  hand  the  hearts  of  princes. 

For  those  matters  of  fact  I  avowed  in  my  letter,  my 
witness  is  in  Heaven,  who  I  hope  will  never  suffer  me  to  fail 
in  truth  or  sincerity,  for  anything  can  befal  me  here  upon 
earth. 

I  humbly  thank  your  Grace  for  your  Christian  charity ; 
and  will  not  omit  to  endeavour,  by  my  duty  and  service,  to 
merit  in  time  your  Grace's  other  relations ;  praying,  in  the 
meanwhile,  Almighty  God  to  bless  your  Grace  with  all 
happiness  and  prosperity. 

Your  Grace's  most  humble 

Servant  and  Suffragan, 

Jo.  LINCOLN. 

Buckden,  this  19th 
of  Sept.  1633. 

To  the  Most  Keverend  Father  in  God, 
my  very  good  Lord,  the  Lord 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  His 
Grace,  Primate  of  all  England  and 
Metropolitan,  present  these. 

Endorsed  :— '  Kecep.  Sep.  21,  1633. 

The  Ld.  Bp.  of  Lincoln's 

Lr.  of  Thanks,  &c.' 


318  LETTERS. 

LETTER  XLVI. 

TO   THE  PROVOST   OF   EDINBURGH. 
[Steven's  Hist,  of  Heriot's  Hospital8.] 

S.  in  Christo. 

After  my  hearty  commendations,  &c.  I  thank  you  and  the 
whole  Corporation  of  Edinburgh,  for  the  love  and  worthy 
usage  which  I  found,  when  I  was  lately  in  those  parts  upon 
attendance  of  his  Majesty1,  as  also  for  the  kind  letters  which 
I  have  now  received  from  you.  Concerning  their  contents,  I 
have  already  performed  them  as  far  as  I  am  able:  for 
I  took  occasion  in  the  presence  of  the  Lord  Registrar  (who 
is  able  to  give  you  an  account  how  heartily  I  did  it)  to  move 
his  Majesty,  that  the  debt  due  to  Mr.  George  Heriot,  and 
given  to  that  worthy  work  which  I  saw  begun,  and  in 
good  forwardness,  may  be  carefully  paid  in,  that  so  pious  a 
work  may  not  in  that  respect  be  hindered.  His  Majesty  very 
graciously  spake  many  good  words  both  of  Mr.  Heriot,  and 
the  work,  and  in  my  hearing  put  the  Lord  Registrar  upon 
the  best  way  that  for  the  present  could  be  thought  on,  who 
I  doubt  not  but  will  give  you  now  at  his  return  some  good 
account  of  it.  And  if  hereafter  your  agent,  Mr.  Johnstorie, 
shall  find  that  there  is  any  further  use  of  my  mediation  to 
his  Majesty  to  advance  that  charitable  work,  I  shall  never  be 
sparing  of  my  pains,  but  be  ready  to  give  it  and  you  all 
the  assistance  I  can.  So  with  remembrance  of  my  love  to  the 
whole  body  of  the  town,  and  particularly  to  the  subscribers 
of  the  letters  to  me,  I  leave  you  to  God's  blessed  protection, 
and  so  rest 

Your  very  loving  Friend, 

W.  CANT. 

Lambeth, 
Octob. 
1633. 

To  my  very  worthy  friends,  my 
Lord  the  Provost  of  Edinburgh, 
and  the  rest  of  his  Brethren  there. 


8  [This  letter  has  been  kindly  com-          *  [See   Diary,   Works,   vol.    iii. 
pared  with  the  original  by  the  author      217.] 
of  the  above-named  volume.] 


LETTERS.  319 

LETTER  XLVII. 

TO   WM.  PIERCE,   BISHOP   OF   BATH   AND    WELLS. 
[Prynne's  Cant.  Doom,  p.  141.] 

S.  in  Christ o. 

MY  VERY  GOOD  LORD,,  &c. — My  businesses  concerning  my 
Translation  are  now  almost  over,  and  those  of  Term  ready 
to  begin.  And  in  the  interim,  I  am  commanded  by  his 
Majesty  to  put  you  to  a  little  pains.  There  hath  been  of 
late  some  noise  in  Somersetshire  about  the  Feasts  of  the 
Dedications  of  Churches,  commonly  called  the  Wakes ;  and 
it  seems,  the  Judges  of  assize  formerly  made  an  order  to 
prohibit  them,  and  caused  it  to  be  published  in  some  or  most 
of  the  churches  there  by  the  minister,  without  my  Lord  the 
Bishop's  consent  or  privity u.  The  pretence  of  this  hath 
been,  that  some  disorders  derogatory  from  God's  service 
and  the  government  of  the  commonwealth  are  committed  at 
those  times :  by  which  argument,  anything  that  is  abused 
may  be  quite  taken  away.  It  seems  there  hath  been  some 
heat  struck  in  the  country  about  this,  by  the  carriage  of  the 
Lord  Chief  Justice  Richardson  at  the  last  two  assizes, 
especially  the  last,  with  which  his  Majesty  is  not  well  pleased. 
And  for  the  preventing  of  outrages,  or  disorders,  at  those 
feasts,  no  man  can  be  more  careful  than  his  Majesty.  But 
he  conceives,  arid  that  very  rightly,  that  all  these  may  and 
ought  to  be  prevented  by  the  care  of  the  Justices  of  Peace, 
and  not  leave  the  feasts  themselves  to  be  kept,  for  the 
neighbourly  meetings  and  recreations  of  the  people,  of  which 
he  would  not  have  them  debarred  for  any  frivolous  pretences. 
And  further,  his  Majesty  hath  been  informed  also  for  this 
last  year,  since  warning  was  given,  there  have  not  been  any 
noted  disorders  at  any  of  those  feasts  kept  in  those  parts. 
Yet,  for  his  better  satisfaction,  he  hath  commanded  me  to 
require  you  (which  I  do  by  these  letters)  to  send  for  some  of 
the  gravest  of  your  Clergy,  and  such  as  stand  best  affected 

u  [See  an  account  of  the  disturb-  also,  Abp.  Laud's  Hist,  of  Troubles 
ances  here  referred  to,  in  Prynne,  Cant.  and  Trial,  chap.  xxvi.  Works,  vol.  iv. 
Doom,  pp.  141  seq.  ;  and  compare,  pp.  133  scq.] 


320  LETTERS. 

to  the  Church  and  Government  in  the  several  parts  of  your 
diocese,  and  by  them  to  inform  yourself,  how  these  feasts 
have  been  ordered  for  this  last  year,  and  how  free  they  have 
been  from  disorders ;  and  to  send  me  up  an  account  of  it, 
such  as  I  may  show  to  his  Majesty,  of  which  you  must  not 
fail.  And  he  doubts  not,  but  that  you  will  perform  the  same, 
like  a  wise  and  prudent  governor.  Thus  leaving  this  business 
to  your  care,  and  desiring  you  to  make  as  much  convenient 
haste  with  it  as  you  can,  I  commend  you  to  God's  grace, 
and  rest 

Your  Lordship's  very  loving 

Friend  and  Brother, 

W.  CANT. 

Lambeth,  Octob.  4, 
1633. 


LETTER  XLVIII. 

TO   THE  LORD  VISCOUNT  WENTWORTH. 
[Strafforde  Letters,  vol.  i.  pp.  124,  125.] 

Salutem  in  Christo. 

\ 

MY  VERY  GOOD  LORD, — In  all  your  Lordship' s  very  large 
letter,  which  I  lately  received,  there  is  not  one  word  of  the 
Archbishop  of  Dublin's  recalling  his  excommunication  v ;  so 
it  may  be  it  is  well  ended;  nor  is  there  one  word  of  your 
wonted  recreation ;  so  it  may  be,  either  you  are  not  yet  well 
enough  acquainted  at  Lambeth,  or  else  you  are  afraid  that 
some  sour  ghost  walks  there.  But  to  that  which  you  have 
written,  I  shall  give  your  Lordship  a  very  clear  answer,  and 
as  free  as  I  used  to  do. 

And  first,  I  wholly  agree  with  you,  that  the  wars  and  their 
noise  stunned  the  Church ;  and  that,  since  the  time  of  peace, 
it  hath  scarce  thriven  any  better  than  it  did  in  the  war, 
must  needs  be  in  part  charged  upon  the  weakness  and  negli 
gence  of  the  Clergy  themselves.  But,  having  agreed  with 
your  Lordship  thus  far,  I  pray  you  give  me  leave  to  add  two 
other  causes,  which  have  nipped  the  growth  of  it  almost  as 

v  [See  above,  p.  311.] 


LETTERS.  321 

much  as  these.  The  one  is  the  excessive  number  of  the 
opposite  party,  and  their  heartiness  to  their  own  side  dam 
ming  up  the  ears  of  the  people  against  any  other  instruction. 
And  the  second  is,  (which  I  for  my  part  do  somewhat  be 
lieve,)  that  some  of  the  Lord  Deputies,  which  have  been  there 
in  former  times,  have  not  given  it  that  countenance  and 
assistance  which  it  extremely  needed,  and  which  I  hope  your 
Lordship  will  give.  But  for  the  recovery  of  the  weakness  it 
is  in,  I  am  wholly  of  your  Lordship's  belief,  that  the  phy 
sicians,  that  must  cure  it,  are  on  this  side  the  sea;  and 
further,  that  the  fees  allowed  in  those  parts,  are  not  large 
enough  to  tempt  them  over.  And  to  force  them  in  such  a 
case,  I  can  never  hold  it  fit ;  for  such  a  work  will  never  be 
mastered  by  unwilling  hands. 

It  is  a  very  noble  resolution  in  your  Lordship  to  desire  to 
be  noted  for  speaking  the  best  of  your  friends,  rather  than 
the  worst  of  those  that  love  you  not.  And  indeed,  my 
Lord,  very  seriously  I  have  a  very  good  opinion  of  all  the 
four  men  you  name,  but  not  so  large  as  your  Lordship. 
And  for  Dr.  Bramhall,  I  think,  with  your  Lordship's  direc 
tion  and  countenance,  he  will  be  able  to  do  any  service  that 
can  be  put  upon  him.  And  as  there  is  enough  to  do,  so 
I  presume  you  will  set  him  on  work.  For  that  which  you  do 
conceive  may  be  my  part,  whensoever  the  King  shall  think  fit 
to  do  more  than  is  done,  and  to  make  a  better  settlement  of 
the  Church,  I  will,  God  willing,  be  wanting  to  no  duty  that 
I  am  able  to  perform.  In  the  meantime,  since  there  is  such 
a  necessity  for  an  army,  as  that  without  it  there  will  be 
neither  obedience  to  the  King,  nor  respect  to  the  Church, 
the  Bishops  which  have  opposed  it,  have  shown  a  marvellous 
deal  of  weakness.  And  I  am  sorry  that  Kilmorew  is  one  of 
them ;  especially  considering  what  favour  hath  been  showed 
to  them,  and  their  demesnes,  in  all  the  levies  that  have  been 
for  the  army.  And  certainly,  the  first  leisure  I  have,  I  will 
write  to  the  Bishop  of  Kilmore  about  it,  and  all  to  that  effect 
which  you  desire. 

I  heartily  thank  your  Lordship  for  the  enclosed  paper 
which  you  sent  me,  though  you  might  have  spared  the  pains, 
for  I  was  never  jealous  that  you  would  do  anything  against 
w  [Dr.  William  Bedell,  appointed  Bp.  of  Kilmore  in  1629.] 

J;AUD.~ VOL.  VI.  Y 


322  LETTERS. 

the  good  of  the  Church,  or  such  intentions  as  I  have  towards 
it.  For  I  am  most  confident,  (and  I  protest  my  heart  and 
my  pen  go  together,)  that  since  the  Reformation  there  was 
never  any  Deputy  in  that  kingdom  intended  the  good  of  the 
Church  so  much,  as  your  Lordship  doth.  And  I  hope  you 
are  as  resolute  in  your  thoughts  for  me,  that,  since  I  was  the 
first  man  that  humbly  besought  his  Majesty  to  send  some  of 
his  Chaplains  to  be  Bishops  in  that  kingdom,  I  shall  not  now 
recede  from  it,  unless  it  be  at  some  times,  and  upon  some 
particular  occasions,  when  I  may  receive  informations  from 
your  Lordship  of  some  very  able  and  deserving  men  on 
that  side. 

Concerning  the  age  of  such  as  should  be  Bishops  in  those 
parts,  I  see  your  Lordship  and  I  shall  not  differ  much ;  for 
I  did  never  intend,  may  I  have  free  use  of  my  own  judg 
ment,  to  send  you  any  decrepid  men  amongst  you.  For 
I  very  well  know,  that  in  places  where  action  is  less  necessary 
than  in  Ireland,  a  man  may  be  as  well  too  old,  as  too  young, 
for  a  bishopric.  Your  Lordship  would  not  have  any  there 
under  thirty-five,  nor  above  forty-five.  And  truly,  my  Lord, 
I  am  in  the  middle  way,  and  that  useth  to  be  best;  for 
I  would  have  no  man  a  Bishop  anywhere  under  forty.  And 
if  your  Lordship  understood  clergymen  as  well  as  I  do,  I 
know  you  would  in  this  be  wholly  of  my  judgment.  I  never 
in  all  my  life  knew  any  more  than  one  made  a  Bishop  before 
forty,  and  he  proved  so  well,  that  I  shall  never  desire  to  see 
more,  nor  will,  if  I  can  hinder  it ;  but  this  way  that  I  have 
expressed,  have  with  you  upon  all  occasions  both  for  Church 
and  State.  And  if  at  any  time  I  send  you  any  of  my 
acquaintance,  and  break  rule  of  age,  life,  or  doctrine,  lay  it 
upon  me  home. 

My  Lord,  when  I  say,  the  less  assistance  the  more  merit, 
I  did  not  put  you  off  with  a  compliment,  for  my  answer  was 
real.  'Tis  true,  able  and  well-affected  men  are  brave  asso 
ciates,  and  great  services  are  done  at  ease  by  such  instru 
ments.  But  wot  you  what  ?  Where  many  are  employed  at 
once,  and  all  very  able,  there  usually  proves  to  be  in  some  a 
fretting  cankerworm  of  ambition,  and  that  for  particular 
aims  makes  such  a  division,  as  gives  far  greater  impediment 
to  the  greatest  affairs,  than  any  want  of  sufficiency  can  make. 


LETTERS.  323 

And,  therefore,  by  your  Lordship' s  leave,  the  conceit  which 
you  express,  of  all  able,  and  all  hearty,  and  all  running  one 
way,  and  none  caring  for  any  ends  so  the  King  be  served,  is 
but  a  branch  of  Plato's  commonwealth,  which  nourishes  at 
this  day  nowhere  but  in  Utopia,  and  thither  I  have  no  pur 
pose  to  send  your  Lordship. 

For  your  St.  John's  business,  it  is  yet  under  examination  at 
Cambridge  by  commission,  and  what  will  become  of  it  I  can 
not  tell x.  For  my  own  part,  I  have  done  Mr.  Oldisworth  all 
right  to  his  Majesty ;  and  for  Dr.  Lane,  I  never  saw  him  five 
times  in  my  life,  and  to  my  remembrance  never  spake  to 
him  but  once.  God  send  the  business  a  good  end,  for  the 
University  and  the  College  sake;  for  I  heartily  wish  the 
public  well;  and,  to  speak  clearly,  if  the  one  be  not  sober 
enough  for  the  government,  I  doubt  the  other  may  be  found 
too  weak  :  honest  and  learned  is  not  enough  for  government. 

And  now,  my  Lord,  I  heartily  wish  you  and  your  Lady  all 
mutual  content  that  may  be ;  and  I  did  never  doubt  that  you 
undertook  that  course  but  upon  mature  consideration  ?,  and 
you  have  been  pleased  to  express  to  me  a  very  good  one,  in 
which  God  bless  you  and  your  posterity,  though  I  did  not 
write  anything  to  you  as  an  examiner.  For  myself,  I  must  con 
fess  to  your  Lordship  my  weakness,  that  having  been  married 
to  a  very  troublesome  and  unquiet  wife  before,  I  should  be  so 
ill-advised  as  now,  being  above  sixty,  to  go  marry  another  of 
a  more  wayward  and  troublesome  generation.  And  I  hope 
you  are  not  grown  so  hard-hearted,  but  that  you  will  either 
pardon  or  pity  me  in  this  slip ;  and  the  rather,  because  you 
write  that  a  Bishop  above  fifty  is  fitter  for  his  ease  than 
labour,  which  had  I  thought  upon  as  I  ought,  I  might, 
perhaps,  have  been  free  from  the  burden  which  now  lies 
heavy  upon  me ;  and  yet  you  think  that  I  may  leave  the 

x  [This  refers  to  the  disputed  elec-  Both  the    candidates   mentioned    in 

tion  to  the  headship  of   St.  John's,  the   text   were  put   aside,    and   Dr. 

Richard   Pearson,    the    nephew  and  William  Beale  admitted  Feb.  20, 163|. 

biographer  of  Holdsworth,  in  the  Life  Papers  relating  to  the  subject  are  pre- 

prefixed    to    his   Prelections,   Lond.  served  in  Baker's   MSS.  vol.   xxvii. 

1661,  thus  refers  to  the  circumstance  :  pp.  95,  107,  and  vol.  xxx.  pp.  405 — 

"  Collegii  D.  Johannis  alumnus  olim  409.] 

et  socius    ad    ejusdem    magisterium  x  [Wentworth  had  privately  mar- 

plurimis   et    potentioribus   sociorum  ried,  in  Oct.  1632,  as  his  third  wife, 

suffragiis  delectus  est;   nonnullorum  Elizabeth,   daughter  of    Sir  Godfrey 

vero  perversitate,  aliorum  prsepoten-  Rhodes.] 
tia,  de  jure  suo  cedere  coactus  est." 

Y   2 


324  LETTERS. 

callings  of  an  unquiet  life  to  answer  your  large  letters.     So 
in  haste  I  leave  you  to  the  grace  of  God,  and  shall  ever  rest 
Your  Lordship's  loving  and  poor 

Friend  to  serve  you, 

W.  CANT. 

Lambeth,  Oct.  14,  1633. 

P.S. — I  have  herewith  sent  your  Lordship  a  copy  of  my 
letters  to  the  Bishop  of  Kilmore,  which  I  pray  your  Lord 
ship  to  peruse,  and  if  you  approve  of  them,  to  send  them 
to  him,  but  if  otherwise,  to  burn  them.  I  have  received  very 
pitiful  letters  from  the  Bishop  of  Kilfanoraz;  pray  your 
Lordship  afford  him  all  the  assistance  you  can.  The  Queen's 
Majesty  was  brought  to  bed  this  morning,  Oct.  15,  of  a 
young  dukea.  God  bless  them  both  with  strength  and 
happiness. 


LETTER  XLIX. 

TO  WILLIAM  BEDELL,   BISHOP  OF  KILMOKE. 
[Strafforde  Letters,  vol.  i.  pp.  125, 126.] 

MY  VERY  GOOD  LORD, — I  am  bold  to  write  half-a-dozen 
lines  to  you,  which  I  must  desire  you  to  take  as  well  as  they 
are  meant,  both  to  your  person  and  the  cause. 

I  know  not  the  particulars  of  your  carriage  towards  the 
King  and  his  service  in  those  parts,  but  somewhat  there  is, 
either  about  the  levy  that  concerns  the  army,  or  about  the 
laying  down  of  I2d.  a  Sunday  for  Recusants  for  a  time,  in 
which  you  are  conceived  much  to  have  mistaken  the  King's 
intentions,  and  withal  as  much  to  have  disserved  him,  in 
which  you  are  not  alone,  but  other  Bishops  with  you.  This 
is  come  to  his  Majesty's  ears,  and  he  doth  not  take  it  well; 
and,  for  my  own  part,  I  have  reason  to  be  a  little  sensible, 
because  I  was,  under  God,  the  man  that  put  your  name  to 
his  Majesty  for  preferment,  and,  therefore,  must  needs  in 
part  suffer  for  anything  that  shall  be  deemed  a  miscarriage 

1  [JamesHeygate,consecrated]yiay9,         a  [This  was  James,  Duke  of  York, 
1630,  died  April  30,  1638.     Probably      afterwards  King  James  II.] 
the  person  montioned  above,  p.  267.] 


LETTERS.  325 

in  you.  I  never  saw  your  Lordship  to  my  knowledge,  nor 
did  I  ever  know  you  but  by  a  little  tract  of  yours  against 
Wadsworth b ;  and  were  it  but  for  that  alone,  I  should  be 
very  sorry  you  should  do  anything  in  your  place  unlike  it ; 
for  that  is  very  full  of  judgment  and  temper.  But  for  the 
justification  of  the  King,  my  master,  and  for  the  settling 
your  thoughts,  if  there  be  any  disturbance  in  them,  I  shall 
briefly  say  thus  much  to  you :  First,  for  the  army,  the  King 
having  taken  very  good  advice  of  his  Council,  is  of  opinion, 
that  as  his  affairs  stand,  there  is  a  necessity  of  having  an 
army  in  those  parts;  and  very  wise  men  are  likewise  of 
opinion,  that,  considering  the  multitude  of  the  Roman  party, 
and  the  natural  disposition  of  the  Irish,  there  would  be  little 
safety,  did  not  his  Majesty  take  the  care  and  the  course  he 
doth;  and  there  would  be  less  safety  for  the  Church  and 
clergymen  than  for  any  others.  Besides,  I  am  informed, 
that  in  this  levy  for  the  army,  there  hath  been  all  the  favour 
showed  to  my  Lords  the  Bishops,  that  could  possibly  be, 
neither  their  glebes  nor  their  tithes  being  made  liable  to  the 
payments. 

Secondly,  for  the  laying  down  \2d.  a  Sunday,  and  not 
exacting  it  for  the  present,  I  have  no  warrant  to  lay  open  to 
you  the  particular  reasons  why  he  doth  so,  but  this  I  may 
let  you  know,  that  his  Majesty  conceives  he  doth  it  upon  all 
the  considerable  reasons  that  may  be,  and  those  very  well 
weighed.  But  if  there  be  either  in  yourself,  or  any  of  your 
brethren,  a  misdeeming  fear  for  matter  of  religion,  take  this 
from  me,  and  be  assured,  that  there  is  no  man,  nay,  no 
Bishop  in  that  kingdom  or  this,  more  truly,  conscientiously, 
and  constantly  set  both  for  the  belief  and  maintenance  of 
religion,  as  it  is  now  established,  than  his  Majesty  (God  be 
blessed  for  it)  is.  And,  therefore,  I  do  heartily  pray  both 
you  and  your  brethren  to  lay  aside  all  jealousies,  and  to 
advance  his  Majesty's  service  by  all  the  good  means  you  can. 
For  I  assure  you  his  thoughts,  as  they  are  very  pious,  so  they 
are  exceeding  royal  towards  the  Church ;  and  I  shall  be  very 


b  [James  Wads  worth,  of  Emmanuel  Spain,  to  join  the  Church  of  Rome. 

CollegeLa  contemporary oTBp.  .Bedell.  Some  letters  which   passed  between 

was  induced,  when  employed  as  Chap-  him  and  Bedell,  are  printed  at  the 

lain  to  the  English  Ambassador   in  end  of  Bp.  Burnet's  life  of  the  latter.] 


•\ 

"1 


326  LETTERS. 

sorry  to  find  that  the  carriage  of  any,  Bishops  especially, 
should  cast  a  damp  upon  them.  Thus,  not  doubting  but  you 
will  conform  yourself  to  the  King's  religious  and  prudent 
courses  for  the  settlement  of  that  kingdom  and  Church,  and 
speedily  redeem,  either  what  hath  been  amiss  or  mistaken  in 
this  matter,  I  leave  you  to  the  grace  of  God,  and  rest 

Your  very  loving  Friend  and  Brother, 

W.  CANT.C 

Lambeth,  Oct.  14,  1633. 


LETTER  L. 

TO  DR.  CHRISTOPHER  POTTER,   PROVOST  OF  QUEEN'S. 
[Prynnc's  Cant.  Doom,  pp.  251,  252.] 

But  to  the  last  clause  of  your  letter,  about  the  reprinting 
of  your  book  d,  I  have  done  that  which  you  have  so  desired, 
as  you  will  see  by  this  enclosed  paper.  They  are  but  a  few 
scattered  phrases  ;  and  I  put  them  to  your  consideration,  as 
much  for  conveniency  and  charitable  expression,  as  for  truth. 
Do  what  you  will  with  them,  so  you  mistake  not  me,  in  that 
which  yourself  have  caused  me  to  do;  but  in  that  place, 
p.  26,  where  you  say,  it  may  (viz.  Matt.  xi.  17)  be  understood 
of  any  assembly,  as  well  civil  as  ecclesiastical,  do  you  not 
thereby  give  as  much  power  to  the  Parliament  as  to  the 
Church  in  Church  affairs  ?  I  read  in  haste,  and  it  may  be  a 
mistake,  but  you  shall  do  very  well  to  consider  it.  So  in 
haste,  I  leave  you  to  the  grace  of  God,  &c. 

WILL.  CANT. 

Endorsed:  'Octob.  18,  1633.  Doctor 
Potter,  a  second  impression  of  his 
Book,  and  my  Answer  to  it.' 


e  [Bishop  Bedell's  defence  of  him-  the  Jesuit.  (See  above,  vol.  v.  p.  165.) 

self,  is  given  in  his  letters  to  Lord  The  passages  which  Laud  objected  to 

Wentworth,  in  Strafforde  Letters,  vol.  in  the  enclosed  paper,  and  some  of 

i.  pp.  146 — 150,  164.]  Avhich  Prynne  mentions,  were  altered 

d  [The  Book,  which  Potter  sub-  in  the  second  edition.  These  correc- 

jected  to  the  Archbishop's  revision,  was  tious  formed  part  of  the  charge  brought 

"  Want  of  Charity  justly  charged."  against  the  Archbishop  at  his  trial. 

Lond.  1634,  being  his  reply  to  Knott  Sec  vol.  iv.  pp.  279,  351.] 


LETTERS.  327 

LETTER  LI. 

TO  THE  BISHOPS  OF   HIS  PROVINCE. 
[Prynne's  Cant.  Doom,  pp.  382—  384  e.] 

S.  in  Christ o. 

MY  VERY  GOOD  LORD, — His  Majesty  hath  been  often  and 
much  troubled  upon  complaints  which  have  been  made  unto 
him  by  the  Lords  and  other  men  of  quality,  concerning  the 
multitude  of  both  unlearned  and  unworthy  ministers,  which 
pester  the  Church,  and  are  always  the  causes  of  great  scandal, 
and  too  often  of  schism  and  divisions  therein ;  and  some  of 
them  are  forced,  to  the  shame  of  themselves  and  their  calling, 
for  want  of  means  to  beg  for  their  living ;  and  yet  are  daily 
made  in  great  numbers,  and  that  directly  against  the  Canon 
of  the  Church,  which  requires,  That  no  man  should  be  made 
a  minister  sine  titulo.  For  remedy  of  this  great  abuse  and 
wrong  to  the  Church,  his  Majesty  hath  directed  his  letters  to 
me,  and  by  them  required  me  to  call  all  such  Bishops  to  me, 
as  were  then  in  or  about  the  city ;  and,  after  consultation  with 
them,  to  send  my  letters  to  every  several  Bishop  within  the 
province,  to  require  obedience  to  the  Canon  of  the  Church, 
and  his  Majesty's  directions  according  to  it.  The  tenor  of 
his  Majesty's  letter  folio weth  : — 

"To  the  most  Reverend  Father  in  God,  our  right  trusty  and 
right  entirely  beloved  Counsellor,  William  Laud,  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  Primate  and  Metropolitan  of  all  England,  &c. 

"  CHARLES  R. — Most  Reverend  Father  in  God,  right  trusty  and 
right  entirely  beloved  counsellor,  we  greet  you  well.  There  is 
nothing  more  dear  to  us  than  the  preservation  of  true  religion, 
as  it  is  now  settled  and  established  in  this  our  kingdom,  to  the 
honour  of  God,  and  the  great  comfort  of  ourself  and  our  loyal 
people;  and  there  can  nothing  more  conduce  to  the  advance 
ment  thereof  than  the  strict  observation  of  such  Canons  of  the 
Church  as  concern  those  that  are  to  take  orders  in  their  several 
times.  More  especially  of  keeping  that  particular  Canon  which 
enjoins,  that  no  man  be  made  a  Priest  or  a  Minister  without  a 
title.  For  we  find  that  many,  not  so  qualified,  do,  by  favour  or 
other  means,  procure  themselves  to  be  ordained,  and  afterwards, 


e  [This  letter  is  entered  in  Keg.  Laud,  foil.  191  b,  192  a,  and  is  printed  also 
in  Wilkins'  Cone.  torn.  iv.  pp.  481,  482.] 


328  LETTERS. 

for  want  of  means,  wander  up  and  down  to  the  scandal  of  their 
calling;  or,  to  get  maintenance,  fall  upon  such  courses  as  are 
most  unfit  for  them,  both  by  humouring  their  auditors  and  by 
other  ways  altogether  unsufferable.  We  have,  therefore,  thought 
fit,  and  we  do  hereby  straitly  require  and  charge  you  to  call 
such  Bishops  to  you  as  are  now  present  in  or  near  our  City  of 
London,  and  to  acquaint  them  with  this  our  resolution.  And, 
further,  that  you  fail  not  in  the  beginning  of  the  next  term,  to 
give  notice  of  this  our  will  and  pleasure  openly  in  our  High 
Commission  Court ;  and  that  you  call  into  our  said  Court  every 
Bishop  respectively  that  shall  presume  to  give  orders  to  any 
man  that  hath  not  a  title,  and  there  to  censure  him  as  the  Canon 
aforesaid  doth  enjoin,  (which  is,  to  maintain  the  party  so  ordered 
till  he  give  him  a  title,)  and  with  what  other  censure  you  in 
justice  shall  think  fit.  And  our  further  will  is,  that  nothing 
shall  be  reputed  a  title  to  enable  a  man  for  orders,  but  that 
which  is  so  by  the  ancient  course  of  the  Church  and  the  Canon 
Law,  so  far  forth  as  that  Law  is  received  in  this  our  Church  of 
England.  And  as  you  must  not  fail  in  these  our  directions,  nor 
in  any  part  of  them,  so  we  expect  that  you  give  us,  from  time  to 
time,  a  strict  account  of  your  proceedings  in  the  same.  Given 
under  our  signet,  at  our  Palace  of  Westminster,  the  nineteenth 
day  of  September,  in  the  ninth  year  of  our  reign." 

According  to  these  letters,  I  am  to  pray  and  require  you, 
that  at  all  times  of  ordination  you  be  very  careful  to  admit 
none  into  Holy  Orders,  but  such  men  as  for  life  and  learning 
are  fit,  and  which  have  a  title  for  their  maintenance,  accord 
ing  to  the  laws  and  ancient  practice  of  the  Church.  And 
his  Majesty  hath  further  commanded  me  to  advertise  your 
Lordship,  that  he  will  not  fail  to  call  for  an  account  of  these 
letters  both  of  me  and  you.  Thus,  not  doubting  but  you 
will  have  a  special  care,  both  of  the  good  of  the  Church,  and 
his  Majesty's  contentment  therein,  I  leave  you  to  the  grace 
of  God,  and  rest 

Your  Lordship's  very  loving 

Friend  and  Brother, 

W.  CANT. 

Lambeth,  Oct.  24, 
1633. 

There  was  enclosed  in  this  letter  the  following  paper, 
endorsed  in  the  Archbishop's  hand,  stating  what  should  be 
considered  a  title  : — 

f  [This  paper  is'printed  by  Heylin,  Collection,  vol.  ii.  p.  214,  and  in 
Cypr.  Ang.  ad  ann.,  in  Rushworth's  Wilkins'  Cone.  torn.  iv.  p.  482.] 


LETTERS.  329 

So  upon  the  matter  these  Titles  are  named  in  the  Canon. 
He  that  is  ordained  must  have — 

1.  A  presentation  to  some  ecclesiastical  preferment. 

2.  Or,  A  certificate  undoubted  that  he  is  provided  of  some 
church  void  there. 

3.  Or,  A  grant  of  some  Petty  Canon's  place,  or  the  like, 
in  a  Cathedral  or  Collegiate  Church. 

4.  Or,  A  Fellow,  or  in  the  right  of  a  Fellow,  in  some 
College  in  Oxford  or  Cambridge. 

5.  Or,  A  Conduct  or  Chaplain  in  some  College  in  Oxford 
or  Cambridge. 

6.  Or,  A  Master  of  Arts  of  five  years  standing,  living  at 
his  own  charge  in  either  of  the  Universities. 

7.  Or,  The  intention  of  the  Bishop  that  ordains,  shortly  to 
admit  him  to  some  benefice,  or  curate's  place,  then  void. 

And  I  think  the  Canon  intends  that  after  a  man  is  once 
admitted  a  curate,  the  parson  or  vicar  of  the  place  should 
not  have  power  to  put  them  off  at  pleasure,  but  only  for  such 
criminal  unworthiness,  as  might  deprive  him  of  his  benefice, 
if  he  had  one. 

So  I  conceive,  under  favour,  the  order  may  go  briefly 
thus : — 

And  further,  his  Majesty's  express  command  is,  that  this 
Canon  be  strictly  observed  by  all  Bishops  in  their  several 
dioceses  respectively ;  and  that  none  presume  to  ordain  any 
man  to  be  a  Deacon,  Priest,  or  Minister,  under  the  penalty 
enjoined  in  the  Canon,  or  any  other  which  his  Majesty's  just 
displeasure  may  inflict  on  him. 


LETTER  LIT. 

TO  THE  BISHOPS   OF  HIS  PROVINCE. 
[Wilkins*  Cone.  torn.  iv.  p.  484  *.] 

S.  in  Christo. 

MY  VERY  GOOD  LORD, — It  hath  pleased  his  Majesty  to  com 
mand  the  reprinting  of  a  Declaration,  published  in  his  royal 
father's  time  of  blessed  memory,  and  intituled,  '  The  King's 
Majesty's  Declaration  to  his  subjects  concerning  lawful  sports 
*  [From  Keg.  Laud,  fol.  192  a.] 


330  LETTERS. 

to  be  used,  &c.h '  wherein,  as  your  Lordship  shall  find  at  the 
latter  end  thereof,  every  Bishop  is  enjoined  to  see  that  the 
books  be  distributed  to  the  several  parishes  within  his  diocese, 
and  there  published  to  the  people,  to  the  end  they  may  know 
his  Majesty's  princely  care  over  them;  and  to  the  effectual 
performance  of  this,  I  make  no  doubt  but  your  Lordship  will 
use  all  diligence.  And  I  am  commanded  to  give  you  notice 
hereof,  because  his  Majesty  expects  no  less  from  you;  and 
your  officers  are  to  send  for  the  books  accordingly.  So  with 
my  love  remembered,  I  leave  you  to  the  grace  of  God,  and 
rest 

Your  Lordship's  very  loving  Friend  and  Brother, 

W.  CANT. 

Lambeth,  October  28, 
1633. 


LETTER  LIH. 

TO   THE  LORD   VISCOUNT  WENTWORTH. 
[Strafforde  Letters,  vol.  i.  pp.  155—157.] 

Salutem  in  Christo. 

MY  VERY  GOOD  LORD, — It  seems  by  your  late  letters  which 
I  have  received,  that  you  have  taken  your  leave  of  Fulham. 
The  Bishop  you  say  is  gone,  and  I  believe  that's  true.  God 
speed  him  as  well  where  he  now  is,  as  He  did  there.  As  for 
your  letters  and  yourself,  when  you  come,  they  shall  be  as 
welcome  to  Lambeth  as  they  were  to  Fulham.  And  since 
you  have  learned  the  way  to  be  a  little  merry,  I  would 
you  and  your  cousin  Sibbes  had  been  the  other  day  at  the 
Council-table,  where  I  never  heard,  you  know  whom,  in  a 
better  mood  verily. 

I  am  very  glad  to  read  your  Lordship  so  resolute,  and 
more  to  hear  you  affirm,  that  the  footing  of  them,  which  go 
thorough  for  our  master's  service,  is  not  now  upon  fee,  as  it 
hath  been.  But  you  are  withal  upon  so  many  '  ifs/  that  by 
their  help  you  may  preserve  any  man  upon  ice,  be  it  never  so 
slippery.  As  first,  if  the  common  lawyers  may  be  con 
tained  within  their  ancient  and  sober  bounds ;  if  the  word 

h  [This  Declaration  is  reprinted  in  Wilkins'  Cone.  torn.  iv.  pp.  483,  484.] 


LETTERS.  331 

'  thorough '  be  not  left  out  (as  I  am  certain  it  is) ;  if  we 
grow  not  faint ;  if  we  ourselves  be  not  in  fault ;  if  it  come 
not  to  a  Peccatum  eoc  te,  Israel ;  if  others  will  do  their 
parts  as  thoroughly  as  you  promise  for  yourself,  and  justly 
conceive  of  me.  Now  I  pray,  with  so  many,  and  such  '  ifs ' 
as  these,  what  may  not  be  done,  and  in  a  brave  and  noble 
way  ?  But  can  you  tell  when  these  '  ifs '  will  meet,  or  be 
brought  together  ?  Howsoever,  I  am  resolved  to  go  on 
steadily  in  the  way  which  you  have  formerly  seen  me  go,  so 
that  (to  put  in  one  'if  too)  if  anything  fail  of  my  hearty 
desires  for  the  King  and  the  Church's  service,  the  fault  shall 
not  be  mine. 

The  indisposition,  of  which  I  wrote  unto  your  Lordship, 
I  thank  God,  passed  over  quickly,  though  I  find  that  I  can 
not  follow  your  counsel,  for  Croydon  is  too  far  off  to  go  often 
to  it,  and  my  leisure  here  hath  hitherto  been  extremely 
little,  I  may  truly  call  it  none.  Besides,  the  Lady  Davis 
hath  prophesied  against  me,  that  I  shall  not  many  days 
outlive  the  5th  of  November 1,  and  then  to  what  end  should 
I  trouble  myself  with  exercise,  or  the  like  ? 

My  Lord,  I  thank  you,  that  you  are  pleased  so  kindly  and 
so  nobly  to  take  that  which  I  wrote  unto  you  about  the 
Archbishop  of  Dublin k,  and  his  taking  upon  him,  together 
wdth  the  rest  of  the  Popish  clergy,  to  meddle  with  the  civil 
government,  of  which  I  doubt  not  but  your  Lordship  will  be 
very  careful,  as  of  all  things  else  that  may  weaken  the  power 
of  that  party  in  that  kingdom.  But  I  had  not  ventured  to 
write  anything  to  you  in  this  business,  if  your  Lordship  had 
not  required  it  of  me.  But  your  Lordship  doth  very  pru 
dently  in  bearing  with  them,  till  the  Parliament  be  over, 
that  there  you  may  make  use  of  them  for  the  King's  service. 
And  that  contention  between  the  Regulars  and  the  Seculars 
is  grown  so  general  and  so  warm,  that  you  may  easily  hold  up 
Harris1,  if  no  decision  come  to  the  contrary;  and  a  brave 
service  it  will  be,  if  you  can  settle  the  revenues  of  that 
kingdom. 

1  [See  Diary,  Nov.  13, 1633.  Works,  himself)  of  the  University  of  Dublin, 

vol.  iii.  p.  220.]  one   of  the  protestors  against  Arch- 

k  [See  above,  p.  311.]  bishop   Fleming.    (Prynnc's   Hidden 

1   [Paul  Harris,  Dean  (as  he  styles  Works,  p.  109.)] 


332  LETTERS. 

I  perceive  you  mean  to  build,  but  as  yet  your  materials 
are  not  come  in ;  but  if  that  work  do  come  to  me  before 
Christmas  m,  as  you  promise  it  shall,  I  will  rifle  every  corner 
in  it ;  and  you  know,  my  good  Lord,  after  all  your  bragging, 
how  I  served  you  at  York,  and  your  church-work  there; 
especially  I  pray  provide  a  good  riding-house,  if  there  be 
ever  a  decayed  body  of  a  church  to  make  it  in,  and  then  you 
shall  be  well  fitted,  for  you  know  one  is  made  your  stable 
already  n,  if  you  have  not  reformed  it,  of  which  I  did  look  for 
an  account  according  to  my  remembrances  before  this  time  °. 

I  find  your  Lordship  hath  a  good  opinion  of  my  Lord 
Primate's  learning  and  honesty,  and  I  verily  think  he  will 
not  deceive  your  expectation  in  either ;  but  you  are  pleased 
to  ask  me  another  question,  whether  that  be  all  that  goes  to 
a  good  Bishop  and  a  good  governor?  I  must  needs  answer, 
No ;  but  if  that  which  is  further  required  be  wanting  in  him, 
I  am  the  more  sorry ;  but  I  will  tell  you,  my  Lord,  I  pray 
God,  all  be  well  in  his  and  the  other  Bishops'  apprehensions 
concerning  your  Lordship,  and  your  government  there.  For 
before  you  went,  I  writ,  as  I  thought,  and  as  I  think  still, 
very  largely  in  your  commendation,  how  thorough  you  would 
be  for  the  King  and  the  Church.  It  may  be  they  understood 
this  otherwise  than  I  could  mean  it,  or  your  Lordship  per 
form  it,  and  did  not  look  with  such  a  prudent  eye  as  they 
should,  upon  the  necessities  of  that  place.  And  methinks  it 
may  stand  for  an  observation,  that  I,  which  had  frequent 
letters  before  from  my  Lord  Primate,  have  not  received  any 
one,  that  I  remember,  since  your  Lordship  went  thither. 

My  Lord,  I  did  not  take  you  to  be  so  good  a  physician 
before,  as  I  now  see  you  are ;  for  the  truth  is,  a  great  many 
Church-cormorants  have  fed  so  full  upon  it,  that  they  are 
fallen  into  a  fever;  and  for  that  no  physic  better  than  a 
vomit,  if  it  be  given  in  time ;  and,  therefore,  you  have  taken 
a  very  judicious  course  to  administer  one  so  early  to  my 
Lord  of  Cork  P.  I  hope  it  will  do  him  good,  though  per- 

m  [The  expected  letter  was  written  P  [Dr.  Elrington  (Life  of  Ussher, 

by  "Wentworth  in  the  folio  wing  Decem-  p.    158,  note  z)   gives  the   following 

ber  (Strafforde  Letters,  vol.  i.  pp.  171  information  : — "The    ravages    which 

— 174.)]  this  mighty  Earl  had  committed  upon 

n  [See  ibid.  p.  173.]  the  property  of  the  Church  were  very 

0  [See  above,  p.  307.]  extensive.     His   great   attempt   was 


LETTERS.  333 

chance  he  thinks  not  so,  for  if  the  fever  hang  long  about 
him  or  the  rest,  it  will  certainly  shake  either  them  or  their 
estates  in  pieces.  Go  on,  my  Lord.  I  must  needs  say,  this  is 
'  thorough ;  indeed,  and  so  is  your  physic  too,  for  a  vomit  never 
ends  kindly,  that  doth  not  work  both  ways,  and  that  is 
'  thorough/  Nor  can  I  answer  what  became  of  the  Primate 
and  the  rest  of  the  Bishops,  while  the  poor  inferior  clergy 
were  thus  oppressed,  more  than  this,  that  I  ever  thought  it 
was  not  in  their  power  to  help  it.  But  if  any  of  them  be  as 
bad  for  oppression  of  the  Church  as  any  layman,  that  I  am 
sure  is  unanswerable ;  and  if  it  appear  so  to  you,  great  pity 
it  is,  but  some  one  or  other  of  the  chief  offenders  should  be 
made  a  public  example,  and  turned  out  of  his  bishopric. 
And,  I  believe,  such  a  course  once  held,  would  do  more  good 
in  Ireland,  than  anything  that  hath  been  there  these  forty 
years. 

Now  for  your  question,  what  my  Lord  of  Cork  will  say  ? 
I  cannot  tell ;  but  sure  I  am,  so  many  of  the  fraternity,  as 
think  it  Popery  to  set  the  Communion-table  at  the  end  of 
the  church,  and  for  the  Prebends  to  come  in  their  formali 
ties  to  church,  are  either  ignorant  or  factious  fools.  But 
I  warrant  you,  the  poor  vicar  thinks  very  well  of  you,  and 
so  doth  the  King,  to  whom  I  have  told  what  physic  you  have 
given  the  Earl  of  Cork. 

But  I  warrant  you,  I  am  thought  as  odd  an  Archbishop, 
as  you  can  be  a  Deputy ;  for  my  Lady  Davis,  she  prophesies 
against  me,  that  I  shall  not  many  days  outlive  the  5th  of 

purchasing  the  College  of  Youghall  than  this  term,  a  poor  vicar  was  re- 
on  a  doubtful  title,  and  then  endea-  stored  to  an  impropriation  and  two 
vouring  to  obtain  a  grant  of  it  from  vicarages,  usurped  there,  thirty  years 
his  brother,  the  Bishop  of  Cork,  and  better,  by  the  Earl  of  Cork.  We 
Cloyne,  and  Ross,  at  that  time  put  him  in  possession,  the  case  in 
Warden  of  the  College.  Lord  Straf-  good  faith  very  clear.'  (Strafforde 
ford  summoned  him  before  the  High  Letters,  vol.  i.  p.  380.)  And  Dr. 
Court  of  Castle  Chamber,  where  he  Bramhall  states,  that  the  Earl  of 
forced  him  to  abide  his  arbitration,  Cork  holds  the  whole  Bishopric  of 
and  then  awarded  that  he  should  pay  Lismore,  at  the  rent  of  40s.,  or  five 
15,0002.  to  the  King,  for  the  issues  of  marks  by  the  year  (Letter  to  Arch- 
thirty-five  years,  and  that  all  the  ap-  bishop  Laud  [Works,  vol.  i.  p.  Ixxxi.]). 
pendant  advowsons  should  be  seized  The  Earl  of  Cork,  in  his  Diary,  says, 
for  the  Crown.  This  was  not  the  only  that  Lord  Strafford  prejudiced  him 
occasion  on  which  Lord  Strafford  no  less  than  40,OOOZ.  in  his  personal 
forced  him  to  give  up  his  ill-gotten  estate,  and  in  his  inheritance  2,000 
possessions.  Lord  Strafford,  in  March  marks  a  year."] 
1634,  writes  thus:  'No  longer  since 


334  LETTERS. 

November.  And  I  think  I  sent  your  Lordship  word  before 
of  one  Bowyer,  a  rogue  that  broke  prison,  but  said  he  came 
newly  from  beyond  the  seas,  and  went  up  and  down  the 
country  railing  against  me,  and  making  me  no  less  than  a 
traitor ;  but  he  was  brought  to  the  Star-Chamber,  the  13th 
of  November,  and  there  soundly  censured,  the  rogue  confessed 
all,  and  all  by  the  devil,  but  would  acknowledge  no  confe 
derates'1.  And  now  there  is  another  fellow  half-mad,  that 
comes  into  the  Court  with  a  great  sword  by  his  side,  and 
rails  upon  the  Archbishop,  God  knows  for  what,  and  says,  he 
will  have  justice  of  the  King  against  him,  or  take  another 
course  for  it  himself r.  "Would  not  this  encourage  any  man  to 
do  service? 

One  thing  more,  and  then  I  have  done.  You  will  herein 
find  an  inclosed  paper ;  it  came  from  my  Lord  the  Bishop  of 
Durham s,  and  by  it  you  may  see  the  effects  of  your  compo 
sition  in  the  North ;  do  you  not  think  this  may  make  a  fine 
noise  in  time  ?  I  hope  you  will  hear  of  this  the  next  Parlia 
ment,  as  well  as  others  have  done  for  less  matters.  Well,  it 
is  time  to  make  an  end,  and  so  I  leave  you  to  the  grace  of 
God,  and  rest 

Your  Lordship' s  poor  loving  Friend  to  serve  you, 

W.  CANT. 

Lambeth,  November 
15th,  1633. 

[The  following  is  the  enclosed  Paper.] 

MY  LORD, — I  am  hereby  occasioned  to  let  your  Grace 
understand  that  we  are  marvellously  pestered  with  this  gene 
ration  even  in  this  town,  more  than  in  other  places,  and  in 
Northumberland  infinitely,  and,  which  is  worse,  we  find  now 
by  experience,  a  daily  revolt,  upon  presumption  of  that 
composition,  which  was  religiously  intended  by  his  Majesty 
for  reclaiming  of  them,  and  as  zealously  endeavoured  and 
pursued  by  my  Lord  Deputy  to  the  same  end,  as  I  dare 
swear  to  be  true  upon  both  their  full  expressions.  But  the 
wisest  physicians  do  not  always  hit  upon  the  malady  and 
malignancy  of  the  disease ;  for  now  the  compounders  think 

i  [See  Diary,  Nov.  13, 1633,  Works,  r  [Ibid.  p.  220.] 

vol.  iii.  p.  219.]  •  [Thomas  Morton.] 


LETTERS.  -335 

themselves  freed  from  all  command  of  conference,  as  con 
cluding  they  must  not  be  troubled  for  conscience,  by  the 
which  reason  they  may  harbour  their  unconscionable  and 
traitorous  intendments,  by  whose  peremptoriness  and  bold 
ness  it  falls  out,  that  profane  persons,  being  urged  by  excom 
munication,  or  otherwise,  will  needs  turn  recusants.  Nor  this 
only,  but  when  it  is  required,  that  their  children  at  Grammar 
Schools  should  be  catechised,  they  threaten  to  send  them 
rather  to  be  schooled  at  Douay,  or  some  other  Seminary 
College  beyond  the  seas.  My  Lord,  God  by  His  providence 
hath  placed  your  Grace  a  chief  pilot  in  this  Church,  whose 
wisdom  it  will  be  to  endeavour  to  find  some  means  to  stop 
this  leak,  which  threatens  a  subversion  of  the  Church  in 
these  parts.  I  shall  pray  God  you  may  effect  it*. 


LETTER   LIV, 

FROM   JOHN   WILLIAMS,   BISHOP  OF  LINCOLN. 
[Lambeth  MSS.  Numb.  mxxx.  p.  13.] 

MOST  REVEREND  FATHER  IN  GOD  AND  MY  VERY  GOOD 
LORD, — Finding  more  by  effects  than  any  promises,  your 
Grace's  favours  bending  towards  me,  I  do  not  know  any 
better  way  how  to  requite  these  beginnings,  than  by  imploring 
your  Grace's  crowning  and  perfecting  of  them,  obliging 
myself  by  this  presumption  either  to  become  your  Grace's 
true  and  faithful  servant,  or  to  be  held  unworthy  of  any 
esteem  or  repute  in  the  world  for  the  remainder  of  my  life. 

For  my  sincere  affections  to  the  service  of  the  Church  of 
England,  and  the  Head  thereof  under  Christ,  I  appeal  to 
your  Grace's  former  knowledge  and  recordation  of  me  when 
I  was  in  place  and  employment ;  your  Grace  knowing  more 

t  [Wentworth's  reply  to  this  letter,  by  Wentworth  with  recusants,  is  given 

in  which  he  notices  the  progress  he  had  by  Prynne,   Hidden  Works,  pp.   95, 

made  in  the  reform  of  the  Church,  and  96.     He  was  in  this  acting  under  the 

particularly  notices  this  complaint  of  directions  of  the  King's  Proclamation, 

the  Bishop  of  Durham,  is  found  in  dated  July  7,  1628,  the  title  of  which 

Strafforde  Letters,  vol.  i.  pp.  171-174.  is  mentioned  by  Prynne  (ibid.)] 
An  account  of  the  compositions  made 


336  LETTERS. 

at  that  time  of  my  secrets  in  this  kind,  than  all  the  Church 
men  of  England  have  known  before  or  since.  And  I  humbly 
beseech  your  Grace  to  take  view  of  me  by  that  true  light, 
rather  than  by  the  false  representations  of  other  men,  who, 
peradventure,  have  with  their  deceitful  colours,  in  these  days 
of  my  misfortunes,  painted  me  out  as  ugly  unto  your  Grace, 
as  they  have  done  your  Grace  formidable  unto  me. 

Sir  John  Lambe  can  tell  your  Grace,  if  he  list,  that  I  never 
favoured,  but  cordially  hated  and  abhorred  all  schismatics 
and  puritans,  and  never  conceived  any  quarrel  against  him 
(which  I  humbly  for  all  that  do  lay  down  at  your  Grace's 
feet)  but  for  representing  me,  for  his  own  ends  (as  I  was 
informed),  a  favourer  of  this  untoward  kind  of  people,  who 
themselves  never  favoured  man  that  wore  a  rochet,  what  other 
disposition  soever  he  was  of.  But  if  my  sins  shall  permit 
your  Grace  to  prevail  so  far  with  his  Majesty  as  to  restore  me 
once  more  to  my  peace,  and  to  such  a  portion  of  his  princely 
favour  as  I  may  be  conceived  to  remain  in  statu  merendi, 
I  shall  in  a  very  short  time  clear  all  suspicions  of  this  kind, 
and  so  behave  myself  for  the  future  that  it  shall  never  repent 
his  Majesty  of  this  clemency,  nor  your  Grace  of  this  inter 
cession.  To  this  end  I  humbly  beseech  your  Grace  to 
present  this  enclosed  petition  unto  his  most  excellent  Majesty, 
and  to  believe  that  I  shall  for  these  great  favours  ever 
continue, 

Your  Grace's  most  humble  and  much  obliged 

Servant  and  Suffragan, 

Jo.  LINCOLN. 

Westmr.  Coll.  this 
—  of  December,  1633. 

To  the  most  reverend  Father  in  God 
his  very  good  Lord,  the  Lord  Arch 
bishop  of  Canterbury,  &c.  &c. 

Endorsed :— <Rec.  Deer.  4, 1633,  L.  Bp. 
of  Lincoln  his  letter  to  desire  me  to 
deliver  the  petition  inclosed  to  the 
King,  which  I  did,  Deer.  8,  1633.' 


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8 


POETRY,  SfC. 


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the  Norman  Conquest.  By  the  Rev.  A.  D.  CRAKE,  B.A.,  Fellow  of  the  Royal 
Historical  Society;  Author  of  "  jEmilius,"  "  Alfgar  the  Dane,"  &c.  With  Four 
Illustrations  by  LOUISA  TAYLOR.  Fcap.  8vo.,  cloth,  3s.  6d. 

CHEAPER  ISSUE  OF  TALES  FOR  YOUNG  MEN 
AND  WOMEN. 

In  Six  Half-crown  Vols,,  cloth. 

Vol.  I.  contains  F.  E.  PAGET'S  Mother  and  Son,  Wanted  a  WTife,  and  Hobson's 
Choice. 

Vol.  II.  F.  E.  PAGET'S  Windycote  Hall,  Squitch,  Tenants  at  Tinkers'  End. 
Vol.  III.  W.  E.  HEYGATE'S  Two  Cottages,  The  Sisters,  and  Old  Jarvis's  Will. 
Vol.  IV.  W.   E.   HEYGATE'S  James  Bright  the  Shopman,  The  Politician,  Ir 
revocable. 

Vol.  V.  R.  KING'S  The  Strike,  and  Jonas  Clint;  N.  BROWN'S  Two  to  One,  and 
False  Honour. 

Vol.  VI.  J.  M.  NEALE'S  Railway  Accident ;  E.  MONRO'S  The  Recruit,  Susan, 
Servants'  Influence,  Mary  Thomas,  or  Dissent  at  Evenly  ;  H.  HAYMAN'S  Caroline 
Elton,  or  Vanity  and  Jealousy. 

Each  Volume  is  bound  as  a  distinct  and  complete  tvork,  and  sold 
separately  for  PBESENTS. 


d 


BX 
Laud  5035 

.L5 
Works*  L2 

v.6